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GENEALOGY

973.005

M27

1884

v.ll

PUBLIC LIBRARY
FORT WAYNE &. ALLEN CO., INO

REFERENCE

G£N

P ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY

3 1833 01

747 7453

GENEALOGY

973.005

M27

1884

v.ll

STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER.

THE

MAGAZINE

AMERICAN HISTORY

WITH

NOTES AND QUERIES

ILLUSTRATED

Edited by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb

VOL. XI

January — June, 1884

HISTORICAL PUBLICATION CO.

30 LAFAYETTE PLACE
NEW YORK

Press of J. J. Little & Co.,
Nos. 10 to 20 Astor Place, New York.

CONTENTS

PAGE

The Van Rensselaer Manor Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. i

Beginnings of the New England Society of New York Woolsey Rogers Hopkins. 33

The Poll Tax in Maryland L. W. Wilhelm. 38

History of the Location of our National Capital Davis Brodhead. 46

Sir Henry Clinton's Original Secret Record of Private Daily Intelligence, continued. Con-
tributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet. Introduction and Notes by Edward F. De

Lancey 53, 156, 247, 342, 433, 533

Letters from Washington's Family Correspondence, now for the first time Published, 1772-

1774, 1793, 1796. Contributed by William Alexander Smith 71, 258

Celebration of the Centennial of the Evacuation of New York City. . . .Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 75

Notes, Queries, and Replies 77, 1 74, 260, 360, 456, 548

Societies 85, 179, 266, 362, 461, 553

Book Notices 87, 182, 270, 366, 463, 556

Our Twenty-one Presidents George Cary Eggleston. 89, 185

The Houses of the Mound-Builders Dr. Cyrus Thomas, no

Tribute to George W. Lane Rev. Charles H. Parkhurst, D.D. 116

The Griswold Family of Connecticut Professor Edward E. Salisbury. 120, 218, 310

Letter on the History of Oregon Lyon Gardiner Tyler. 168

Cavalry Fights with the Comanches Rizpah. 1 70

The Barony of Nazareth Davis Brodhead. 208

Rufus King, and the Duel between Gen. Hamilton and Col. Burr Dr. Charles R. King. 212

The Early Settlement of Long Island Edward Holland Nicoll. 239

Brissot de Warville. His Notes on America in 1788 Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 244

Major-General Richard Montgomery Maj. Gen. George W. Cullum. 273

The Natchez Indians — A Lost Tribe J. LL. Walworth. 300

The Griswold Pedigree Professor Edward E. Salisbury. 320

The Utah Expedition ... ; Maj. Gen. John C. Robinson. 335

Letter on the Loyalty of Maj. Gen. John Sullivan and his Brother Thomas C. Amory. 353

The Massacre of St. Andre Charles Dimitry. 355

The Virginia Declaration of Independence John Esten Cooke. 369

Cherokees Probably Mound-Builders Dr. Cyrus Thomas. 396

Slavery in the Colony and State of New York Frederic G. Mather. 408

William III. of England. His Influence on America Mrs. Martha J. Lamb. 421

The Great Seal of the Council for New England James P. Baxter. 424

The Soldiers' Homeward Voyage — A Thrilling Experience at the close of the late Civil

War. j R.G. Dill. 445

Letter on Aaron Burr at Quebec in 1775 James Parton. 454

*vOV^

t^:

CONTENTS

PAGE

Letter on the Case of the Slave Anthony Burns William Morton Fullerton. 454

Defences of Narragansett Bay. Historical Sketch Maj. Gen. George W. Cullum. 465

Discovery of the Yellowstone National Park. A Chapter of Early Exploration in the Rocky

Mountains P. Koch. 497

The Sharpless Portrait of Washington Walton W. Evans. 513

The Rise of a Mechanical Ideal Charles H. Fitch. 516

A Dinner with General Scott, in 1861 Lieut. -General Charles P. Stone. 528

T\\ o Unpublished Lafayette Letters From Henry E. Pierrepont. 545

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Portrait of General Stephen Van Rensselaer i

Van Rensselaer Manor House 2> I0

The Entrance Hall of the Van Rensselaer Manor House 3

The Drawing Room of the Van Rensselaer Manor House 5

The Library of the Van Rensselaer Manor House 7

Portraits of the Founders and Regents of the Orphan Asylum [1638] at Nykerk, Geldersland,

Holland 15

Van Rensselaer Arms 2I

Portrait of Jeremias Van Rensselaer 23

Portrait of Solomon Van Rensselaer 27

Portrait of the Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer, D.D 31

Portrait of James Watson. 33

Portrait of Samuel M. Hopkins 35

Portrait of George W. Lane. 89

Portrait of George Washington 90

Portrait of John Adams '. 93

Portrait of Thomas Jefferson - 97, 394

Portrait of James Madison 100, 392

Portrait of James Monroe 101

Portrait of John Quincy Adams i;o2

Portrait of Andrew Jackson 104

Portrait of Martin Van Buren 106

Portrait of William Henry Harrison 107

Portrait of John Tyler 108

Some Remains of the Mound-Builders 114

Table showing the Depreciation of Continental Paper Money, 1777-1781 165

Washington Button -. 176

Portrait of Brissot de Warville 185

Portrait of James K. Polk 186

Portrait of Zachary Taylor i8q

Portrait of Millard Fillmore 191

Portrait of Franklin Pierce 193

Portrait of James Buchanan 195

Portrait of Abraham Lincoln 197

Portrait of Andrew Johnson 199

Portrait of U. S. Grant 201

Portrait of Rutherfurd B. Hayes 202

Portrait of James A. Garfield 205

•

vi ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Portrait of President Chester A. Arthur i 206

Portrait of Maj. Gen. Richard Montgomery 273

Antique View of Quebec 274

Montgomery Place on the Hudson 277

Portrait of Edmund Burke 278

Portrait of Charles James Fox . . 279

Quebec and its Environs 280

Old City of Quebec , 282

Prescot Gate, Quebec , 285

Portrait of Gen. Daniel Morgan „ 287

St. John's Gate, Quebec 289

Palace Gate, Quebec 290

Where Arnold was Wounded at Quebec 291

Cape Diamond, Quebec 292

Where Gen. Montgomery Fell at Quebec 293

The Plains of Abraham, Quebec 296

Gen. Montgomery's Tomb, New York 297

Fac-simile of Letter of Gen. Montgomery 298

Griswold Pedigree 320

Portrait of William III., of England 369

The Old Raleigh Tavern 370

Portrait of Benjamin Harrison 371

Apollo Room of the Raleigh Tavern 372

Berkeley, Residence of Benjamin Harrison * 373

Old Capitol, Williamsburg, Va 374

The Oldest Stove in America 375

The Speaker's Chair. Virginia Convention, 1776 376

Portrait of Edmund Pendleton 377

Portrait of Patrick Henry 379

Residence of Patrick Henry 38 1

Portrait of Thomas Nelson, Jr * 383

Portrait of George Mason 385

Gunston Hall, Va. , Residence of George Mason 387

Portrait of Col. Archibald Cary „ 389

Portrait of Richard Henry Lee 391

Portrait of Edmund Randolph 393

The Seal of the Council for New England, 1629 425

The Dumplings Tower, Newport Harbor, R. 1 466, 409

Map of Narragansett Bay, R. I., 1778 471

The Five Batteries, Newport Harbor, R. I. 473

Map of Military Operations, in 1777-78, in R. I 474> 475

Fort Adams, Brenton's Point, R. I 488

Fort Hamilton, Newport Harbor, R. 1 491

Fort Wolcott, Newport Harbor, R. I 493

Steel Portrait of Washington, from the Sharpless Miniature 5J3

Portrait of Thomas Warner 517

Portrait of William Smith 523

Portrait of Cyrus Buckland . 525

Lock Plate Bedding Machine 526

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. XI JANUARY 1884 No.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR*

AS we cross the threshold of a new century, the broad and picturesque
colonial period lying back of our national existence becomes sud-
denly invested with fresh attractions. The genius of history is abroad
in the land, and the American mind seeks knowledge concerning American
beginnings and the progressive conditions of its various generations as never
before. An eminent New Englander once said he " could span with his hand
two centuries of Massachusetts " — having seen a man whose father had seen
the first child born in the harbor of Boston. In a similar sense the intelli-
gent reader may span two and one-third centuries of New York, and go
back to the more serious era of advent and settlement, by accompanying
the writer on a visit to the princely old edifice in Albany known as the
Van Rensselaer manor-house. It is something more and better than an
exceptionally interesting relic of colonial days ; it is one of the very few
existing links which connect us with the feudal institutions introduced
into New York from Holland in the earliest century of life in the New
World. It stands like a sealed volume — deserted and dismantled — on the
level ground between the hill and the Hudson River, a short distance to the
north of the Delavan Hotel, and yet — even in its desolation — is a monument
of architectural elegance, alive with varied and significant historical associa-
tions. It would be difficult to find a private dwelling on this continent in
itself possessing so much of the human element, or that more vividly
reflects the life and character of its succession of occupants. It was built
in 1765— the date in great iron letters gracing the outside of the edifice — -
and it was so much finer and grander and more gorgeous than any other
house of the age that it had the effect of a palace. No picture can do
it full justice, or give an adequate idea of its dimensions, the artistic
eye having no immediate object of comparison while taking its measure

* Copyright, 18S4, by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb,
Vol. XL-No. 1.-1

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR 3

from the grounds. It has not been inhabited for some half a dozen
years — although still in possession of the Van Rensselaer family — but is
in charge of the inmates of a lodge by the gateway, from which the
approach through a park of magnificent old trees is imposing in the
extreme.

Ascending the front steps and passing the massive portals we find the
great entrance hall a full third broader than the average city house, or to
be more explicit, some thirty-two or thirty-three feet wide. It is deco-
rated with the veritable paper imported from Holland before the Ameri-

can Revolution, the design being such that
it has the appearance of an antique fresco. In the
palmy days of the manor a large piece of statuary stood

4 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

in the center of this hall, and choice works of art were arranged on
every side. The pedestals, or some of them, remain ; and a few chairs
and sofas, relics of early manufacture, and of a fashion we might
any of us rejoice to see in vogue in our own time. On both sides
of the entrance hall are two suites of apartments, each some thirty-
five feet wide. Those to the right include the spacious drawing-rooms,
the state bedroom of the mansion, and an immense library with
book-cases of highly polished dark wood in each of its four corners — cov-
ering not less than sixty or seventy feet of the wall space. The ceilings
are as lofty in proportion as the rooms are extensive ; and the finest and
most exquisite of old-time hand wood-carving may be studied on every
side. To the left of the central hall, in front, is a large, pretentious recep-
tion room ; in the rear — overlooking beautiful gardens — is the home room
of the patroon and his family, with book-cases of ancient and suggestive
pattern covering the entire wall on one side ; and between these two
apartments we have the grand staircase, made in Holland. Beyond this the
western wing of the edifice is devoted to a palatial dining-room — the win-
dows of which appear in the sketch — that extends from front to rear, twin,
as it were, to the entrance hall. It is handsomely decorated, and has a
Gheerful, majestic, and thoroughly refined aspect, in harmony with the gen-
erous, high-bred, and courtly hospitalities for which it was famous in all the
various decades of its history. If its walls could but reflect the portraits of
the illustrious men of many countries who have gathered about its
festive board from time to time, we should have a gallery of notables
worthy of an edifice for special preservation. The ornate character of
the wood-carving suggests speech (if not photography) and the imagina-
tive mind is harrowed under its influence with the wit, repartee, learn-
ing, magnetic genius and singular foresight of the golden period which it
represents.

One incident in the annals of this historic dining-hall will illustrate the
many. The patroon gave a banquet in the early part of the present cent-
ury in honor of one of the first commoners of England, who was on a visit
to America. He was a brother-in-law of Earl Grey, and a celebrity who
was sixty-two years in parliament, and twice in the king's cabinet. Many
years afterward meeting in London a New York gentleman of distinction,
this illustrious Briton described the entertainment of the patroon, and pict-
ured in glowing colors the remarkable elegance of the dinner appoint-
ments. He said his surprise was unspeakable — that nothing he had ever
seen in Europe could excel the magnificence of the scene— as the party,
including some twenty public characters of note, of whom was Governor

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

John Jay, the first chief justice of the United States, proceeded from the
superb drawing-rooms, through the stately passages, to the dinner-table,
where behind the chair of each guest stood an ebony black negro slave —
the blackest* of the black — attired in white vest and white apron, to do
duty on the occasion ; and the narrator dwelt upon other equally striking
features of the memorable occasion with undisguised enthusiasm.

THE DRAWING ROOM

The chambers of the manor-house, on the second floor, correspond
very nearly in size, number, and general arrangement, with the apartments
below. Large' book-cases remain in two or three of these rooms, telling
their own story of the habits, tastes, and culture of the family. <The third
floor is divided into smaller sleeping-rooms — so numerous, that some
fanciful writer has counted one hundred ! The real number is believed to
be fifl^en. Scattered through the entire house are pieces of massive and

6 THE VAX RENSSELAER MANOR

exquisitely carved furniture, importations from Europe, undoubtedly man-
ufactured for this house in particular, and too large ever to be used in any
ordinary sized dwelling, elsewhere, but of such rare novelty and beauty
of style and workmanship as to intensify our longing for further knowl-
edge of that bewitching age, which always charms and never tires. The
structure has an ample and admirably arranged basement for household
convenience — kitchens and cellars — and,* as a whole, is a specimen of
feudal-republican domestic architecture, quite in keeping with the age of
hair-powder, shoe-buckles, high-sounding titles, kingly rule, and lordly
possessions. Its windows and shutters are closed to aggressive-looking
machine shops hovering ungraciously near; and to countless railway tracks
just outside the inclosure. It seems to ignore the present, with it's rum-
ble and roar of car-wheels and locomotives shrieking into its privacy at all
hours of the day and night — and points loftily to its origin, and the begin-
ning of empire on our soil.

Its builder and first' proprietor was Stephen Van Rensselaer, who, at
twenty-three years of age, the lord of a domain comprising several hun-
dred thousand acres, brought his handsome young wife and infant son, in
a sloop from New York city, to enter upon the sweets of home life under
this broad roof. The lady was Catharine, daughter of Philip Livingston,
signer of the Declaration of Independence. The infant son, born in New
York city, was the afterwards distinguished Stephen Van Rensselaer,
known as the general.

Backward let us still further turn, until from the site of this manor-house
we have before us a picturesque wilderness on every side, without even a
column of smoke to mark the cabin of a European settler. At our feet the
Hudson River creeps along its silent way like a huge canal, while across
its waters, toward the rising sun, may be seen a billowy, fathomless ex-
panse of green, in all the shades, ending in a soft colorless mist among the
Massachusetts hills.

Fancy must sketch the first quaint Dutch craft that appeared in view.
Its mission was fulfilled when a trading post was established with the
Indians. The Dutch visitors, with their buttons and beads, took the red
man's' soul captive, and carried beaver, wild-cat and rat skins to the"
Holland market. Furs were much worn in the cold European countries,
and hitherto could only be obtained at fabulous prices from Russian and
other speculators. If the same skins could be procured in the new world
for a few inexpensive trinkets, it was worth grave consideration. The news
spread. Visions of sudden wealth dazzled many a Dutch brain. Yet only
now and then a Dutch merch'ant had the temerity to undertake such a long,

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

THE LIBRARY.

uncertain voyage, at private expense and risk. No purchase of land was
effected ; no attempt at colonization made ; not one family emigrated to
the region. The aristocratic Dutch East India Company was in the full
tide of its prosperity, coining immense profits from Oriental commerce,
and seemed to regard all American traffic as grotesque. Even the
discoveries of Hudson under its own flag were turned into ridicule. A
movement was in progress, however, making little headway for years,
which, breathing fresh impetus from the highly colored reports of the
traders on the Hudson, developed into a power that shook the Netherlands
from center to circumference, carried to the scaffold the venerable
statesman and founder of the Dutch Republic, John of Barneveld, and
culminated in that extraordinary corporation, known as the Dutch West
India Company — to which New York owes its origin.

Just hefe, it will not be amiss to observe for a moment the nature of
the forces that shaped our feudal institutions.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

The gigantic project of the West India Company was born of quarrels —
religious, political and commercial. When Spain ruined the ancient trade
and opulence of Belgium a new element of commercial strength was driven
into Holland. The discontented and fiery Belgian exiles wished to con-
tinue hostilities with Spain, until their native province was recovered and
their wrongs avenged. Thus they conceived the bold and brilliant scheme
of a war-company of private adventurers, to fight an empire that over-
shadowed the whole earth. To attain their object they kept the political
life of Holland in constant ferment for nearly a third of a century.
Opposition from the Dutch government and from the powerful East India
Company only served to quicken the genius of the enterprise. Barneveld's
policy was peace with Spain. In 1606, he inclined so far to the clamor of
the Belgians as to encourage the discussion of the West India Company
question by the states of Holland, and by the States-General ; and the
assembly appointed some of its most distinguished members to act as
commissioners. But Barneveld never seriously thought of confirming the
corporation. He used it merely as a threat for the intimidation of Spain ;
and chiefly through this menace the twelve years' truce was accomplished
in 1609, that played so important a part in the history of the Netherlands.

The embittered minority saw the postponement of a pet scheme
inevitable, but quietly took the daring steps needful for the sweeping
away of obstacles, prior to the expiration of the truce. They found ener-
getic allies, including many influential men from the other Dutch provinces ;
together with the Prince of Orange, who coveted glory and hoped to wear a
crown. Two great political parties were soon divided on a whole host of
public questions, as well as the one main point at issue. For a time the
outward character of the strife was religious. The Barneveld adherents were
Arminians, the Belgians strict Calvinists. Barneveld advocated religious tol-
eration ; the Belgians accused him of popery. The clergy, checked on the
route to religious despotism, were in sharp conflict with the civil authorities,
and presently helped to spread the story (which they perhaps believed) that
Barneveld had been bribed with Spanish gold to kill the West India
Company. The storm grew into a tempest, and the great advocate fell.
The subscription list for the West India Company was at once started, the
Calvinists having gained an important victory ; but its progress was still
hampered by the turmoil, by attacks from the East India Company, and
by the failure of sympathy from the Dutch central government. The
original plan of the founders of the company was not to carry on trade.
They talked of nothing in the earlier part of the struggle for existence but
Spanish conquest, and of capturing the gold and silver of Peru and Mexico.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

But they had the tact and the diplomacy to modify their stipulations to
meet a special exigency. The English ministers were by this time warning
the States-General against permitting Dutch ships to cruise in the New York
waters for purposes of traffic ; and both governments were striving to
define their claims to the disputed savage territory. Attention was adroitly
called to the fact that the prospective West India Company would pledge
itself to promote the " increase of trade " by " peopling " New York. The
current of public opinion suddenly changed, and their High Mightinesses
yielded ; for actual possession was the only means by which they could
possibly hold the fur region of the Hudson.

Ere long the great armed mercantile monopoly became a fixed fact,
and was invested with enormous powers. It was authorized to conquer
provinces and countries, form alliances (at its own risk) with native princes,
build forts, project plantations, appoint officers, and administer justice —
subject always to the approval of the States-General. Its admirals on
distant seas were authorized to act independently of administration. Its
governing body was the College of the XIX., consisting of nineteen
delegates from five chambers of managers, located in five principal Dutch
cities. The Amsterdam chamber furnished eight of the nineteen delegates,
thus its relative consequence may be seen at a glance. Care was exercised
in the selection of the directors for each chamber, and men only of wealth
and the highest known integrity were eligible for the trust. We can
appreciate the need of such caution, for the company was taking upon
itself in a private capacity one of the greatest of public burdens — war
against a powerful foe. The eight chosen men, who were placed over the
affairs of the Amsterdam chamber, commanded, at the time, the entire
confidence of the nation. One of these was Kilian Van Rensselaer, the
founder of the Van Rensselaer manor, whose name has been handed along
through every generation of men who have since had their day in New
York and contributed to its progress, and is interwoven with all that is his-
torical in city and state.

The capital of the company was some two and one half million dollars.
It received the sanction of the States-General June 21, 1623, and at once
proceeded to strike out boldly. Its fleets presently numbered as many as
seventy armed vessels each. Its victories were intoxicating. Spain was hu-
miliated by the spectacle. Her vessels, treasure laden, could no longer cross
the ocean with safety. In one year the company divided fifty per cent,
among its shareholders, and another year seventy-five per cent. To the
original capital was added five millions of dollars, almost without an effort.
Spanish prizes were captured of enormous value, notably the silver fleet, of

THE VAX RENSSELAER MANOR

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR I I

nineteen ships, laden with 140,000 lbs. of pure silver ! Holland ran wild
with excitement when the victors returned, and the admiral who com-
manded was introduced into the august presence of the States-General,
and received the public thanks of the nation. The annals of Holland
record with pride those early marvelous successes of this famous corpora-
tion, through which her maritime superiority over Spain was established
for all time.

But when the stimulus of war ceased the reaction was disastrous. The
company lacked the essential elements for founding colonies or commerce.
The affairs of New York received only such attention as the actual
language of the contract compelled. The Amsterdam chamber was
intrusted with the duty of beginning settlements on our soil, and went so
far as to send over a few inhabitants, bought Manhattan Island for a great
commercial capital, and erected the indefinite stretch of territory along the
Hudson, and inland to the Pacific Ocean, into a province, with an enor-
mous seal. By the end of half a dozen years it was obvious that the New
York plantation was a failure. A few hundred settlers, more or less, were
all that ventured into the savage wilderness ; and these complained that
the climate was colder in winter than had been expected, and that the
means of living were scanty. The directors were chagrined, and avoided
speaking of the subject whenever possible. They apologized to the States-
General, saying : " The colonizing such wild and uncultivated possessions
demands more inhabitants than we can well supply." The fur trade was
prosecuted to some extent. But there was not enough of it. None of the
soil was yet reclaimed, save a few acres here and there for private needs.
Current expenses were lamentably in excess of receipts.

In this dilemma a device for developing the apparent resources of the
troublesome province was mentioned at one of the meetings of the
Amsterdam chamber, and favorably considered. It was discussed at
several subsequent meetings, and finally came before the College of the
XIX. A year or more was spent in arranging its details, and then it
blossomed, into a law, June, 1629, styled the " Charter of Freedoms and
Exemptions ; " its intent was to induce capitalists to remove to New York.
It promised to make a great feudal chieftain, with the title of patroon, of
any member of the company who would found a colony of fifty adults in
the new territory ; he would be invested with full property rights, and en-
dowed with baronial honors ; he might appoint his own civil, military, and
judiciary officers, and administer the laws in person at his option ; his
tenants would owe him fealty and military service as vassals ; his estate
would be constituted a manor, or, in Dutch parlance, a patroonship, with

12 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

privileges similar to those of a baron in England. This feudal charter
contained 31 articles, and not the least among its promises was the impor-
tation of negro slaves for the great landholders of the future. The directors
argued that strong inducements were required to tempt men across the
seas into a region of uncertainties. The Dutch were not driven by perse-
cution like their neighbors. They were doing very well at home, and the
prospect must be fancy painted and colored or they would not emigrate.
While the question of the charter was pending, Kilian Van Rensselaer sent
three of his own vessels to New York, bearing agents instructed to ascer-
tain the most desirable situations for manorial grants, not only for himself,
but for three or four of his associate directors. He was one of the most
enterprising and influential of the company's officers, and twice during its his-
tory is known to have advanced money to save its credit. His ships were
frequently placed at the disposal of the company in sudden emergencies,
and in other ways contributing to its material prosperity, he seems to have
been an important factor of the great institution. His American agents
executed their business with discretion, securing three immense tracts of
land — one in Delaware, styled " Swaanendael " valley of swans — one on the
Hudson about Albany, called " Rensselaerswyck "• — the " wyck " meaning
retreat ox place of refuge — and one in New Jersey, with the musical name
of " Pavonia" — the land of peacocks.

The Van Rensselaer manor was the only one of the three that survived
the changes of the next half century. The land was purchased from the
Indians in due form, the larger portions of it during the year 1630. The
conveyances were ratified in presence of the governor and his five sage
counsellors at Manhattan. The names attached to the deed, which bore
the great seal of the province in red wax, were Peter Minuet, Peter Byvelt,
Jacob Ellertsen Wissinsk, Jan Jansen Brouwer, Simon Dircksen Pos, Rey-
nert Harmenssen,and the private secretary of the governor, Leonad Kool —
good Bible names, if that is any index to the character of the worthies.
The son of Jansen Brouwer married the daughter of the famous Anetje
Jan, and his descendants are to-day among the substantial citizens of the
city and state. Leonard Kool was the ancestor of the Cole family in Amer-
ica, the orthography of the name having been twisted through countless
variations. The spelling of the Indian names were strictly from sound,
doing the work of thought with the least burden of material — in accordance
with the ". new rules."

Rensselaerswyck was forty-eight miles long and twenty-four miles wide,
the Hudson River dividing it into two equal parts. It could hardly have
been located more advantageously, even with our present knowledge of the

THE* VAN RENSSELAER MANOR 1 3

physical peculiarities of New York. The courses of the Hudson and the
Mohawk, in their wonderful adjustments, were from the first the strength
of the state, one angle of which rests on the Atlantic, another on the St.
Lawrence, and the third on the great lakes, connected by valleys and
streams with the Mississippi, whose tributary the Missouri has its source
within a single mile of the headwaters of the Columbia River. Van
Rensselaer founded his manor at the confluence of the two rivers, which
have justly been called the key to the whole continent, and at a time in the
world's history when the known geography of America extended scarcely
beyond its coast line. Upon the site of his baronial acres have since arisen
numerous thriving towns, villages, and cities — of which are Lansingburg,
Greenbush, Troy, and Albany. He sent over settlers and their families,
servants and merchandise; and as early as the autumn of 1630 a score
of habitations were erected. A small settlement close about the fort at
Albany, claimed by the West India Company, was called Beverwyck,
Bever-town. Van Rensselaer's property surrounded this, and his colony
grew, multiplied, and became prosperous — more notably prosperous than
any other portion of the province. It attracted exceptional attention in
Holland through published descriptions of its fertility and productions.
Van Rensselaer's ships were continually arriving with planters and appurte-
nances. The ground was tilled, comfortable houses were built, schools and
churches established, and order and method were everywhere apparent.

When the manor was about ten years old every other part of the
province was in distress through bloody Indian wars and incompetent
rulers, but peace and comfort reigned at Rensselaerswyck. The region
about Manhattan Island was desolated, and the terror-stricken inhabitants
who escaped the scalping knife huddled in the fort for protection. The
winter of 1643 was one of the coldest on record ; the suffering people were
half clad and half starved — in absolute despair. At this critical moment
one of Van Rensselaer's ships sailed up the bay, bearing a cargo of goods
for the patroon's store at Rensselaerswyck. Governor Kieft made appli-
cation for necessaries, and among other specified articles for fifty pairs of
shoes for his soldiers, and was refused. His anger was so great that he
ordered a forced levy^searched the vessel, and, finding a large supply of
guns and ammunition not included in the manifest, confiscated the whole
cargo.

As the manor in the natural course of events grew into an independent
power, the West India Company were fearful it would prove injurious to
the interests of the province, and made overtures to the patroon to cede
some of his rights to the corporation. He was satisfied to let things move

14 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

on as they had done ; and being familiar with the immunities claimed for
manors and municipalities in Europe, he exacted all the feudal privileges
which had been granted. When the company found he could not be
bought over, instructions were given the new governor, Peter Stuyvesant,
to circumscribe his jurisdiction as far as possible.

Not far from this date Van Rensselaer died. According to tradition he
visited Rensselaerswyck in 1637 ; but if such were the fact (as many are
inclined to doubt) his stay in this country was short. His home was in
Amsterdam, and he died in Amsterdam. He was married twice, his first
wife, Hellegonde Van Bylet, leaving one son, Johannes, the future patroon.
His second wife was Anna, daughter of Johannes Van Wely, to whom he
was married in 1727, while the company in which he figured so con-
spicuously was in the noontide of its wonderful career. She was a woman
of property, and of great personal beauty. Her eight children, four sons
and four daughters, were all young at the time of her husband's death, and
she survived him by a full quarter of a century. Even Johannes was not
yet of age, and was by his father's will left under the guardianship of
Johannes Van Wely, his grandfather, and ex-governor Wouter Van
Twiller, his cousin, whose sister he afterward married. The accompany-
ing picture has been engraved for the Magazine from the photograph of an
original painting now hanging in the Orphan Asylum at Nykerk. The Hol-
land records inform us that there are two noblemen in the group, one upon
the extreme right — Jonkheer Jan Van Rensselaer; one upon the extreme
left of the group — Jonkheer Nicolaus Van Dalen. Next to the latter is
Dominie Albertus Nyenhaus ; and the others are Jacob Van Filen, Wouter
van Hennckler, and Rykert Van Twiller. Mr. Eugene Schuyler, who
caused the painting to be photographed, in a recent visit to Amersfoort,
Nykerk, and other towns in Guildersland, writes: " There was scarcely a
church that I visited in Guildersland that did not have, somewhere, the Van
Rensselaer arms on the tombstones, either alone or quartered with others.
The original manor of the family from which the Van Rensselaers took
their name is still called ' Rensselaer,' and is about three miles south-east
of Nykerk. It was originally a Reddergoed, the possession of which con-
ferred nobility. Two other Van Rensselaers are^named in the lists of
Regents of the Orphan Asylum (of which Jan Van Rensselaer was one of
the founders), Richard in 1753, and Jeremias in 1803." The guardians
of the young patroon, who were also the executors of Van Rensselaer's
estate, selected Herr Brandt Arent Van Slechtenhorst, the scion of a very
ancient Holland family, to manage the affairs of Rensselaerswyck, and he
was soon at his post. He was not a mild man in any sense of the term.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

PORTRAITS OF THE FOUNDERS AND REGENTS OF THE ORPHAN ASYLUM T^S] AT NYKERK, GELDERSLAND, HOLLAND.

[Engraved by permission } from a photograpJi 0/ the painting by Brceckner, in 1645.]

On the contrary, he was bold, resolute, active, swift in decision, immovable
in his opinions, and inclined to be captious as well as caustic. His energies
were focused to the exceedingly precise point of undeviating loyalty to the

1 6 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

patroon, and of resisting all pretensions of the company's officers to supreme
rulership in New Netherland, having been forewarned of their probable
action before he left Holland. He looked like an athlete. He was tall, of
almost gigantic proportions, with a round, levelhead on broad square shoul-
ders, nerve and confidence in every line of his strong florid face and every
movement of his well-knit frame. In the elements of leadership and in will
power he was not inferior to Stuyvesant, and the two remarkable men
were presently in a sharp conflict. The governor sent a written order
that no buildings should be erected by the patroon within 600 paces of the
fort at Albany. Van Slechtenhorst paid no attention to the mandate. A
sheriff was then sent up the Hudson to prevent the erection of a fort for
the patroon on Beeren Island. The quartermaster of Rensselaerstyn in
his turn entered a formal complaint for " meddlesome interference," say-
ing the fort was only to exclude the " canker of freedom from the colonie
of Rensselaerswyck," and it was completed, cannon planted, and the
patroon's flag hoisted. The next document informs us that Govert
Loockermans, of the sloop Good Hope, was ordered to strike its colors while
passing Beeren Island, and not obeying, a shot was fired from the feudal
fortress through the sloop's mainsail, tearing the flag of the Prince of
Orange^

Matters were approaching a crisis. Stuyvesant's willing hands were
full in straightening all sorts of crooked affairs for a time after he reached
the little Dutch dorp which is now our great metropolis. But as soon as
other duties permitted, he went to Rensselaerswyck, with a military
escort. Arriving at the fort he summoned Van Slechtenhorst into his
presence to answer for contempt of authority, who came at once, and
charged Stuyvesant with proceeding contrary to all ancient order and
usage, as if he, the governor, was lord of the patroon's colony ! Stuy-
vesant retorted with offended dignity, and Van Slechtenhorst retorted in
turn.

Stuyvesant said the buildings were objectionable, and endangered the
fort, and Van Slechtenhorst declared, hotly, that the soil on which they
stood belonged to the patroon, and that the governor's argument was a
mere pretext, and used several forcible expressions in Dutch, difficult to
translate into good English. No definite results were obtained, and the
parting was in high temper on both sides. As soon as Stuyvesant sailed
for New York, Van Slechtenhorst continued his improvements, precisely
as before. Stuyvesant wrote to him that force would be used if he did
not desist ; but it only provoked an impertinent response, with a scathing
criticism upon the technical formality of the governor's legal proceedings.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR \J

The angry Van Slechtenhorst even went so far as to issue orders forbidding
the officers of the garrison from cutting timber or picking stone from the
Van Rensselaer domain, with which the fort was completely environed.
As soon as this came to Stuyvesant's ears he sent a military force to arrest
Van Slechtenhorst, and demolish the buildings in question. The mission
was full of thorns, and was not altogether accomplished. Van Slechten-
horst was a shrewd lawyer ; ridiculed with grim humor the irregularity of
the summons, and refused to appear with his papers and commissions at
Manhattan, until the order was in correct legal form. He demanded,
furthermore, a copy in writing of the governor's claims and complaints.
The savages wondered why " Wooden Leg," as they called Stuyvesant,
wanted to destroy houses which were to shelter the people in winter!
" Come to us," they said, " and we will give you plenty of land." As the
excitement increased, through the insolent bearing of the soldiers, the
Indians were with difficulty restrained from an attack. The troops were
prudently withdrawn, and the houses left standing. But Van Slechten-
horst was commanded to appear in the month of April following, at
Manhattan.

Stuyvesant was sorely perplexed. But he never lacked the courage to
carry out to the very letter the peculiar policy of the company ; and the
insubordination of Van Slechtenhorst was becoming notorious.

It was a curious spectacle. A legally established government within a
government, with prerogatives of sovereignty and baronial appendages,
akin to a principality. The child was too much for the parent. What to
do about it was the problem.

News traveled slowly in those primitive days, and Stuyvesant, before
proceeding to extremities, desired to consult the Amsterdam chamber.
The directors wrote to him that they were informed " The proprietors of
Rensselaerswyck were determined no one should navigate the Hudson River
with a commercial view," and ordered that Beeren Island, which the pa-
troon's agents had usurped in " such lofty way," be deprived of its artillery.
They derided the pretensions of Van Slechtenhorst to the soil about the
fort, which was constructed and garrisoned years before Rensselaerswyck
had an existence ; and speaking of the New York province in general,
which formerly was scarcely mentioned in Holland, observed : " Now it
would seem as if all heaven and earth were interested in it." Stuyvesant
sent two proclamations to Albany, one annulling Van Slechtenhorst's ordi-
nances, which had prohibited the cutting of firewood for the uses of the
fort from the unfenced forests; the other annulling all grants of land from
the patroon's agent, within six hundred paces of the fort. The procla-

Vol. XL— No. 1.— 2

1 8 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

mations were totally disregarded, and the first soldier who went into the
woods for fuel was arrested for trespass. This audacity filled the measure
of Stuyvesant's forbearance, and Van Slechtenhorst was arrested and im-
prisoned four months in the fort at the Battery, from which he made his
escape by secreting himself on a sloop bound for Albany, the skipper of
which he had fully indemnified against possible harm. Of course the skip-
per was arrested and tried by the governor on his return to Manhattan,
but the fine was paid by Van Slechtenhorst, who estimated the cost of his
luckless trip down the Hudson at about 1,000 guilders.

Once more at Rensselaerswyck, he caused the oath of allegiance to the
patroon and his representatives to be taken by all the householders and
freemen of the baronial colony, in order to hold more firmly the populous
little village about the fort. Shortly afterward some of the soldiers were
guilty of aggressions which nearly produced a civil war. On a new year's
frolic they threw ignited cotton upon the roof of Van Slechtenhorst's
house, and the most active exertions only on the part of the family saved
it from destruction. The next day Van Slechtenhorst's son meeting some
of the mischief-makers, accosted them threateningly, whereupon they
charged upon him and beat him until his life was in danger. Young
Schuyler, who had recently married his sister, rushed to his assistance, and
was coolly notified by the commander of the fort to keep out of the way,
or he would run him through with his drawn sword. Others interfered,
but the soldiers were victorious, and the commander ordered the guns of
the fort, loaded with grape, to be turned upon the manor-house of the
patroon, promising to batter it down if there was an attempt at revenge.
The next sensation was a placard from the governor, declaring the juris-
diction of the fort to extend over a circumference of six hundred paces
around the citadel, which he ordered published through the colony " with
the sound of the bell." The commander, with nine soldiers in full uniform,
proceeded to the court-house of the manor, where the magistrates were in
session, and demanded the ringing of the court-house bell, and the reading
of the placards. Van Slechtenhorst, who was presiding over the court,
ordered the intruder to leave the room, exclaiming : " It shall not be done
as long as we have a drop of blood in our veins, nor until we receive
orders from their High Mightiness and our honored masters." It was con-
trary to law for a man to enter another's jurisdiction with an armed posse,
without previous consent of the local authorities. But the commander of
the fort either did not know or care for the legal issues; he retired, but it
was only to increase his force. He returned, ordered the porter to ring
the bell, and that being vigorously opposed, he caused the fort bell to be

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR 1 9

rung three times, then mounted the steps of the manorial court-house, and
directed his deputy to read the placards. As the latter was about to obey,
Van Slechtenhorst rushed forward and tore the paper from his hands, " so
that the seals fell to the ground." Violent words followed, and the crowd
were about to engage in a general scrimmage, when the youthful Jan
Baptist Van Rensselaer looking on, exclaimed ; " Go home, my good
friends, it is only the wind of a cannon ball, fired six hundred paces off!"

The messenger to Stuyvesant from the fort, with an account of the
affair, returned as soon as practicable, with another placard, and orders to
affix copies of it to posts, to be erected on the new line at every side of
the fort. The posts went up in the night time, and Van Slechtenhorst
tore the posters down contemptuously as soon as they appeared. He pro-
nounced the act illegal, and in direct violation of the sixth article of the
charter of 1629; drawing up a long remonstrance against the " unbecom-
ing pretentions " of the governor, whom he declared had no authority over
Rensselaerswyck whatever. Thepatroon's lands, he said, had been erected
in a perpetual fief, which no order emanating from the West India Com-
pany was sufficient to destroy. This paper was denounced by Stuyvesant
as " libelous." A rumor soon reached Rensselaerswyck that Stuyvesant
was coming up with a gallows on which to hang Van Slechtenhorst, his
son, and young Van Rensselaer. The exasperated governor was actually
on the way, but the romance of the rumor — the gallows — was not a
portion of his luggage. When he arrived he sent orders to the manor-
house for the patroon to strike his flag. Van Slechtenhorst refused per-
emptorily. The soldiers who bore the order then entered the grounds,
fired a volley from their loaded muskets, and hauled down the flag them-
selves. Stuyvesant proceeded to erect a court of justice in the village,
apart from and independent of the court of the manor, the notice of
which was posted on the Van Rensselaer court-house ; but this notice was
torn down in a twinkling, and a proclamation asserting the rights of the
patroon posted in its place.

The day following armed men broke in the doors of Van Slechtenhorst's
house and forcibly conveyed him to the fort, where he was excluded from all
communication with his wife, children or friends ; and (according to his
memorial), his furs, clothing and food were left hanging on the door-posts.
He was soon removed to New York, " to be tormented," he said, " by un-
heard-of and unsufferable persecutions." It was months before he was
brought to trial, and then the case was too complicated for a decision to be
reached. He remained under " civil arrest," spending his time chiefly on
Staten Island.

20 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

The course of Stuyvesant was variously criticised, but it severed the
village of Beverwyck, the germ of the present city of Albany, from the es-
tate of the Van Rensselaers. Before returning to Manhattan, Stuyvesant
issued patents for several lots of land within the prescribed boundary, to
confirm more emphatically the right of the West India Company to the
soil. The whole controversy, in due course of events, was brought before
the States-General, in Holland, who inclined to favor the patroon instead
of the corporation, which it was proven had never purchased, and did not
own, a foot of land at Albany. The soil on which Fort Orange stood was
included in the purchase made by the patroon.

After the English came into possession of New York, Nicolls, the Eng-
lish governor, ordered the renewal of all land patents. Jeremias Van Rens-
selaer created a buzz of excitement by claiming Albany as a part of
Rensselaerswyck. Nicolls declined to admit the claim, referring the
question to the Duke of York. It continued unsettled until 1673, when
New York was retaken by the Dutch, and then, at that late day, came an
order from the States-General for the restoration of Beverwyck to the
patroon. Before obedience could be enforced, New York was again an
English province; but the same order was issued by the Duke of York's
law council in England, and Sir Edmond Andros was instructed to deliver
up the village to the patroon, who was authorized to levy a tax of three
beavers on each dwelling house for thirty years, and afterwards such an
amount as could be agreed upon with the inhabitants. Andros never exe-
cuted the order, and his successor, Governor Dongan, said it was " all wrong
for the second best town of the government to be in the hands of any par-
ticular mail." He visited in person the patroon, and made formal purchase
of a concession of his feudal rights over the miniature capital of our state,
and from thence sixteen miles into the country westward. The next year
(1686) Albany was incorporated into a city. Its houses at the time were
clustered thickly around the fort, which stood about half-way up the pres-
ent State street. The shape of the village, as Dongan found it, was an
equilateral triangle, with its base on the margin of the river, and the fort
as the apex, the whole inclosed with a heavy board fence. The church
stood at the foot of State street, and sustained three pieces of artillery.
The business of the villagers was almost exclusively traffic with the Indians.
Domine Megapolensis wrote about the year 1641, " The turkeys and deer
are so numerous that they come to the houses to feed, and are taken by the
Indians with so little trouble that a deer sold to the Dutch is equal in value
to a loaf of bread, a knife, or a tobacco pipe." The farming interest was
almost exclusively connected with the manor of Rensselaerswyck.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

The valiant and irrepressible Van Slechtenhorst was succeeded in the
directorship by Jan Baptist Van Rensselaer, a half brother of the second
patroon, Johannes. The latter had once or twice visited his great pos-
sessions in New York, but he resided in Holland. Jan Baptist Van Rens-
selaer was not more than twenty-two years
of age at this time — a bright, magnetic, dashing
young potentate, who, notwithstanding Stuyve-
sant pronounced him frivolous, was exceedingly
popular with his people. Philip Petersen Schuy-
ler was also twenty-two when he reached Al-
bany in the early part of 1650. The first im-
portant event in his career thereafter (of which
we have any definite knowledge) was his mar-
riage to Margritta, one of the daughters of
Van Slechtenhorst. The wedding festivities in
the manor-house on the 12th day of December,
1650, brought together all the best people of
the province. The bride was herself twenty-
two, and resembled her father in many ways ; she
was fully his equal in independence of spirit and
force of character. Her life extended over a

period of sixty years after her nuptials, and nearly all of her ten children
distinguished themselves in the affairs of New York. It is said that after her
husband's death in 1634, she exercised a controlling influence in the public
affairs in Albany. During the exciting scenes connected with the revolu-
tion of 1689, while the French were coming down like a cloud from the
north, she advanced funds to pay troops at Albany. When Jacob Leisler
sent Milburne from New York to command the Albany fort, and the whole
town resented the inteference, it is said that Mrs. Schuyler in great
indignation made a personal assault upon the " usurper's deputy," as
Milburne was called, while he was attempting to force an entrance to the
fortress of which her son Peter, the mayor of Albany, was in charge. A
party of Mohawks appeared upon the hill at this critical moment, and
threatened to fire upon the Leisler soldiers if they persisted in their pur-
pose. Milburne saw his defeat, and was obliged to retire in humiliation.

Mrs. Schuyler had two daughters, upon each of whom her mantle fell
with exceeding grace. Gertrude was the wife of Stephanus Van
Cortlandt, the mayor of New York city at that same troublous period — a
tall, grandly proportioned woman, with a touch of imperialism about her
as if born to command. One instance of her heroism in the midst of the

VAN RENSSELAER ARMS ON THE
CHURCH WINDOW.

22 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

confusion of those extraordinary events, was when a constable came to her
house for the city charter, seals, records, etc., after her husband had failed
to escape imprisonment. The treasures were demanded from her in vain.
She was presently visited by a sergeant-at-arms, but upon learning his
errand she coolly shut the door in his face and defied his blustering
threats. Alida Schuyler was next to Gertrude in point of age, and at seven-
teen married Rev. Nicolaus Van Rensselaer, the eighth child of the first
patroon, and brother of the second patroon. He was an ordained clergy-
man, who had been licensed by Charles I. to preach in the Dutch church
at Westminster, and came to New York recommended by James, Duke of
York, to fill one of the Dutch pulpits in the province. His familiar
acquaintance with Charles commenced when the latter was an exile in
Holland, whose restoration to the throne he predicted. Soon after
that happy event, Van Rensselaer was appointed chaplain to the Dutch
embassy in England, where he was quickly recognized by the king, who
presented him with a gold snuff-box with his royal portrait on the lid.
The dominie died in Albany. His widow in 1673 married Robert Living-
ston, the founder of the Livingston family in America. Thus not only
the Schuylers but the whole race of Livingstons, also one of the leading
branches of the Van Cortlandts, as well as many of the Van Rens-
selaers, trace their descent from the courageous and able Van Slech-
tenhorst.

In 1658 Jan Baptist Van Rensselaer returned to Holland, where he
married and remained. His next brother, Jeremias, succeeded him as
Director of Rensselaerswyck, and for sixteen years managed its affairs
with discretion and acceptance. His portrait represents a singularly
handsome man, in a richly embroidered waistcoat, and large cuffed, much
befrogged velvet coat, with ruffles about his well-shaped hands. His wig
is densely curled and powdered, and his delicate frills and necktie seem to
indicate that he was not without his share of human vanity. He acquired
great influence among the Indians, and won the sincere respect of the
French in Canada. His correspondence, which still exists, shows native
talent and enormous industry. His autograph is remarkable for its
beauty, and is one of the most characteristic that could be found in a cent-
ury. He presided over the Landtag, or Diet, that assembled in New
York city about five months before the surrender of the province, it hav-
ing been called by Stuyvesant to discuss the precarious condition of
affairs and give advice. From the records it appears that his conduct of
the meeting in dignity and ceremony could hardly have been excelled by
their High Mightinesses themselves. His wife was Maria, daughter of

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

Oloff Stevenson Van Cortlandt, the first of the family in New York: their
daughter, Maria Van Rensselaer, married Peter Schuyler, the first mayor
of Albany. Thus Van Rensselaer, Schuyler, Livingston, and Van Cort-
landt were not only contemporaries, but brothers-in-law all around — and
in a certain sense members of the same family circle. Anna, another

JEREMIAS VAN RENSSELAER.

daughter of Jeremias Van Rensselaer and Maria Van Cortlandt, married
her cousin Kilian, son of Johannes, the second patroon ; he died in New
York, without children, and she subsequently married William Nicolls. It
was her daughter, Mary, who in 171 3 became the wife of Robert Watts,
the founder of the Watts family in New York. The only son of Jeremias

24 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

Van Rensselaer became the next patroon ; his name was Kilian, and he
married his cousin, who bore the same name as his mother, Maria Van
Cortlandt. She was the daughter of Mayor Stephanus and Gertrude
Schuyler Van Cortlandt. This patroon occupied a seat in the assembly
from 1691 to 1703, and he was the first grantee of the manor under the
patent of 1704. His two sons, Jeremias and Stephen, were successive
lords of the manor. The former died without children. Stephen died in
1747, leaving a son Stephen, five years of age, who upon reaching his
majority built the manor-house as heretofore stated.

To many of the present generation a simple sketch of the style of life
of these old feudal chieftains would read like a veritable romance. Upon
the Van Rensselaer manor there were at one period several thousand ten-
ants, and their gatherings were similar to those of the old Scottish clans.
When a lord of the manor died these people swarmed about the manor,
house to do honor at the funeral. They regarded the head of the family
with reverence, a feeling shared by the whole country. The manor-house
was well peopled with negro slaves. The manor always had its represent-
ative in the assembly ; and whenever it was announced in New York that
the patroon was coming to the city by land, the day he was expected
crowds would turn out to see him drive through Broadway with his coach
and four as if he were a prince of the blood. An actual glimpse of the
Van Rensselaer estate, in its old time grandeur, would unfold as much to
astonish the progressive New Yorkers of to-day, as the patroons of colonial
memory would be lost in wonder and amazement could they but be with
"us long enough to cross the Brooklyn Bridge !

Stephen Van Rensselaer, the fifth in the direct line, and the last of the
patroons, was destined to bridge the chasm between the two opposite
political systems. He belonged in a manner to both. He was the scion
of a feudal aristocracy that had a legalized and legitimate growth, and yet
the country did not contain a more conscientious republican than he. Born
in 1764, the subject of a king, with immense inherited estates as well as char-
tered baronial rights, the proprietary of a landed interest remarkable for any
country, he favored from his earliest youth the changing sentiment in Amer-
ica regarding popular sovereignty — and cherished the democratic doctrine
that all men are equal ; nor during his entire life, did he ever lament the
loss of his power and consequence. When he came into possession of his
vast domains, shortly after peace was restored, he is said to have leased as
many as nine hundred farms, of one hundred and fifty acres each, on long
terms. His education was obtained in the midst of the excitements of the
Revolution. His grandfather Livingston placed him for a time at school

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR 25

in Elizabeth, New Jersey; then he was at Kingston under John Addison's
tuition ; and as the fortunes of war drove people from one point to another,
he came under the care of the famous scholar and patriot, Rev. Dr. With-
erspoon, the President of Princeton College, which proving too near the
seat of war, he was removed the next year to Cambridge, Massachusetts,
where he was graduated with honors in 1782. He married before he was
twenty the daughter of General Philip Schuyler, and thus was brought
into near relationship with both Schuyler and Alexander Hamilton. The
wife of John Jay was his cousin. His mother married after the death
of his father, the Rev. Ellardus Westerlo, of Albany, and occupied the
manor-house until he reached an age to take possession of his property.
Philip Van Rensselaer, his only brother, married the daughter of Lieuten-
ant-Governor Pierre Van Cortlandt : he was mayor of Albany for many
years. Their only sister married John Bradstreet Schuyler. The young
patroon was soon in public life. In the great struggle over the constitu-
tion, he was a warm partisan, espousing the cause which his brother-in-law,
Hamilton, was using his wonderful genius to promote. In 1789 Van
Rensselaer was elected to the assembly by a large majority. Ere long
he became an arm of strength to his party. He was much admired by
Washington, and while New York was the seat of the national govern-
ment, he was a frequent and welcome guest at the first president's table.
In 1790 he was elected to the Senate of the state. In 1795 he was chosen
lieutenant-governor of the state, with John Jay governor. In 1798 both
gentlemen were renominated, and both re-elected. Van Rensselaer had
not even an opposing candidate, both parties having made him their
choice. It was said no individual in the state, at the time, carried with
him a more potent personal influence. And it was the man, not the trap-
pings. He seemed to have inherited the virtues of all his notable ances-
tors, with none of their vices. He was a Christian, a philanthropist, and a
patriot, as well as a gentleman. He assumed nothing, he offended no one.
His judgment was respected, and his unconquerable firmness wherever a
principle was at stake was well known. The worst thing that his political
opponents said of him was that he was rich. He did not esteem him-
self so very rich, for, in spite of his great landed interests, his income from
the rents never exceeded two per cent., 'if they did one per cent., upon the
property, at a very moderate valuation. He was glad to bring his lands
under cultivation, but would take no steps to increase his receipts. If
rents were not paid the tenants were not disturbed. In 1801 the New York
election for governor was a spirited conflict. Van Rensselaer was again a
candidate for lieutenant-governor, and this time was beaten. During the

26 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

excitement a rumor was started that his tenantry in arrears for rent were
to be prosecuted for payment if they refused to vote for him. As soon as
the report reached his ears, the high-minded patroon immediately denied
it in all the papers printed in Albany and the surrounding country, assur-
ing his tenants that he wished them to vote as in their judgment duty re-
quired, and that no man should be molested who voted against him. As
years rolled on he was one of the foremost in any and every measure for
the public good. He interested himself in agriculture, and in the manu-
facture of wool ; was one of the incorporators of the first wool company in
the state, the date of the charter being 1809. He engaged in laborious
enterprises for the promotion of various industries, and for education and
science, and the general welfare and prosperity of the state. He was one
of the first commissioners appointed to explore a route for the Erie canal
in 1 8 19, and with Dewitt Clinton and Gouverneur Morris rode on horseback
from Albany to Lake Erie. When the war of 181 2 brought the bor-
ders of New York into a situation of dire peril, and Governor Tompkins
ordered into immediate service a considerable body of militia, Van Rens-
selaer was appointed to take the chie,f command ; he did not hesitate, but
bidding adieu to his luxurious home, marched to the frontier with the
utmost dispatch. The choice of the patroon for this position occasioned
much comment. He was known to be greatly opposed to the war, and he
was not a military man. He was, moreover, the political opponent of Gov-
ernor Tompkins, and the two were regarded as rival candidates for the gov-
ernorship of the state at the next spring election. The Federalists were
accused of every phase of hostility to the war — and particularly of cherishing
designs averse to its successful prosecution. And Van Rensselaer was a
Federalist. Thus the wonder grew. But it was easily explained, at least
by those who were in Tompkins' confidence. It was a master stroke of
war policy, since the example of a man of such wealth and prominence in
the state would influence favorably the disaffected. In accepting the ap-
pointment the patroon made his own course in the matter conditional
with the appointment of his cousin, Solomon Van Rensselaer, the adju-
tant-general of the state, as his aid and counsellor. The latter was the
son of General Henry Kilian Van Rensselaer, who was wounded at the
capture of Burgoyne. Solomon was ten years younger than the patroon,
was a born soldier, like his father before him, and was well versed in mili-
tary science. It was generally understood that Colonel Solomon would be
the general in a practical military point of view. He had seen service in
the wilderness of Ohio under Anthony Wayne in the old Indian wars, and
distinguished himself at the notable battle at the foot of Maumee Rapids

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

-■

in 1794 — then only a boy of twenty — by leading his mounted troops in one
of the most brilliant and effective charges ever made against the savages
of this region — in which action, however, he was severely wounded. He
married his cousin, Harriet Van Rensselaer, the incidents of which are
tinged with romance. The
mother of the lady was
opposed to the match, but
the father was proud of
his handsome nephew and
quite willing that he should
become his son - in - law.
While the mother was tak-
ing her accustomed after-
noon nap one frosty after-
noon in the library, the
young soldier was married
to her daughter in the next
room, and, after the cere-
mony, the venerable dom-
inie who officiated, the
father of the bride, and
the bridegroom all climbed
out of a back window, and
the mother was none the
wiser for some days.

About the time the two
Van Rensselaers started
on their unpromising trip
to Niagara, the patroon
invited John Lovett, an
Albany lawyer, afterward

member of Congress, to become his military secretary. He was a man
of genius, charming in conversation, full of anecdote, and an acknowl-
edged wit. His letters give graphic pictures of the hardships the officers
were obliged to endure as well as the soldiers, in this memorable campaign.
In deciding where to establish his headquarters, the general and his staff
rode along the frontier for several days, in the tiresome occupation of pros-
pecting in a wild, woody country. They were obliged to seek shelter, on
one occasion, in a deserted house, at midnight. Lovett wrote: "We
placed our general on the table, about four and a half feet long, crooked

(S\JfoA/JliuJt^^^r' -^

2S THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

up his legs, borrowed a thick blanket of a soldier, and covered him up
quite comfortably. The colonel then laid down upon two boards, in his
great coat. I selected a large Dutch oven, as the thought struck me it
would be the safest retreat from the vermin. But how to get in it I knew
not. I finally took a wide board, placed one end in the mouth of the
monstrous oven, laid myself on the board, and bade the sergeant of the
guard raise up the other end and push me into the oven ; and in I went,
like a pig on a wooden shovel ; and there I staid, and had one of the

.e,

loveliest night's rest of my life." The exciting incidents of that strug;
in which these two Van Rensselaers were conspicuous officers, would be
interesting in any connection. It was a fiery ordeal in more ways than
one. At the storming of Queenstown, Colonel Solomon was carried bleed-
ing from the field, and his life was in extreme peril for five days. A cot
was finally rigged with cross-bars and side poles, upon which he was carried
to Buffalo, by a party of riflemen, who expressed their readiness to bear
him on their shoulders from Buffalo to Albany. When he finally, weeks
afterward, reached his home, he was met in the outskirts of the town by a
cavalcade of citizens, and received with the honors of a victor.

The patroon, after the war, entered heart and soul into the canal proj-
ect. During one of the debates in the assembly he sent in a proposition
for undertaking the whole Erie canal at his own expense, so confident was
he of the vast profits and advantages in prospect. He was a member of
Congress from 1823 to 1829, and had the honor, by giving the casting
vote, of determining the election of John Quincy Adams to the Presidency
of the nation. He was, through all those years, a regent of the University
of the State, and subsequently became its chancellor. He established a
scientific school at Troy, which was incorporated in 1826 as the Ren'sselaer
Institute ; he bearing fully one half of its current expenses. It was under
his direction and at his own private cost that Amos Eaton, senior profes-
sor in the Institution, made geological surveys of New York, in 1821. He
was also one of the founders of the Albany Institute, and its first president.
He was a man of fine personal appearance, tall, fully six feet, very
straight and symmetrical, weighing perhaps 180 pounds. He dressed
plainly, but with scrupulous elegance, and had the graceful, courteous,
dignified manners of the old school. He walked a great deal, much more
than he rode, and was usually seen every day on the streets of Albany.
His countenance was lighted with a benign expression, and no one could
see him without respecting him. No act of his life seems to have provoked
criticism or reproof. The hereditary title of patroon was yielded to him
by common courtesy and consent to the end of his life. It was never
claimed, but always conceded.

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR 29

His first wife died early, leaving one son, Stephen. He married again,
in 1802, Cornelia Patterson, only daughter of Judge Patterson of the
Supreme Court. They had nine children, and at the death of the patroon
the manor property was divided among them.

Then came the anti-rent difficulties, by which the public peace ancl
tranquillity were severely disturbed. This subject requires a special
chapter in itself.* The heirs claimed the payment of rents. The indul-
gence of the patroon had extended over so long a period of years that the
tenants were all in debt. They resisted the steps- taken to collect rents,
and complained that these semi-feudal land tenures were totally inconsist-
ent with the spirit and genius of republican institutions. When the
matter was pressed, they armed and disfigured themselves as Indians, and
offered such resistance to the civil officers, that military interference be-
came necessary. The governor sent troops to quell the riotous proceed-
ings, and the disturbances attracted national attention. The newspapers
were full of the subject, it was carried into politics, and then into the
courts. In the end the state constitution of New York, 1846, abolished
all feudal tenures. The leases were converted into freeholds — that is,
the parties who had rented bought their farms, giving mortgages ; and
thus became freeholders instead of tenants.

The eldest son of the patroon, Stephen, inherited the manor-house and
manor property on the Albany side of the Hudson, but it was by will, not
by the right of primogeniture. He married Harriet E. Bayard. The style
of living which had hitherto characterized the old feudal manor-house, the
relic which has enabled us to span the centuries in this brief, rapid way, was
modified, but not materially changed. The edifice itself was repaired, and its
two great wings were then added. It was still the seat of a generous hos-
pitality, and social, political, and literary magnates were entertained under
its broad roof. One incident touching upon a literary visitor is interest-
ing. When the afterwards well-known author, John L. Stephens, was
graduated from college he was sent abroad for his health, and journeyed in
the Holy Land. He wrote letters concerning his travels, which were
gathered and thought worthy of publication by Harper Brothers. As the
book was about to be issued he (having by that time returned to New
York) became exceedingly nervous and uneasy — like many another budding
author — fearful his friends had made a mistake in thinking too highly of
his crude efforts, and apprehending that the work would be torn in pieces
and ridiculed by the critics ; he had not the courage to face the ordeal, and,

* Special chapter devoted to this subject hereafter.

30 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

slipping away, went quietly to Albany, where, acquainted with the Van
Rensselaers, he was shortly invited to the manor-house to dine. While at
the dinner table the Albany Evening Journal was thrown in, and one of the
young ladies of the family commenced its perusal. After a few moments
the patroon remarked to his daughter, " You may tell us the news if there
is any, after you have finished reading the marriages and society items,
which young ladies always first examine." She replied, " Yes, there is
something new here — a new book by an unknown author, which must be
something very interesting, for there is a whole column about it ; mother
believes everything the newspapers say; now she can determine on its
merits." The young lady was requested to read the critical essay, and did
so, no one at the table dreaming that the shy and sensitive author was
listening with changing color, in a tumult of surprise and delight, to the
high estimate placed upon his own literary efforts by a stranger. The
editor of the Journal, the late distinguished Thurlow Weed, who wrote from
honest appreciation of what he found in the volume, had never seen or
known the author, until the young man an hour or two afterwards entered
his office to bear testimony to his unspeakable gratitude.

The second son of the patroon was William P. Van Rensselaer, who in-
herited the portion of the manor on the west side of the Hudson, and built
a beautiful mansion near Greenbush. He was a most genial and accom-
plished gentleman in every sense, and, like his father, of a gentle and ami-
able disposition, perhaps too generous with his tenants who were rebellious
and would not pay their rents. He married the daughter of Benjamin
Woolsey Rogers, of New York city, a descendant of the Bayards of
colonial memory. Philip Van Rensselaer, the third son of the patroon,
who was named for his uncle Philip, the old mayor of Albany, inherited a
large estate in New York City — the square which includes the Metropolitan
Hotel. He is described by one who knew him well as " among the most
excellent and charming men we ever had in our state." He married the
beautiful daughter of James Talmadge, a leading man in the great political
campaign when Crawford was the democratic candidate in opposition to
John Quincy Adams. Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer, the fourth son of
the patroon, inherited another portion of the large New York city property.
His scholarly tastes were early developed, and in his religious character he
seems to have been endowed with all the virtues, gifts, and graces of both
his father and mother. Henry, fifth son of the patroon, received the wild
lands in St. Lawrence county, on the Saint Lawrence river. He married
the daughter of Governor John Alsop King, and went from his bridal tour to
his remote domain, improved it under his own supervision, and became

THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

very wealthy. In 1858 he was elected to Congress from that district.
When the war of the rebellion broke out he started for home to form a
regiment, but General Scott meeting him on the way urged his acceptance*
of an appointment on his staff. He died before the end of the war. Two
younger sons, Alexander and Westerlo, each received a valuable portion
of the manor property. Alexander married in New York city, where his

family now reside. Westerlo died in 1844. Three daughters of the patroon
received liberal portions also. Of the various other branches of the Van
Rensselaer family many chapters might be written. The thread of descent
most intimately associated with the manorial estate has occupied our first
attention. The foundation of the manor, and its long and flourishing
career in the very heart of a republican state, is one of the themes which
will never fail to interest the student, both of law and of history. From a

$2 THE VAN RENSSELAER MANOR

Dutch feudal colony, with its patroon and commanders, its forts and
soldiers, its high and low jurisdiction, it became an English manor, with
its lords and stewards, its court-leet and courts-baron. Between these insti-
tutions, which were both of feudal origin and character, there was a
strong family likeness, with a marked diversity of features. The Van
Rensselaer manor differed from the other manors of New York in essential
particulars, which require more time for elucidation than afforded in our
limited space. But the fact should be remembered that, in all the political
conflicts which agitated New York from first to last, the feudal dignitaries
of Van Rensselaer manor were in sympathy with the spirit of resistance
to the encroachments of the crown. When the New York assembly of
1 69 1 framed and published its " Declaration of Rights" — a remarkable act
for the period — the member (who was the patroon) from Van Rensselaer
manor, assisted in the bold and manly measure. Again, when that refrac-
tory little parliament in New York city impeached the integrity of the
royal governor, George Clinton, in 1747, the representative from the manor
was one of the number who locked the doors of their chamber, and laid
the key on the table, to keep his Excellency's message waiting on the out-
side until they had prepared some resolutions for his discomfiture. " In
the approach of the Revolution, and in all the vicissitudes of the times,
the influence of the manor was found invariably on the side of popular
liberty and the people."

^Z^y±^^7 o£a<***dr-

BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW

YORK

As New England Societies are now a power in the land, it may enter-
tain the readers of the Magazine of American History, to learn something
of the original organization of the first one of its kind in America — the
New England Society of New York.

In 1805, when the metropolis was a much smaller and a very different
city from the New York of to-day, James Watson, the first president of

JAMES WATSON, FIRST PRESIDENT OK THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY

[From a Painting by Trumbull. J
Vol. XI —No. i.— 3

34 BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW YORK

the New England Society, then a gentleman of leisure, culture and hospital-
ity, resided in a handsome old-time mansion, in the shady and gently curved
street bordering the Battery Park. He was much respected in his little
world, was the intimate friend of General Samuel B. Webb, and of
Trumbull, the famous artist, and many other persons of eminence. He
died, however, in early middle life, and might have passed from the memory
of man — as he left no kin — but for a beautiful portrait painted by his
friend Trumbull, which hangs before me as I write these lines. We find
him represented in the picture as a man of some forty well rounded years,
with a florid complexion, high forehead fringed by soft hair gathered back
in a queue, beautiful eyes, a pleasing expression of countenance, and styl-
ishly dressed in the coat of the period, with large old-fashioned ruffles
escaping from the vest. At No. 7 State street, in the mansion adjoining
that of James Watson, resided Moses Rogers, of Connecticut birth and
parentage, a merchant of the great firm of Woolsey & Rogers. His wife
was Sarah Woolsey, sister of the wife of President Dwight of Yale College.
At 68 Stone street, resided William Walton Woolsey (a brother of Mrs.
Rogers), whose wife was a sister of President Dwight, and granddaughter
of President Edwards. These gentlemen, together with Samuel M. Hop-
kins and several others, had been talking about establishing a New England
Society, and had finally agreed to meet informally on a certain evening
and give the project shape and permanent direction. On the morning of
the day appointed, the occupants of the State street houses, looking under
the tall trees, saw a schooner luff up and flap her sails while a boat was
lowered. A tall, fine-looking clerical gentleman stepped in, and a moment
later the yawl grated on the beach, and the passenger, bag in one hand
and a very baggy umbrella in the other, landed on the hard sand.
Majestically he moved up the slight ascent, taking off his capacious cocked
hat under the shade of perhaps the same oak that stretched its arms over
the heads of Henry Hudson and his crew nearly two centuries before, and
after standing a moment to enjoy the view, turned and crossed the velvety
green square, directing his steps to the home of Moses Rogers. He was
greeted by the lady of the mansion with u Welcome, Dr. Dwight, you are
better than you promised!" He replied, "Yes; I had a quick passage,
favored by wind and tide, and thus made the trip from New Haven in two
days." His hostess inquired for " her sister and the children," and con-
gratulated him on being in time to attend the expected gathering in the
evening, which had for its object, she explained, the formation of a new
society, to be called the " New England Society."

President Dwight was much pleased, and advanced many useful sug-

BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW YORK

gestions concerning the proposed organization. The subject came up
again and again during the day, as friends and relatives dropped in to greet
the distinguished visitor. The meeting, when evening came, was held in
James Watson's parlor, No. 6 State street ; a dozen or more earnest,
thoughtful men gathered about
the bright, sparkling wood fire.
Samuel M. Hopkins, the first sec-
retary of the society, came from
the upper part of Pearl street,
bringing a tin lantern in his hand.
If we had seen him on his way we
should have noted that he moved
irresolutely, questioning whether
he should pass the lower point of
the Swamp, and up Fulton street,
so as to avoid high tide and wet
feet at Cedar and Pine streets, or
go through Chatham street by the
Tea Water Pump. He chose the
latter route, and had a hard time
struggling through the mire of the
unpaved road, but reached Broad-
way finally, and, calling for Col.
Trumbull, arrived in State street
at the hour named. Among others
present were General Kbenezer samuel m. hopkins, one of the first secretaries of

0 -, 1 A T THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY.

Stevens, Samuel A. Lawrence, rjB. „ . ,. , _, ; ,,,

7 7 \_rrom a Painting by Trumbull.]

President Dwight, Moses Rogers,

William Walton Woolsey, Oliver Wolcott, Francis Bayard Winthrop, then
residing in Wall street, and D. G. Hubbard. After some preliminary con-
versation, Nathaniel Prime was called to the chair and William Lefrmgwell
appointed secretary. But little was accomplished on the occasion, except
the formation of a committee to draft the constitution, a general discussion
as to the principles which the document should embody, and an arrange-
ment for a public meeting at the City Hotel on May 6, to consummate
the contemplated organization. In turning over the time-browned leaves
of the precious original records, carefully preserved during the three-fourths
of a century since they were written (in a clear, beautiful hand), we read
as follows :

" We whose names are herewith subscribed, convinced that it is the

LoW

$6 BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW YORK

duty of all men to promote the happiness and welfare of each other, wit-
nessing the advantages which have arisen from the voluntary associations
of individuals, allied to each other by a similarity of habits and education,
and being desirous of diffusing and extending the like benefits ; do hereby
associate ourselves under the name of the " New England Society of the
City and State of New York."

" The objects of this society are friendship, charity, and mutual assist-
ance ; and to promote these purposes, we have formed, and do assent to
the following articles," and then follows: Article 1st, defining the titles
and duties of the officers; Article 2d, stating that as soon as seventy per-
sons, natives of New England and residing in the city of New York, shall
have subscribed, they shall meet and elect officers ; Article gth, affirming that
each member shall be a New England man by birth, or the son of a mem-
ber ; Article loth, defining that, by a vote of two-thirds, persons not having
these qualifications may be admitted; Article wth, explaining that by a
two-thirds vote, given viva voce and entered on the minutes, a member may
be suspended. No fear of responsibility, it seems. The present masked
method of admitting and suspending by black balls was not known to these
honorable gentlemen. Article \2th states that this society shall have no
power to impose secrecy.

A brief extract from the minutes will inform the reader concerning the
first public meeting:

" At a general meeting of the New England Society, held at the City
Hotel on the 6th of May, 1805, Wm. Henderson was named chairman, and
Benj. M. Mumford secretary. The articles of association being read by
the secretary, and it appearing to this meeting that the same had been sub-
scribed by more than seventy persons, natives of the New England States,
it was

" Resolved — To proceed to the election of officers according to the said
articles; viz., president, two vice-presidents, four councillors, and eight as-
sistants ; all upon one ticket ; and on counting the ballots the following
gentlemen appeared to have been elected.

" President — James Watson ; Vice-Presidents — Ebenezer Stevens and
Francis Bayard Winthrop ; Board of Commissioners, Rufus King, Saml.
Osgood, Abijah Hammond, Oliver Wolcott.

"Assistants — Moses Rogers, Wm. Lovett, Wm. Henderson, Wm. Lefifing-
well, Saml. Mansfield, Elisha Coit, John P. Mumford and Gurdon S. Mum-
ford." On the same day the board of officers met at the house of Gen.
Ebenezer Stevens, and chose Jonathan Burrall, Treasurer, and Samuel M.
Hopkins and Benj. M. Mumford, Secretaries. Henceforward the meetings
were held at different places.

BEGINNINGS OF THE NEW ENGLAND SOCIETY OF NEW YORK 37

On May 17th at Ross's Hotel, Broad Street, and on Dec. 6th following, it
was resolved " that Col. Trumbull be requested to form a certificate to be
furnished to the members in testimony of their belonging to the society."
The first dinner was given Dec. 21, 1805, and the toasts were, "The City of
Leyden," " John Carver," "John Winthrop," and "The Memory of Wash-
ington." The first volunteer toast was by Gen. Stevens, " Our President,
James Watson, a man who is the delight of his friends and an honor to
the Society over which he presides." A song was composed for this oc-
casion by Thomas Green Fessenden. At this and succeeding anniversary
dinners, when the " Clergy of New England " was given as a toast, the
music was invariably " Old Hundred." Other songs on various occasions
were," Hail Columbia," "Yankee Doodle," " Roslyn Castle," and " Anac-
reon in Heaven." For some years the meetings were held at the Tontine
Coffee House, at Barden's Long Room, Broad Street, and at Benjamin
Butler's in Wall Street, but about 18 12 the society settled at Niblo's Bank
Coffee House.

The charming old house where the first meeting was held is still stand-
ing. But architectural reformers entered it not very long since and now
little remains of its original antiquarian elegance.

<^7^L^

THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND

It is a fact not generally known, even to persons otherwise well versed
in the history of the state, that one of the most frequent and approved
taxes levied in Maryland has been the poll or capitation tax. Some writers,
in ignorance of its existence, have heartily commended the economic wis-
dom of the legislators in refraining from levying a tax so generally regarded
with aversion. But the sequel will show that in Maryland, at least, it
continued to meet with general approbation for nearly a century and a
half.

By a poll or capitation tax we mean of course a tax levied upon all
persons, generally adults, without regard to property, rank or occupation.
In exceptional cases, however, certain classes in the community may be
exempted from the payment of this tax. This privilege was extended to
the French nobility previous to the Revolution.

In Maryland the levying of the poll tax began early in its history, and
continued almost uninterruptedly down to the last provincial assembly
before the war of the Revolution. During this period we find the poll
tax intimately connected with many of the most important measures intro-
duced in the legislation of the proprietary government. Finances, coinage,
religion, slavery, public improvements, commerce, and the domestic and
foreign policy of the province all pass in review in a study of the poll tax.
It was paid in one of three ways, in money, in products, or in personal
services. Tobacco may be mentioned as an example of products received
in payment of the tax, and labor on the public highways as an example of
personal services. Money payments, on account of the scarcity of gold and
silver, were seldom required.

The first poll tax recorded in the statutes of the assembly was levied in
1614, seven years after the settlement of the colony. In Bacon's Laws of
Maryland, the statute is entitled " An act for granting one subsidy." The
assessment of the tax is an excellent commentary upon the happy relations
existing between the lord proprietary and the colonists. The act begins
as follows : " The Freemen of this Province (as set forth in the Preamble)
out of their desire to return his Lordship some Testimony of their Grati-
tude for his Lordship's great charge and Sollicitude in maintaining the
Government, and protecting the Inhabitants in their Persons, Rights,
and Liberties, and to contribute some Support towards it, so far as the

THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND

young and poor Estate of the Colony will yet bear, do desire that it may
be Enacted," etc., that a subsidy be granted his lordship. By this act fif-
teen pounds of tobacco per poll was levied on every inhabitant of the prov-
ince, male and female, excepting children under 12 years of age.

The next poll tax levied was by an order of the governor's council,
assessing each inhabitant a half bushel of corn per poll, to be allowed the
governor, William Stone, for his personal use. In 1657 was levied the
first poll tax for the payment of the public expenses. It was levied by the
Puritans in the last of their six years' regime. Although Cromwell had
reinstated Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, as proprietor of the province,
the Puritan party, having possession of the public records and seals, de-
termined to maintain their authority. They therefore summoned an
assembly, which among other acts issued an order for the assessment of
thirty-two pounds of tobacco per poll, upon the colonists.

Before the close of this century a poll tax, varying in amount, was
levied at least seven times for various purposes. Several of these taxes
deserve special consideration, since they illustrate the religious and political
sentiments of the colonists.

The office of governor in those early times was not unlike the for-
eign service in our day. It was honorable but expensive. All who are
acquainted with the so-called new-year receptions in our large cities can
form some idea of the expensive hospitality of colonial days, when " open
house " was maintained during each day of the year. In order to reimburse
their governor, Charles Calvert, an act of assembly was passed in 1662,
levying twenty-five pounds of tobacco on every taxable residing in the
province, to be paid annually to the governor for his own personal use.
This tax was afterwards changed to two shillings per hogshead on all
tobacco exported from the province.

In Maryland, as in all new settlements, trade was carried on by means
of barter, and gradually a single product, tobacco, was adopted as the
medium of exchange. It was found, however, that tobacco was too bulky
and too variable in value to perform the functions of money, and the
colonists were anxious to see more gold and silver coin in circulation. But,
as the balance of trade was against them, the colony was in danger of losing
even the little gold and silver brought over by new settlers. In 1661,
an act was accordingly passed by the assembly to establish a mint in the
colony. The act of 1662, by which this money was put into circulation,
savors very much of a poll tax. It was enacted " that every householder
and freeman in the province should take up ten shillings per poll of the
said money, for every taxable under their charge and custody, and

40 THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND

pay for the same in good casked tobacco at two pence per pound."
Whether this was an actual poll tax depends upon the relative value of
sixty pounds of good casked tobacco and ninety pennyweight (ten shil-
lings) " of as good silver as English sterling money." It looks very much
as if the government was trying to introduce fiat money, particularly as an
English writer represents the Maryland mint money as " equal in fineness
of silver to English sterling, being of the same standard, but of somewhat
less weight." This latter clause may explain the necessity of governmental
interference in floating the new shillings.

The poll tax of 1691 marked an epoch in the history of Maryland. It
represented a scene in the third act of the great religious drama occurring
in the first century of the colony. Whether the denouement was for good
or evil, let him decide whose mind is free from religious prejudice. The
planting of the crucifix by Father White, in 1634, in the name of his
Saviour and his sovereign, was followed in 1649 by the famous " act of
toleration." This was succeeded in less than a half century by the well-
known act of 1692, entitled " An act for the service of God and the estab-
lishment of the Protestant religion in this province." William and Mary
were upon the throne of England, and Lyonel Copley was the governor of
Maryland. This act laid the foundation for the establishment of the Prot-
estant religion in the province, and contains many interesting particulars
in regard to parishes, hundreds, vestrymen and constables. From each of
the taxables recorded by the constables of the hundreds the sheriff was to
collect, forty pounds of tobacco per poll, deducting five per cent, for his
salary ; "which tobacco so raised, after building a church or chapel within
each parish, to be appropriated and applied by the vestrymen to the use
and benefit of the minister." By the act of 1702, the Church of England
was made the established church of the colony. In the paper on the
Parishes of Maryland, by Mr. Edw. Ingle, some interesting facts are given
in regard to the church poll tax levied for the benefit of the establishment.

When a special poll tax was found necessary, it was the duty of the
vestrymen and churchwardens of the parish to make application to the
justice of county court, who at once proceeded to levy and assess the tax
upon all the taxables of the parish ; the special tax was gathered by the
sheriff in the usual way. The additional tax could not exceed ten pounds
per poll. Taxables were defined b)' acts of 171 5 and 1725 to be all male
persons, residents of the province ; female slaves, not under sixteen years
of age ; female mulattoes born of white women, and also free negro women.
Clergymen having benefices, paupers and infirm and aged slaves were
excluded from the list. The establishment act of 1702, including the poll

THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND 41

tax for parochial charges, was re-enacted from time to time, with a few
modifications, and continued down to the last year of the proprietary-
government.

In 1 704 a peculiar law was passed by the assembly authorizing a tax which
bears a strong resemblance to a poll tax. The levying of the tax was an
unhappy sequel to the Christian spirit pervading the celebrated toleration
act of 1649. Among other taxes included in the act was a tax of " twenty
shillings per poll on Irish servants, to prevent the importing too great a
number of Irish papists into this province." This act was not made per-
petual, but was continually re-enacted from time to time for the next three
decades ; no tax, however, was laid upon Irish Protestants coming into the
province. This was prohibited by an act passed in 1 732. The severity of the
laws against papal adherents, passed by the Parliaments of William III. and
Queen Anne, had, says Hallam, " scarce a parallel in European history." In
Ireland their grievances were particularly severe ; they were deprived of
the elective franchise, and the small amount of land not seized was held
by burdensome tenures. The Anglo-Irish Catholics, continues Hallam,
were " formidable from their numbers and their sufferings ; and the
victorious party saw no security but in a system of oppression." This
oppression drove many landless Irish of good birth to seek refuge in the
new world, and particularly in the province whose proprietor held large
baronial possessions in county Longford, Ireland. The poor immigrants
reached the shores of the new world to find it peopled by Englishmen
even more resentful than those who had seized their possessions in Ireland.
"To have exterminated the Catholics by the sword," says Hallam, " or
expelled them, like the Moriscoes of Spain, would have been little more
repugnant to justice and humanity, but incomparably more politic." The
law makers of Maryland adopted the more politic but harsher method so
severely denounced by the great historian.

In the early part of the eighteenth century the peace of the colony
was much disturbed by bands of discontented debtors and others, who, by
the aid of the Indians, inflicted much damage upon the colonists. One of
their number, who was convicted of high treason, was charged with the
" design of burning Annapolis, destroying the public records, sacking and
blowing up the public magazines." To prevent such dangers in the
future, an act was passed, entitled " An act for the ordering and regu-
lating the militia of this province, for the better defense and security
thereof." It is somewhat remarkable that the executive of the province
was granted a privilege, in the contending for which, as his prerogative,
King Charles had but recently lost his head. The act gave the power to

42 THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND

the governor and council, during intervals of the assembly, to make an
equal assessment ; in other words, to levy a poll tax on all the inhabitants
of the province, for defraying small charges of the province.

A few years after this, in 1717, a tax was levied upon every negro im-
ported, to raise a fund for the use of the recently established public
schools.

The levying of the tax in 1754 furnishes evidence of the fraternal
feeling that was beginning to pervade the colonies. Early in the second
half of the eighteenth century, the frontiers of many of the colonies were
harassed by the combined forces of the Indians and the French. The
other colonies were repeatedly called upon for aid, but Maryland had
positively refused to render any assistance, or give countenance to a plan
of union for mutual protection. Her people did not think the assistance
was needed at the time, and thought the confederacy of colonies, recom-
mended by delegates from all the colonies north of the Potomac, " would
ultimately subvert that happy form of government to which we are entitled
under our charter." When, however, the assembly had positive infor-
mation that the Virginia troops, under Washington, had been routed by
the combined forces of the French and Indians, they immediately appro-
priated "6,000 pounds currency for his Majesty's service, towards the
defence of the colony of Virginia." A sinking fund to cover the debt was
created by the levying of an additional poll tax upon negroes and servants,
save Germans or other aliens coming from any part of the United
Provinces or Flanders, the so-called Palatines or religious refugees. In the
following year, 1755, a new grant of 40,000 pounds currency was made for
his Majesty's service, George II. Among the taxes levied to fund the
debt, was one obviously contrary to all the principles of population so
earnestly advocated by Parson Malthus. All bachelors of twenty-five
years of age and upward, who had property worth from 100 to 300 pounds
sterling, were liable to a tax of five shillings ; if their property was worth
300 pounds and over, they were subject to a tax of twenty shillings per
poll. The tax levied on the wealthy bachelors was but one-half of that
levied on horses imported, and one-third of the assessment laid upon
negroes. The indirect tendencies of this poll tax are not stated. The
rejoicing of the bachelors of Port Tobacco, in their supposed escape from
the tax, was rudely dissipated An act of 1760 begins : " Easter Monday,
1759, being very rainy, so as the vestry could not meet," the special act
was passed for the benefit of Port Tobacco parish, to " make valid the
vestry transactions in 1759, so far as relates to taxing of bachelors, etc."
In 1763 a similar act was passed, for the benefit of St. Stephen's parish,

THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND 43

Cecil county, the majority of the vestrymen being prevented from attend-
ing the vestry meetings, owing to the prevalence of small-pox in the
parish. The paternal and centralizing tendency of the government is
witnessed in another poll tax, levied in Port Tobacco parish. Dr. Gus-
tavus Brown having donated an organ to the parish, an act of assembly
was passed, levying a poll tax of two pounds of tobacco on each taxable
of the parish, to defray the expenses of an organist. Evidently the organ-
ist did not think he was sufficiently remunerated for his services, as the
tax was afterward increased to four pounds per poll.

The first general provision made for the poor of the province was
passed in 1768, in accordance with a long act of twenty-five paragraphs,
entitled " An act for the relief of the poor within the several counties
therein mentioned." The poor of the province were largely increased by
the numerous arrivals of convicts, redemptioners, German refugees, French
Acadians, and Scottish adherents of the " Young Pretender." To support
the alms- and work-houses ordered to be erected in the several counties,
a quantity of tobacco, not exceeding fifteen pounds per poll, was levied
upon each taxable of the counties, for three successive years, beginning
with 1768. The assessments could be paid and discharged in current
money.

One of the latest acts of the assembly was in regard to the poll tax for
parochial charges. The act of November, 1773, directed the parish poll
tax, reduced by an act of 1763 from forty to thirty pounds of tobacco per
poll, to be paid in inspectors' notes, or in current money to the value of
four shillings. The inspectors' notes were certificates given by the inspect-
ors of the tobacco warehouses, specifying the quantity and amount of
tobacco deposited by the holder of the note. They were not unlike the
modern grain elevator receipts, except that the inspectors' notes were
legal tender in all tobacco transactions. At the same session of the
assembly, November, 1773, the poor, of Baltimore county, not including
Harford county, were provided for by a loan of £4,000 from the commis-
sioners of the loan office. In order to repay the government loan, each
taxable of the county was taxed twelve pounds of tobacco or one and one-
half shillings in money.

The last poll tax levied in Maryland was in connection with an act
passed in the last year of the proprietary government, 1774, Henry Harford
being lord proprietor of the province. Though the last act in which the
poll tax figured, it was perhaps the most important and permanent in its
results. The act related to the public roads in Anne Arundel, Balti-
more, and Frederick counties. The assessment was laid not only in money,

44 THE POLL TAX IN MARYLAND

but also in labor or services. The labor tax was the most exacting ever
levied by the assembly. The act appropriated $2,000 (Spanish) to Anne
Arundel Co., $10,666% to Baltimore Co., and $8,000 to Frederick Co., for
the purpose of building a road through the three counties. It will be
remembered that Anne Arundel Co. then included what is now known as
Howard Co. In order to provide for a fund to cancel the debt, a poll tax
was laid upon the inhabitants of the three counties ; namely, four pounds
of tobacco per poll in Anne Arundel, eight pounds per poll in Frederick,
and in Baltimore Co. twelve pounds per poll. The taxable inhabitants in
the respective hundreds in the two counties of Anne Arundel and Fred-
erick were ordered to repair the other public roads and " to labour and
work thereon so many days as shall be necessary, not exceeding 6 days in
every one year, and every such taxable inhabitant shall have and bring
with him a spade, shovel, pick, mattock, grubbing-hoe, hilling-hoe, crow-
bar, or sledge-hammer, or instead thereof, if particularly required, an axe."
A day's work consisted of eight hours. Any person not willing to engage
in the work could send a substitute for himself and "an able and sufficient
labouring man in the stead of each female negro, for whom he shall be
chargeable." This act was passed only a few months before the meeting
of the provincial assembly, June 24, 1774, when the proprietary govern-
ment virtually ended.

Throughout the entire history of the poll tax in Maryland there is
nothing to indicate that the levying and the collecting of the tax were
ever opposed. Beginning as a voluntary offering from the colonists to the
first proprietor of Maryland, Cecilius Calvert, the poll tax was finally lev-
ied to procure means to open up great highways through the province, to
serve as arteries for the circulation of products and merchandise from the
seaports to the ultramontane towns. The poll tax was neither grievous
nor burdensome ; it spared the poor and the infirm. It was well suited to
the exigencies of the times, except when used as an instrument of religious
intolerance. Moreover the poll tax was a just tax. The planter's wealth
could be very justly approximated by the number of slaves and servants
he maintained. When these were taxed per capita, the planters could not
fail to recognize that the tax was equal and proportionate. The tax was
not arbitrary nor uncertain. Only the very young and the aged and infirm
were exempt. It is said that one of the Lords Baltimore, being unmarried,
was himself subject to the tax levied upon bachelors. The simplicity in
levying and collecting the tax, moreover, commended it to the law-makers.

But the poll tax in Maryland perished with the proprietary govern-
ment. The political revolution of 1776 was preceded by a great upheaval in

THE POLL TAX IX MARYLAND 45

society. The unequal distribution of real property began to be recognized,
as well as the concentration of personal property into fewer numbers. The
members of the provincial assembly felt that an institution that had out-
grown its utility was not to be perpetuated on account of its antiquity.
One of their first measures was to legislate against the poll tax. At the
meeting of the provincial convention of Maryland, held Sunday, Nov. 3,
1776, the " Declaration of Rights " was voted upon and adopted. Section
13 declared that the " levying taxes by the poll is grievous and oppressive,
and ought to be abolished." So utterly was it abolished that its name is
not even mentioned in the statutes of succeeding assemblies. Many polit-
ical economists of the modern school utterly repudiate the poll tax.
They cite the rebellions in England and France, produced by its enforce-
ment, as an evidence of its unpopularity. Their criticisms relate doubtless
more to the methods in which it was levied than to the tax itself.

It is true in England the poll tax led to the rebellion of Wat Tyler and
its consequent miseries ; in Maryland, however, it was long recognized as a
very successful and economical method of raising a portion of the public
revenue.

Johns Hopkins University,

HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL

In 1852, when Congress had under consideration the petition of the
Orange and Alexandria railroad company of Virginia asking that the
one hundred and twenty thousand dollars which was- furnished by the
state of Virginia toward the erection of public buildings on the establish-
ment of the permanent seat of government be paid to the said railroad
company, together with the interest thereon (the company having become
the assignee of the state of Virginia), all the facts relating to the location of
the federal government were thoroughly investigated by the chairman of
the Senate committee of claims, Richard Brodhead, of Pennsylvania, and
embodied in his report. To rescue these interesting historical facts from
the very seldom penetrated labyrinths of the ponderous congressional
records, is my intention in this article.

Before the federal government had a permanent seat, the states of New
York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey, through their respective legislatures,
had offered to Congress the use of all necessary buildings during the time
it would hold its sessions in their respective states. On the 23d of Decem-
ber, 1784, Congress passed a resolution for the erection of the necessary
buildings for the permanent use of the Congress and public functionaries
near the falls of the Delaware.

An appropriation for this purpose was made, and commissioners were
appointed to carry it into effect, but no progress was made. In May, 1787,
a resolution was offered to the effect that measures be taken for the erec-
tion of the " necessary public buildings for the accommodation of Congress
at Georgetown, on the Potomac river," but the motion was lost.

Soon after this the new constitution was adopted, leaving the resolution
for the establishing of a seat of the federal government on the banks of
the Delaware unexecuted.

New York having appropriated its public buildings to the use of the
new government, Congress met in that city.

In May, 1789, Virginia offered to the federal government ten miles
square of its territory in any part of that state which Congress might
choose as the seat of the federal government. About the same time Mary-
land made the same offer. These were the first movements, under the new
constitution, toward the establishment of the seat of government. Nu-
merous memorials and petitions followed from Pennsylvania, New Jersey
and Maryland.

HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL 47

On the 5th of September, 1789, a resolution passed the house of repre-
sentatives " that the government of the United States ought to be at
some convenient place on the banks of the Susquehanna, in the state of
Pennsylvania." On the introduction of the bill to carry this resolution into
effect much feeling was manifested by the southern members, and partic-
ularly by the members from Virginia, who contended that the banks of
the Potomac was the most suitable place. The debate upon the introduc-
tion of this bill was so hot that Mr. Madison declared that if the proceed-
ings of that day had been foreseen by Virginia that state might not have
become a party to the constitution. (See Annals of Congress, vol. i., page
890.) This bill was passed by the House, but amended in the Senate by
striking out all that part respecting the Susquehanna and designating Ger-
mantown, Pennsylvania, as the permanent seat of government, provided
the state or citizens thereof gave security to pay one hundred thousand
dollars for the erection of public buildings. These amendments were
agreed to by the House, with an amendment that the laws of Pennsyl-
vania should continue in force in the proposed district. The bill was then
returned to the Senate, but the consideration of the house amendment
was postponed to the next session. Both houses had, therefore, actually
agreed upon Germantown, but the bill failed on account of a slight amend-
ment.

Baltimore was proposed as the location at the next session of Congress,
the citizens of that place having raised between twenty and thirty thousand
pounds to erect suitable buildings, but the proposition was without effect.

New York and Pennsylvania had gratuitously furnished " elegant and
convenient accommodation " for the use of the government during the
eleven years that it was located within their respective limits, as it appears
from the resolutions passed by Congress on its removal. They had offered
to continue to do so. New Jersey had offered accommodations at Trenton.
The citizens of Baltimore, through their representative, proposed to fur-
nish money for the erection of the necessary buildings in that " town " for
the federal government.

One hundred thousand dollars had been required to be paid by Pennsyl-
vania or its citizens as a condition of the location of the government in
that state. This was the condition of affairs when the propositions of
Virginia and Maryland were brought forward to advance one hundred and
ninety-two thousand dollars, to be applied towards erecting public build-
ings at the permanent seat of the government of the United States on the
banks of the Potomac.

On the 31st of May, 1790, a bill was introduced in the Senate to deter-

48 HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL

mine " the permanent seat of Congress and the government of the United
States." On the 28th of June, of the same year, this bill being under con-
sideration, memorials were read from citizens of Baltimore, and from
inhabitants of Georgetown for the selection of those places, and a motion
being made to insert " on the river Potomac at some place between the
mouths of the eastern branch of the Connogocheque, be, and the same is
hereby accepted as the permanent seat of the government of the United
States; " it passed in the affirmative. On the 22d of January, 1791, as ap-
pears in the manuscript records in the office of the commissioner of public
buildings, President Washington appointed Thomas Johnson and David
Carroll, of Maryland, and David Stuart, of Virginia, commissioners, under
the act of 16th of July, 1790, and on the 24th day of the same month he
issued his proclamation fixing the " location of one part of the said district
of ten miles square " on the Virginia side of the Potomac and the " other
part" on the Maryland side. The commissioners met on the 12th of
April, 1 791, and proceeded to execute the duties of their trust. Their first
object was to locate the city, acquire the title to the soil, and fix the sites
for the principal public edifices, and, having accomplished these prelimi-
naries, they applied to the president for the necessary funds to carry on
their operations. As many of the public lots as could be properly disposed
of were directed to be sold and the proceeds to be placed in the treasury,
and application was made to the president for orders on the states of
Maryland and Virginia for the installments pledged by those states.

Inasmuch as the records show that the one hundred and twenty thousand
dollars was "granted" by the State of Virginia for the erection of public
buildings for the government, the senate committee on claims reported ad-
versely to the claim of the Orange and Alexandria railroad company. The
committee, however, recommended that twenty thousand dollars should
be offered to New York and one hundred thousand dollars to Pennsyl-
vania, because Congress and the public officers had occupied the public
buildings fitted up by and belonging to New York, for a period of about
one year and six months, and the public buildings of Pennsylvania at
Philadelphia from the 6th of December, 1790, to about the close of the
year 1800, a period of about ten years ; up to 1853 ft does not appear that
either state ever received anything more than thanks.

Congress having, on the said 16th of July, 1790, passed an act in com-
pliance with the invitation of Virginia and Maryland, locating the seat of
government on the banks of the Potomac river, it became necessary for
Virginia to pass another act, providing for the payment of the money.
Accordingly, on the 24th of December, 1790, a bill was introduced into

HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL 49

the House of Delegates " for granting to the President of the United
States the sum of one hundred and twenty thousand dollars for erecting
the buildings on the Potomac river, agreeably to the resolution of the last
assembly." When the bill was passed, the title was amended by striking
out the word " grant " and inserting " advance," and hence it was argued
that Virginia did not intend to grant the money, but to loan it. No such
inference is authorized by this circumstance. The word advance had been
used in the original act, and it is presumed that the title of the bill was
amended to make it conform thereto. Provision was only made for pay-
ing the money agreed to be advanced, and which the president was author-
ized to accept, and for a particular purpose.

It has also been urged that the assumption of the state debts by the
federal government was brought about by connecting it with the question
of the federal district, and that Virginia was greatly displeased with such
assumption, and would not, therefore, have been very likely to have given
money to erect buildings, etc. The fact was admitted; " secession " and
" dissolution " were spoken of at that early day ; a " compromise " was
resorted to ; those who desired the location of the seat of government on
the banks of the Potomac were gratified ; and those at the north, under the
lead of Alexander Hamilton, obtained the funding system, and Pennsyl-
vania lost the permanent seat of the federal government. It is true Vir-
ginia was greatly displeased with the act funding the state debts, but Mr.
Jefferson says the " pill" was " sweetened " by a " concomitant measure,"
to wit : the location of the federal government on the banks of the Poto-
mac. The following extract from Mr. Jefferson's ''Memoirs and Corre-
spondence," pages 448 and 449, volume 4, clearly proves how the business
was managed. Mr. Jefferson says: "The great and trying question (the
assumption of the state debts), however, was lost in the house of represent-
atives. So high were the feuds excited by this subject, that, on its rejec-
tion, business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day to
day without doing anything, the parties being too much out of temper to
do business together. The eastern members particularly, who with Smith,
from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in these scenes, threat-
ened secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was going
to the president's one day, I met him in the street. He walked me back-
wards and forwards before the president's door for half an hour. He
painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been
wrought ; the disgust of those who were called the creditor states ; the dan-
ger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the states. He
observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert ;

Vol. XL— No.— 4.

50 HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL

that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty
should make it a common concern ; that the president was the center on
which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us
should rally around him and support, with joint efforts, measures approved
by him ; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only,
it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of
some of my friends might effect a change in the vote, and the machine of
government, now suspended, might be again set in motion. I told him
that I was really a stranger to the whole subject ; that not having yet in-
formed myself of the system of finance adopted, I knew not how far this
was a necessary sequence ; that, undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a
dissolution of our Union at this incipient state, I should deem that the
most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which, all partial and tem-
porary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with
me the next day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring them
into conference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men,
consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion,
to form a compromise which was to save the Union. The discussion took
place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was a
stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally
agreed to, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of
this proposition, the preservation of the Union and of concord among the
states was more important, and that, therefore, it would be better that the
vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some members
should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would be
peculiarly bitter to the southern states, and that some concomitant meas-
ures should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before
been a proposition to fix the seat of government either at Philadelphia, or
at Georgetown, on the Potomac ; and it was thought that by giving it to
Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown permanently afterwards,
this might, as an anodyne, calm, in some degree, the ferment which might
be excited by the other measure alone. So two of the Potomac members
(White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost convul-
sive) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton undertook to carry the
other point. In doing this, the influence he had established over the east-
ern members, with the agency of Robert Morris, and those of the middle
states, effected his side of the agreement, and thus the assumption was
passed."

The following extracts from the speeches of members of congress in
the debate upon the final passage of the bill locating the seat of the fed-

HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL 5 1

eral government where it now is, clearly show the views and understand-
ing of those who passed the law. To ascertain what answer the law-
makers would give to a question of construction, is always a good way to
get the intention of the law :

{Annals of Congress, volume 2, pages 1718 /01731.)

Mr. Lee, of Virginia, remarked : That while the present position contin-
ued to be the seat of government, the agriculture of the states to the east-
ward is invigorated and encouraged ; while that to the southward is lan-
guishing and expiring. He then showed the fatal tendency of this prepon-
derating encouragement to those parts of the country already considered
as the strongest part of the Union ; and from the natural operation of these
principles he inferred that the interest of the southern states must be
eventually swallowed up. The decision of the Senate (said he) affords a
most favorable opportunity to manifest the magnanimity of soul which
shall embrace, upon an extensive liberal system, the best interests of the
great whole. This cannot be done while the present unequal situation of
the seat of government of the United States continues. Nations have
their passions as well as individuals. He drew an alarming picture of the
consequences to be apprehended from disunion, ambition and rivalship.
He then gave a pleasing sketch of the happy effects to be derived from a
national generous and equal attention to the southern and northern inter-
ests. Will, gentlemen, said he, blast this prospect by rejecting this bill ?
I trust they will not.

" It is true," said Mr. Lee, " that the citizens of this place (New York)
have put themselves to great expense to accommodate the government, and
are entitled to much praise for their exertions ; but he wished to take up
the subject upon national grounds," etc. He then moved that the papers
received from the executive of Virginia be read, which was done. [It is
presumed the papers alluded to were the resolutions of Virginia, offering
money and land.]

Mr. Burke., of South Carolina, said : It was unjust to the people of New
York to remove from that city till the expense they had incurred was re-
paid to them. It was a breach of honesty and justice. It was injustice to
the state — to the whole nation. He entered into a consideration of their
sacrifices and services. He spoke in handsome terms of Pennsylvania;
but he was afraid of their influence, and thought if they obtained the tem-
porary seat of government, it could never be removed from Philadelphia.

Mr. Madison remarked : Sir, we should calculate on accepting the bill
as it now stands ; we ought not to risk it by making any amendments. We
have it now in our power to procure a southern position ; the opportunity

52 HISTORY OF THE LOCATION OF OUR NATIONAL CAPITAL

may not again speedily present itself. We know the various and jealous
interests that exist on this subject. We should hazard nothing. If the
Potomac is struck out, are you sure of getting Baltimore ? May no other
places be proposed ? Instead of Baltimore, is it not probable we may have
Susquehanna inserted — perhaps the Delaware ? Make any amendment,
sir, and the bill will go back to the Senate. Are we sure it will come into
our possession again ? By amending we give up a certainty for an uncer-
tainty. In my opinion we shall act wisely if we accept the bill as it now
stands : and I beg leave to press it on gentlemen not to accept of any
alteration, lest it be wholly defeated, and the prospect of obtaining a south-
ern position vanish forever.

Mr. White, of Virginia : " After the present ferment is subsided, this
position (on the Potomac) will be considered as a permanent bond of
union ; and the eastern states will find their most essential interests
promoted by the measure." He adverted to the trade of Massachusetts,
which, he said, was greater to Virginia than to the whole Union besides.
" The southern states will be cordial in promoting their shipping and
advancing their interests, when they observe that the principles of
justice influence them on this great national question." The bill finally
passed, as we have seen, locating the seat of the federal government where
it now is. Its history from that time is well known. To-day how justly
proud can we be of our national capital ! Do we ever hear the suggestion,
" move the capital further west " ? It is but a suggestion of the morbidly
imaginative. Any change of the location would be but a change, no
improvement. Standing one day in the great capitol building, beneath
that mighty dome, typical of the solidity and magnificence of our country,
it was a long time before I was conscious of the presence of an old friend
standing by my side. Till I had clasped his hand, he did not see me,
being lost, also, in contemplation. " I have been thinking," said he, " of
all the Fourth of July orations I ever heard or read, and now in my own
heart, I can repeat that, which I have often called spread-eagleism, " What
a great nation is this of ours ! " My thoughts were the same.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

{Continued from page 507, Vol. X.)

It will be seen that the next entry of 1st of April, 1781, is followed by a few entries of dates
preceding that day, and then others in April again begin. They so appear in the manuscript
volume, not having been entered in the regular order of their dates, by some mistake.

Brookhaven* April 1 1 7 8 1 .

Extract from a letter from Hassard
Sir

This is to inform you by a late rebel paper that one of the French frigates has
arrived into New Port, with upwards of six hundred wounded men, and the report
is, that they have had as many killed, and by a boat from Nantucket they inform
us that they saw the French fleet a standing into New Port, ten sail.f

Extract from a letter from Rhode Island z$th February.

The St. Emille a sixty-four gun ship, belonging to the French Squadron, was
sent with two frigates upon a particular expedition to Chesapeake bay : having
finished the business she was sent upon, she lay ten days in Hampton Road, where
she took nine or ten British vessels with 500 soldiers on board : after which she
sailed to rejoin her fleet, and on her passage fell in with and took the Romulus, a
British 44 pierced for 50 guns and brought her safe into this port last night.

* In Suffolk County, L. L, a town extending across the island from the Sound on the north, to
the Ocean on the south.

f This refers to the battle between the French and English fleets under the Chevalier Destouches,
and Vice- Admiral Arbuthnot respectively, on the 16th March, 1781. There were eight three-deck
line-of-battle ships and four frigates on the English side, and eight three-deck line-of-battle ships
and three frigates on the French side. The forces were nearly equal, the French having more men,
the English more guns. The French squadron sailed from Newport on the 8th (followed on the
10th by the English one from Gardiner's Bay), and returned there on the 26th of March, five days be-
fore the above letter was received. The battle was indecisive, but the British succeeded in getting
into Chesapeake Bay and relieving Arnold, thus rendering nugatory the plan of Washington and
Rochambeau for his capture or destruction.

54 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

N. B: The above extract of a letter is inserted in the Pennsylvania Evening
Post of Saturday, March 2nd *

15'* March 1781.

Joseph Baity left Rhode Island the 26th of Feby. He was sent by Doct Halli-
burton,! who told him there was 1000 troops embarked on board the Men of War
at that time. He says it was impossible they could know what number were to be
embarked, but that they were to sail for the Chesapeake the first Easterly wind.
They had not at the time he came away destroyed any works or shipped any
cannon : nor had they sent any stores out of the Island : no disposition was made
then to quit this place.

He came in by way of New London, but could not get off for the rebel whale
boats ; he got on board the Admiral (Arbuthnot) on the 2nd of March, and as he
was returning was drove ashore on Plumb Island, \ and having tried in vain to
return to the Admiral he determined to come here by land.

The conversation in general was that they wanted to take General Arnold, who
they seemed to make personally their object.

if h March 1781.

Mr. Hicks left Maryland the 21st of February, came through Philadelphia,
which place he left the 7th Inst.

He saw the troops under La Fayette, he thinks about 7 or 800 go down the
river, as they said against Arnold, who [he] was informed was their only object.
He heard that Lord Cornwallis had crossed the Dan River.

The friends to Government are in great spirits, more so than he has seen them.
They are very much enraged at the new laws that have passed. §

*It refers to the first expedition to the Chesapeake under M. de Tilly to " capture " Arnold,
which was made of no avail by the latter moving his much lighter vessels so far up the Elizabeth
river, that the heavier French ships could not follow them. The only tangible result of the expe-
dition being the capture of the frigate and other vessels mentioned. M. de Tilly sailed with three
French men-of-war on Feb. 9th, 1781, from Newport, and returned there on the 24th, having been
gone but fifteen days. — Correspondence between the French Generals and Admirals and Washington
in VII. Sparks.

f Dr. John Haliburton was a physician of Rhode Island who went to Halifax after the war.
He was a man of high character and a member of the council of Nova Scotia. His wife was Susanna
Brenton, of R. I. Their son, born in R. I., was Sir Brenton Haliburton, chief justice of Nova Sco-
tia. His son, Thomas I. Haliburton, was also a judge of the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia, thj
author of the History of Nova Scotia and of " Sam Slick," and his son is the present distinguished
barrister, Mr. R. G. Haliburton, of Ottawa.

\ At the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound.

§ The very severe acts levying enormous taxes to carry on the war are here referred to. How
very strong " the friends to Government " in the Southern States were at this time, six years after
the beginning of hostilities, is proven by General Greene himself. " After crossing the Dan and
collecting a few Virginia militia, finding the enemy had erected their standard at Hillsborough,
and the people begun to flock to it from all quarters, either for protection, or to engage in the

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 55

i fh March 1 7 8 1 Col Robinson
State and Situation of the A?nerican Army at and in the Vici?iity of the North
River, f\ 8 th, and 9th of March.

MEN

Stationed at Pine's Bridge,* under the command of Maj Maxwell, in Col
Hull's absence who has gone to Boston 150

About three miles to the northward of Croum Pond t is an encampment
of the Rhode Island line : but the troops are drawn off to West Point, except
part of two companies left to guard their baggage 60

The New Hampshire line are encamped about four miles above the Con-
tinental Village, within half a mile of the main road leading from Peeks Kill
to Fish Kill, on the east side of said road. Their numbers at present dont ex-
ceed 200

The Connecticut line are encamped about six miles above said village, on
the West side of said main road, about a mile distant therefrom and about
one and a half mile distant from the North River. The encampment is situ-
ated in a hollow, between two mountains, a large brook running between their
huts, which are built to contain 3000 men, but deducting those detatched for
the Marquis's Corps and many on furlough their numbers at present does not
exceed 800

The Massachusetts line, except those detached for the afore said purpose
are chiefly at West Point. The issuing commissary says that provisions are
issued to that Garrison and its Dependencies for 3000 men : but however
that matter may be managed it is pretty certain that the garrison does not con-
sists of more than half that number, to which may be added the New York
brigade lately drawn from the northern frontier for the defence of that place,
their number 400. 1 900

There is an encampment about four miles to the northward of West Point,
near N : Windsor consisting of about 500

Total 36i°

service, I determined to recross at all hazards, and it was very fortunate that I did, otherwise Lord
Cornwallis wotdd have got several thousand recruits. Seven companies enlisted in one day. Our
situation was desperate at the time we recrossed the Dan ; our numbers were much inferior to the
enemy, and we were without ammunition, provisions, or stores of any kind, the whole having retired
over the Stanton river. However I thought it best to put on a good face and make the most of
appearances." And then, after showing how he led Cornwallis to think he was to be attacked, and
stating the features of the country, he continues : " Here has been the field for the exercise of gen-
ius and an opportunity to practice all the great and little arts of war. Fortunately wc have blun-
dered through without meeting any capital misfortune." — Letter of Greene to Reed of \Wi March,
1 78 1 . LI. Reed 's Reed 34.

* On the Croton river ; the site is now nearly midway of the present artificial " Croton Lake," on
its northerly side, in the manor of Cortlandt, and county of Westchester.

f Properly called Crom Pond, a hamlet and small lake in the manor of Cortlandt, Westchester
county, N. Y., about three miles north of Pine's Bridge.

56 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The N. York Militia are ordered to be ready at a Minutes Warning with
eight days provisions.

The flower of the army is gone with the Marquis for although they are called the
Light Infantry, in detaching them no regard was had to Infantry as such. They
marched with little or no baggage except some dismounted field Pieces and some
ammunition, put up in boxes and called their general baggage. Its said General
Wayne joined the Marquis with 400 Pensylvanians and that the whole made a forced
march to Virginia.

General Washington is gone to New Port : not a day passes but one or two
expresses go to him.

Parsons and many of the principal officers are absent from camp.

One Smith, a clockmaker from N. York, with a number of hands, have been
employed for two months past in collecting oars, and other materials in the back
towns of Connecticut for building flat bottom boats and other craft in Wapping
Creek near Fish kill, to the number of 5 or 600, as Smith says.

If one was only to listen to information given by those who are so prejudiced as
to exaggerate on one side and diminish on the other, little dependence could be
made from such sources, but as the foregoing is derived from observation, and
when that could not be made with propriety, from the undisguised narrations of
those who may be considered as forming an intermediate class, it cannot be far
from the mark : but such is the jealousy subsisting in their army since Arnold's
affair that it is difficult to come at the exact truth unless there was a confidant in
their service at Every Capital Post.

N. B : Those mentioned above to be stationed at Pine's Bridge do not stay long
in a place, but shift their quarters often in that neighborhood. The above estimate
must riot be depended on, for many days, as recruits are now coming in.

K. M : *

March 1781.
Two Brigades are gone to the Southward from head quarters, which is at present

* K. M.'s account of the cantonments and numbers of the American regiments in this letter are
very accurate. Washington's return of his forces to 1st April, 20 days later, was inclosed in his
letter of the 8th of that month to the President of Congress. Writing to Laurens the very next
day, 9th April, 17S1, he says : " Day does not follow night more certainly, than it brings with it
some additional proof of the impracticability of carrying on the war without the aids you solicit.
As an honest and candid man, as a man whose all depends on the final and happy termination of
the present contest, I assert this, while I give it decisively as my opinion, that, without a foreign
loan our present force, which is but the remnant of an army, cannot be kept together in this cam-
paign, much less will it be increased and in readiness for another. * * * It is equally certain,
that our troops are approaching fast to nakedness, and that we have nothing to clothe them with ;
that our hospitals are without medicines, and our sick without nutriment except such as well
men eat * * * But why need I run into detail when it may be declared in a word, that we are
at the end of our tether, and that now or never our deliverance must come." — VIII. Sparks, 7.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 57

at Col : Dyes at Prickness.* It is expected a detachment is to be sent to West
Point. Col : Brown with his Reg* of 6 months men went out against the Indians at
Schoharie and were all killed or taken. General Washington is now on a journey
through York State. He is raising 1 500 men for 45 days, one part intended for
Minisink and the rest for West Point fort.f

iq'a March 1781.

Col : Robinson.

Winot [ Wynant] Williamson returned from Dutchess County where he has
been for two months past. He says :

" One Brigade (formerly Poor's) are hutted at Van Tassalls, three or four miles
from Continental Village.

Another at Continental Village, and along the road up to Hopper's (called the
"Soldiers fortune."

1 000 at the forts on West Point- — a small guard at Pine's Bridge, a captain and
25 men at Bedford — none but Militia and Refugees at Crum Pond.

The militia of this Province and Connecticut are all under orders with eight
days provisions.

Washington went to the Eastward, but an Express was sent after him to bring
him back.

The tories in the Country are all in high spirits and say the War must soon be
over, as the rebels cannot hold out much longer.

They have a good many flat boats at Fishkill Landing and New Windsor, but
none building in any part of the river, nor any preparations for it, that he could
learn.

There is a considerable quantity of flour and salt left at Davis' store in Pough-
kepsie, very little at Fishkill : there is a magazine of powder and some cannon
there. He tells the same of Allen J that we have heard lately.

March 22"* 1781.

Cap1 Beckwith.

Lieut* Spencer, a continental officer, who is frequently at Spencer town in Con-
necticut, comes across the Sound in a whale boat to Lloyd's Neck, or that neigh-
borhood, once a fortnight, or every three weeks, in order to procure intelligence.
He goes mostly to one Thome's near the Church at Oyster Bay, but Sometimes to
one Cornell's, who lives in that part of the Island. Either of these two persons go

* Col. Dey's at Preakness, Bergen Co. , New Jersey, is here meant.

f This statement appears mixed, and was probably made with the intention of not being clear.
The expedition referred to, in which Col. Brown was killed, took place in 1780, the year preceding ;
and Washington was not engaged in raising " 45 days" men at the time mentioned.

\ Ethan Allen and his negotiations with the British.

58 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

to another man of the name of Thorne (brother to Thorne of Oyster Bay) who
lives in a different part of the Island . (the informant does not know where) who
comes to New York and procures the information required. It is conveyed by this
channel to Lieutenant Spencer, who very commonly remains concealed for three or
four days upon the Island at Thome's or Cornell's. *

* The above are simply details of the manner by which information from within the British
lines came to the American headquarters. General Washington's system for obtaining secret private
intelligence was very thorough, extensive, and efficient. The foregoing letter gives a few details of
but one of the channels through which that intelligence came. Washington kept the entire direction
of this " bureau," as it may be called, in his own hands, not trusting it to any adjutant-general or
other officer. He had many sources and methods of information, utterly unknown and unsuspected
at the time, and each independent of all others. Thus he was able to know, determine, and weigh
the value of each piece of information, and of each informant, for himself. Col. Elias Dayton, of
New Jersey, was a trusted officer through whom he obtained intelligence west of the Hudson.
That which was received via Long Island, to a great extent, but not entirely, came through Major,
subsequently Colonel, Benjamin Tallmadge, a native of Long Island, and second son of the Rev.
Benjamin Tallmadge, of Setauket, Suffolk Co. He began a secret correspondence with various
parties within the British lines, under Washington's directions, in 1778, and from that time till the
end of the war he was engaged in this business, his brief but brilliant military expeditions on Long
Island practically growing out of it. For this purpose he was stationed in the eastern part of
Westchester County, New York, on the borders of the Sound, and of Connecticut, generally at
Salem, Northcastle, or King street in Rye, within easy reach and command of the Sound, and also
of the roads to the Highlands of the Hudson and New Windsor. In a few letters referring to his
private intelligence, Washington speaks of his informers as " gentlemen " ; that to Gov. Livingston,
of New Jersey, of 8th April, 1781, telling him of an alleged plan for his assassination and that of
three others, one of whom was Washington himself, is an example. VII. Sparks 471. His views
and descriptions of the "private intelligence" he wanted are fully set forth in the following letter
to Col. Tallmadge, written at the very time we are considering:

To Major Benjamin Tallmadge „■ New Windsor, 30 April 1781

Dear Sir

Fully impressed with the idea of the utility of early, regular, and accurate communication
of the kind in contemplation, I shall make no difficulty in acceding to the proposal contained
in your private letter from Newport. But at the same time that I am engaging in behalf of the

United States a liberal reward for the services of the C s {two spies in New York: who, according

to Mr. Sparks, assumed the names of " Samuel Culper" and " Culper Junior") of whose fidelity
and ability I entertain a high opinion, it is certainly but reasonable, from patriotism and every
other principle, that their exertions should be proportionably great, to subserve essentially the inter-
ests of the public. All the interior and minute arrangements of the correspondence I request that
you will settle with them as expeditiously and advantageously as may be, and especially that
you will urge in very forcible terms, the necessity of having the communication as circumstantial,
frequent, and expeditious as' possible.

The great objects of information you are very well acquainted with ; such as arrivals, embarka-
tions, preparations for movements, alterations of positions, situations of posts, fortifications, garri-
sons, strength or weakness of each, distribution and strength of corps, and in general, everything
which can be interesting and important for us to know.

Besides these, you are also sensible there are many things upon a smaller scale, which are
necessary to be reported, and that whatever intelligence is communicated ought to be, not in general

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 59

April Ith 1 781.

Copy of a letter (inclosed in one from W. J. Ogden of the above date) dated Elizabeth-
town 3 1 st March 1 7 8 1 .
Dear Sir

A Gent: arrived here last night from Philadelphia and says there has been an
action between Lord Corrtwallis and Gen1 Green, on the 16th Ins't at Guilford

terms, but in detail, and with the greatest precision. At present I am anxious to know (for the re-
ports have been very numerous, vague, and uncertain), whether another embarkation is preparing,
and if so, to what amount, and where destined, what the present force of the enemy is, particularly
on Long Island, in New York and at King's bridge ; what corps are at the latter place, how strong,
and where posted exactly; and indeed, what the situation, prospects, and designs of the enemy arc,
so far as they can be penetrated.

I am&c

Gc Washington

This letter is in the eighth volume of Sparks's writings of Washington. Tallmadge began to
obtain private intelligence from the British, in Philadelphia, in December, 1777. In 1778, he him-
self says, " This year I opened a private correspondence with some persons in New York which
lasted through the war. How beneficial it was to the commander-in-chief is evidenced by his con-
tinuing the same to the close of the war. I kept one or more boats continually employed in crossing
the Sound on this business." Sometimes he ventured over to Long Island himself, but this was on
rare occasions. His agents were in all parts of the Island. When peace was announced in 1783,
he says, *" I found it necessary to take some steps to insure the safety of several persons within the
enemy's lines, who had served us faithfully and with intelligence during the war. As some of these
were to be considered of the Tory character, who would be very obnoxious when the British army
should depart, I suggested to Gen. Washington the propriety of my being permitted to go to New
York under the cover of a flag. This he very readily granted, and I proceeded to New York, where
I was surrounded by British troops, tories, cowboys, and traitors. By the officers of the army and
navy< I was treated with great respect and attention, especially by the commander-in-chief, Sir Guy
Carleton, at whose table I dined with the commanding officers of the navy and others of high
situation. * * *- " While at New York I saw and secured all who had been friendly to us
through the war, and especially our emissaries, so that not one instance occurred of any abuse after
we took possession of the city where protection was given or engaged." — Tallmadge 's Private Auto-
biography for his Children, pp. 29, and 61, 62.

Each prominent leader in the war had also his own private agents and means of obtaining infor-
mation from the enemy. Those of Gov. Livingston, of New Jersey, were remarkably good,
and his intelligence full and correct. So were those of John Jay, and Gov. George Clinton, and
General Heath. Some of the prominent persons within the enemy's lines, trusted and lauded by
the British commanders and officials then, and usually believed now to have been strong tories, were
in fact whig spies ; a few from pure motives, but most for gain, as is always the case in all wars, in
all nations, and among all peoples. Jones in his " History of New York During the Revolutionary
War," tells us that while he was a prisoner of war in Connecticut, in the winter of 1779, Col.
Stephen Moylan, of the Pennsylvania Horse, then quartered there, told a gentleman (meaning him-
self) in a conversation one evening ' ' that not a return of the number and state of the British army at
New York had been made to General Clinton (Sir Henry) for the last two years, but that General
Washington received a copy of it in 24, or at most in 48 hours, after its delivery to the commander-in-
chief," vol. ii., p. 210. The same author also states that " he heard the British adjutant-general and
his deputy aver in public company that a letter of Mr. Smith (Joshua Hett Smith) to Governor George

60 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Court house, and that Green retreated with the loss of 400 killed and wounded and
four pieces of cannon, and that night hindered Lord Cornwallis's pursuit.

From the same April $th 1781.
I have now from a Continental officer who has seen a letter from an officer
with General Green, that the loss sustained was 290 Continentals killed and missing,
and that no mention is made of the militia.

I am Ys T *

Copy of a letter from Has sard red April 5th dated April 4 from Long Island.
Sir

This is to inform you that there is a rebel Major in Easthampton, by the
name of Davis, from Connecticut, who is getting money and goods for Congress,
and offers the people's Estates who are away as security. The rebels are in high
spirits. Mrs. Smith and Capt. Rose at the Fire place say England must soon give
up now that Holland has joined America.

James T. Hassard.

Ith April 1*1*1..

Uzal Woodruff left Elizabethtown last Saturday night. He saw a man who
came from a place fifty miles to the northward of Gen Green's army, who says,
that Lord Cornwallis defeated him in an engagement about a fortnight ago in
North Carolina, that the rebels had 700 men killed on the spot. That they had
repulsed Lord Cornwallis several times, but he had at last prevailed. That Green
next morning collected his troops and meant to hazard a second engagement, but
the militia absolutely refused to fight, f

Clinton, containing every information relative to the state of the garrison, the troops, and fleet at
New York, was intercepted, the latter end of October, of the year 1781, and brought to their office ;
that it was in Smith's proper handwriting ; that it was delivered to General Clinton; but that so
far from any notice being taken of it, the author was still harboured, caressed, and entertained.'"' —
Vol. ii,, p.- 209. This incident occurred the October following the July of the very year in which
this volume of Sir Henry Clinton's private intelligence ends — 1781; and the " adjutant-general and
his deputy" mentioned are the very two officers, Major Oliver DeLancey and Captain Beckwith,
to whom this Private Intelligence was reported, and by whom it was recorded as we now have it.
Had the succeeding volume of these Headquarters Records only accompanied the one now in Dr.
Emmett's possession, we should, perhaps, have learned more about this letter of Smith's to George
Clinton. The way Sir Henry treated it goes far to explain why all the full and correct private in-
telligence now first brought to light and printed, and which was then continously laid before him,
does not seem to have been taken advantage of in any way.

* Washington, in a letter to Gen. Lincoln, of the 4th April, one day before that in the text,
also puts the loss in Continentals at 290, and makes no mention of the militia — precisely the same
information. Sparks, in a note, states that the " 290" only included Continental soldiers ; that the
Virginia militia had 15 killed, 67 wounded, and 322 missing ; the North Carolina militia, 6 killed,
5 wounded, and 563 missing ; and that, in both cases, the "missing" went home, very few being
taken. Vol. VII., 466

f Meaning that they went home, as above stated.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 6l

The Marquis la Fayette was at Annapolis eight days ago waiting for the French.
That he heard the French fleet were beat off, and was waiting to receive further
orders, before he moved from that place.

Col: Dayton is ill at Chatham. He has but one company of light Infantry with
him.

Woodraff has not seen Mr. J ne lately. They are not on good terms.

W: says he is very intimate with Dayton* and several other rebel officers.

A Captain Schudder commands at Elizabethtown — he has about 40 men.
They do not lie in town at night, since the late alarm.

The country people are in very low spirits on account of Green's defeat.

April 2\st 1 7 8 1 . Col. Robinson.

Wynant Williamson, f who I had sent out for information respecting the High-
lands, and directed him to go to a particular friend \ who lives very near West
Point: he returned this day and says he saw my friend, was with him a whole day
(last Thursday) and had the information from him.

Sig. B: Robinson.

West side of the River.

Gen1 Washington's Head Quarters at Elises § House, New Windsor.
. New York Regiment, commanded by Col: Van Schaick in the main fort called
Fort Clinton.

The Bay forces towards the Furnace, three miles from the Point.

All the forces on the west side is about 500. The redoubts on the West side

eight or ten artillerymen and a sergeants guard in each. No other guards nor
patrols on the West Side except the Camp guards.

The gates are shut at gun firing and no person admitted in or out. They are at
Work on the road over Butter hill. Their main stores at Fort Clinton. They have
reserved stores in each Work in case of an attack. The stores on the beach || is
where they draw provisions from. General Knox with a Regiment of Artillery is
at Washington's quarters.

General Heath commands at West Point.

* Col. Elias Dayton.

f The same person whose information of 19th March has been given. He was one of Col. B.
Robinson's agents to get intelligence.

% Who this " particular friend " of Col. Robinson, living in 17S1 so near his old home, opposite
West Point, was, is not known.

§ This should be "Ellison's." William Ellison was a gentleman possessing a large landed
property at New Windsor, where his house was occupied for a long time by Washington. The
troops were also, at times, cantoned upon his estate, part of which still belongs to, and is occupied
by his great-grandchildren, some bearing the name of Ellison, others that of Morton.
|| The shore of the North River.

02 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

East side of the River. \

200 of the continental line commanded by Col. Darby under Bull hill.

The New Hampshire line at Cannoputs hollow in number about 600 — 500 are
just inoculated.

The two redoubts on the East side are commanded by Captain Johnson, with
one company of men.

Col Smith with one Regiment of about 100 men, on Hyatt's hill East of Doctor
Perry e.

Part of Col Hansens Regimt at Fishkill commanded by Major Twing. *

N. B. They have about 50 flat bottom boats, chiefly at Stoney Point. One
company at Stoney Cove at Verplancks. Two field pieces on one side and three

on the other No works of consequence. Some boats repairing at Wappingers

Creek.

2 ^d April 1 781.

Copy of a letter from Mr. Isaac Ogden. f
Sir

A person from Newark just now informs me that four whale boats from
Brunswick are to make a descent on Long Island on Monday Evening next. His

information seems to well founded He is the same person that brought to the

Mayor J the intelligence of the last attempt, when they took off the Brunswick
Major — Your obt serv't

Major de Lancy.

I. Ogden.

Copy of a letter from Hiram.

2 4'* April, 1 78 1.
Sir

The business I had to negotiate with Gen1 P s after my return home, I paid

the utmost attention to, and in order to break the ice (as says the vulgar adage) I
found myself under the necessity of summoning what little address I was master
of, in order to secure myself a retreat, should the matter I had to propose prove

dis-agreeable to P s. Therefore after giving him a satisfactory account of my

commercial negotiation (which I knew would be alluring to him) I introduced the
other branch of my business in the following manner. I told him that in justice to
the confidence he reposed in me, I conceived myself in duty bound to conceal no
material circumstance from him, which may in any respect affect him. Impressed
with this sense I begged leave to communicate the substance of a conversation I
had with a gentleman at New York, whom I knew to be in the highest confidence

* It is uncertain from the writing whether this name is " Twing" or " Turney " in the original,
f Of New Jersey, mentioned in note to Bruen's Information of 10th Feb., ante.
X David Matthews, Mayor of New York.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 63

with the Commander-in-chief. This gentleman I told him hearing of my being in
town with a flag and knowing I had many friends in it, who, notwithstanding our
differing in political sentiments, were attached to me, he, therefore, made use of
some of them to acquaint me that he wished for an interview for the purpose of
conferring on a subject, the nature of which was no way inconsistent with strict
honor. I accordingly waited on him at the appointed hour, when a conversation
of the following import occurred.

" I understand said the Gentleman that you are intimately acquainted with G —
Par — s " I answered in the affirmative. " Dont you judge him to be a gentleman
possessed of too much understanding and liberality of sentiment, to think that the
welfare of his country consists in an unnatural alliance with the Enemies to the
Protestant religion, a perfidious nation, with whom no faith can be long kept, as all
the nations of Europe have experienced ? " I answered that I knew G — 1 P — s
to be a Gentleman of abilities, but could not judge of his feelings toward that
nation, otherwise than by observing no great cordiality subsisting between him and
the gentry of that nation, in our service. " The terms offered by the parent state "
(continued the gentleman) are so liberal and generous, that I wonder at any gentle-
man of an enlarged and liberal mind, giving his assistance in prolonging the
calamities of his Country, and as General P — s is well known to possess these
talents as well as great influence in the army and country, Government would wish
to make use of him for the laudable and honorable purpose of lending his aid in
terminating this unhappy war in an amicable Re-union with the parent State :
should he undertake it, Government will amply reward him, both in a lucrative and
honorary way and manner, besides, I super-added, making a provision for his
son."

Thus, Sir, have I been necessitated to use all this circumlocution in order to
convince him of the delicacy observed in making the above propositions, and that
nothing was intended inconsistent with the purest principles of honor.

During this conversation I observed that he listened with uncommon attention,
and as it grew very late, he said it was a matter which required deliberation, he
therefore postponed it to another opportunity.

Next morning he sent for me and resumed the subject of our last or preceding
nights discourse. He said he had weighed the matter and found himself, upon
the strictest examination, disposed to a reconciliation and to effect which he would
use his influence and lend his aid to promote it, but that he saw the embarrass-
ments in his way in regard to inculcating such principles in the army, though he
did not doubt, but in time, he could bring the officers of the Connecticut line over
to his opinion. That in order to effect it, he thought he could do it more to the
purpose' by resigning his Commission, which would save every appearance of those
honorary ideas, inseparable from the military profession ; that he would draw after
him the officers above referred to, who look up to him as a father, and that their
joint influence would be exerted among the citizens, which would turn the tables

64 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

in favor of Government in our State : but in consideration of those services, he
must have a reasonable and meet compensation for his Commission, it being all he
had to depend upon.

Thus, Sir, have I given you a faithful account of this business and shall wait on
you for your further direction at any hour you may please to appoint, when I may
have the honor of relating other circumstances relative to it which would be rather
tedius to commit to writing.

I shall be in a situation this summer (I hope) to render essential service,
having carried my election against Judge Sanford, who is one of the first families
in the place. It is needless to observe that in the general assembly of Connecticut,
enter all the material concerns of our political system : that secret advices from
Congress, from Washington, and from abroad, are there canvassed, the early knowl-
edge of which may be of consequence in order to avail yourself of it.

I am &c Ys W. H *

To Major DeLancy &c. &c.

2 5M April 1 781.
Memorandums taken of a conversation with Hiram.

He promises to get from Gen1 Pa s the following information.

The exact state of West Point.

What Troops.

What Magazines.

What new Works & how many Guns.

Who commands.

If there is a boom below Fort Clinton.

He is to let me know what P s wish is, how we can serve him and the

* The above is another letter of William Heron, of Reading, Connecticut, the "place"
alluded to. Stated in the heading, "> From Hiram," it is signed with his own initials " W. H."
See note to " Letter in cypher from Connecticut, received Feb. 4th, 1781," above mentioned, for
a full account of Heron, (p. 416, vol. X. .Mag. Am. History).

Throughout this letter and the memorandums following it, the initials, with the dashes, and in part
small letters of the name of the general mentioned, are given exactly as they are in the original MS.

As this letter was received in New York on the 24th February, 1781, its author probably
brought it himself ; for, as he was sent for next day, the 25th, in accordance with the suggestion
towards its close, either by the adjutant-general, to whom it was addressed, or by the deputy-adju-
tant, whichever transacted the business, to converse with on its subject, he must then have been
in the city. The next entry is a memorandum of the conversation that then occurred, and also
of a second conversation on the same day. The name of the son of Gen. Parsons, mentioned in
this letter, was Enoch. The "Judge Sanford" whom Heron defeated for the assembly in the
spring of 1 78 1, was Lemuel Sanford, county judge of Fairfield Co., Ct. After the war a few years
the judge's son, also named Lemuel, married Mary Heron, a daughter of William Heron, the
y Hiram " of this intelligence. — -Todd's Hist. Reading.

Heron seems to have acted on the hint of Parsons' s aid, Oliver Lawrence, about him (of March
nth, ante) very quickly.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 65

methods he means to point out himself. He is to tell him, he can no way serve us
so well as continuing in the army ; that the higher his command, the more material
service he can render — he is to promise him great rewards for any services he may
do us. He is to hold up the idea of Monk to him, and that we expect from his
services an end to the War. That during the time he continues in their army, he
shall have a handsome support and should he be obliged to fly, to remind him of
the Example & situation of Arnold.

I am to hear from him on Friday next when he will let me know how far he has
operated on Pa s. I shall tell him further what steps to take.

He is to go to Hartford and attend the Assembly, from whence he will collect
minutes and in the Month of June will transmit them to the General.

He makes no doubt of bringing Par s to do what we wish

Marks to go on Friday for letters to Buckleys.*

Further conversation with Hiram 2 5th April.

He says very few of the three years men, who were to be engaged last January
have joined Washington's army. It is not expected by the most sanguine that an
army can be raised.

He knows of no enterprise which the French may have in contemplation. A
report [is] forwarded in the country that two frigates were arrived in Newport from
France, but he could not trace the author, and no official account had been sent to
Head Quarters.

Vermont, he thinks, will revolt.

The disaffection increases daily in Connecticut and New York governments.
Their cattle and property are frequently sold to pay the taxes.

Extract of a letter from Chew, f

28^^/771781.

Mr Harris the person sent to the East end of Long Island, not being able to
procure a horse did not get to Sag Harbour before the 19th last. Major Davis, a
Continental officer, who is said to have come from Connecticut to buy clothing for
the Connecticut line, for which he (having procured it) paid hard money, left that
place in great haste on information that some Refugee boats were at the Canoe
place — J The Refugees arrived at Sag Harbour time enough to take him and the

* Buckley lived near Fairfield, Conn., and was a person through whom intelligence was sent for
Sir H. Clinton, as appears from a subsequent entry in this "Private Intelligence."

f " Chew " was probably Joseph Chew, of New London, Ct., who, according to Sabine, " was
a commissary in the royal service," and who, in 1777, four years before, had been taken prisoner at
Sag Harbor.

\ '* The Canoe Place " was the narrow isthmus, forming the portage or crossing between Peconic
Bay, an arm of the Sound on the north side, and Shinnecock Bay, an arm of the Atlantic Ocean, on
the south side of Long Island, over — hich boats were hauled from one side to the other when on the
marauding expeditions of the day.
Vol. XI.— No. 1.— 5

66 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

goods, to the amount of ^2000, but by pursuing a whale boat instead of going into
the harbour they missed the object. One Isaacs * of East Hampton was privy to
this transaction.

The following extract of the same letter was sent to the Admiral f

On the 19th Inst a fleet of 21 sail, one of them a 64 gun ship, two or three
frigates, the others transports and Armed Vessels, left New Port. — At Block Island
a man who saw them at that Island told him they were steering South East. The
same day a body of troops set out from thence, as was said, to join Washington, to
the amount of about 2000 men ; this he heard from a man who saw them on the
Road between Rhode Island and New London.

One French line of Battle Ship had her masts out, another was repairing and
the Romulus was getting ready to be hove down. N. B. A paragraph in the same
letter mentioning privateers, whale boats, &c, follows this, but not here copied. %

Intelligence Supposed of this date — 28'* April.

There is a plan on foot to form an attack or surprise on the troops and garrison
of Lloyd's Neck, and unless some violent exertions by the vessels and boats there,
'tis very probable it will be effected §

The French troops are on their march for the North River, and it is said are to
take post with some Continental troops at White Plains

* In June, 1779, Aaron Isaacs, of Suffolk Co., N. Y. , then a detained refugee at Hartford, Ct,
petitioned the Connecticut authorities for leave to go to East Hampton for a horse and some flax,
— Rev. Inc. Suffolk Co., p. 79. He was probably the man here mentioned.

\ Arbuthnot.

% This " Extract " refers to the sailing of the French fleet for Virginia, and the first movement of
Rochambeau's army on their way to join Washington at Whiteplains, N. Y. The "Romulus"
was the British frigate captured by de Tilly, during the first brief French expedition to the Chesa-
peake from Rhode Island, above mentioned.

§ This plan proposed on April 6th, 1781, by Major Tallmadge, and assented to by Washington
on the 8th, was, that two French frigates, supported by a body of troops in boats under Tallmadge,
should make the attack in the absence of the British fleet. It failed, because no French ships could
then be obtained for the purpose. Tallmadge in his letter tells Washington that " there appears to
have been a regular system adopted to open a more effectual communication with the disaffected in
Connecticut. Chains of intelligence which are daily growing more and more dangerous, and the
more injurious traffic are but two fatal consequences of this system. My informer has requested me
to propose to your Excellency a plan to break up the whole body of these marauders." Washing-
ton's reply, agreeing to the plan, contains this illustration of his own method of obtaining secret
intelligence through Tallmadge : "In the mean time I wish you to be as particular as possible, in
obtaining from your friend an accurate account of the enemy's strength on York, Long, and Staten
Islands, specifying the several corps and their distributions. This, I think, from the enemy's
weak state may be procured with more facility and accuracy than at any former period. I wish to
know also the strength of the last detachment from New York, and of what troops it was composed." —
Precisely the same kind of information as to Clinton's army, that we find by this " Private Intelli-
gence" Clinton obtained as to his army! — VIII. Sparks, 3 and 4.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 67

Violent measures are pursuing by Connecticut, and have nearly prepared the
minds of the people to receive any proposals for peace — their taxes are insupport-
able.

General Waterbury * puts the violent laws in force on the lines. He has
whipped a number and sent to the mines others, who were charged with breaking
the laws.

April 29th 1781. 5 o'clock A. M. >

Col Robinson, I: S: who was despatched the 24th inst to obtain intelligence from
Rhode Island, is just returned.

Reports — that "he crossed the Sound from the Oyster Ponds f to the Rope
Ferry \ the 26th at night."

That " he then met his friends from Rhode Island, who had come off on pur-
pose to get an opportunity to send the following intelligence to us" — viz ;

That the whole of the French navy and some transports, with 2500 troops on
board were to sail (at farthest on this day the 29th) as it was imagined for the
Chesapeake, supposing our fleet so disabled as not to be able soon to follow them.
The French troops had marched to Providence for a few days then returned and
immediately embarked

That *' this day se' night 20 transports sailed from Rhode Island, with pro-
visions, supposed for the West Indies, but does not know what convoy they had.

That " the Rebels are using every method in their power to forward recruits to
Washington's army and are pretty successful

The French frigate Hermione is arrived at Rhode Island. The Deane frigate
at Boston.

* 2,0th April—

Jn. Trubody left East Hampton last Thursday says he heard seventeen ships,
two of them Frigates, had Sailed from Rhode Island, on Thursday se' night sup-
posed for Old France and that the French troops had marched to Providence, in
order to join Cen1 Washington's army. He did not hear of anything having sailed
from Rhode Island since that time.

Extract of a letter from Capt Marquard to Capt Bcckiuith, May 6th 1781.

I am just informed that a body of troops are now on their march from Rhode
Island towards the North River: They are hourly expected in the Highlands
above Peekskill where the ground for their encampment has been already marked

out.

* Gen. David Waterbury, Jr., of Stamford, Ct.

f The Northeasternmost end of Long Island.

% The " Rope Ferry " was across Niantic Bay, in Connecticut, a little west of New London.

68 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The Rebel detachments at Croton River have been reinforced — Colonel Green
commands them.*

Major De Lancey &c &c.

Copy of a letter to Major Brown dated \oth May.
Dear Sir

Enclosed you have the last Chatham paper, in return please to send your latest.

If you have not sent my p 1 before this reaches you, be pleased to send it by

the bearer Mr E: J: who will take particular charge of it &c — A gentleman this
moment arrived from Philadelphia, says, there has been a battle fought lately be-
tween Gen1 Philips and Steuben, which lasted two hours ; the latter retreated with
the loss of about 80 killed and console themselves by saying they made a good
retreat and took up a bridge of importance and saved themselves: It was nigh
Petersburgh in Virginia. The Marquis was expected to join Steuben in a day or
two after the battle. \

&c signed (Trusty % —

Extracts of letters from a gentleman in Philadelphia to Captain Beckwitk, received the

12th of May

April 21th
The Trumbull Frigate is preparing to go out on a cruize ; Paul Jones in the
Ariel has his sails bent in order to return with dispatches to France. These dis-
patches if you can but catch them, I think will discover our nakedness. §

April 23d
A small fleet of foraging vessels convoyed by three armed schooners and com

* Col. Christopher Greene, of Rhode Island, who was killed at the surprise of Pine's Bridge by
Col. James de Lancey's corps, on May 14th, 1781, just eight days after the receipt of this letter of
Capt. Marquard.

f Jefferson on 9th May (one day only before the above letter to Major Brown) wrote Washington
from Richmond, thus : " They (the enemy) marched up to Petersburgh, where they were received
by Major-General Baron Steuben, with a body of militia, somewhat under one thousand, who,
though the enemy were two thousand three hundred strong, disputed the ground very handsomely
two hours, during which the enemy gained one mile only and that by inches. Our troops were
then ordered to retire over a bridge, which they did in perfectly good order. * * * * An in-
feriority of numbers obliged our force to withdraw about twelve miles upwards, till more militia
should be assembled. The enemy burnt all the tobacco in the warehouses at Petersburgh and its
neighborhood. They afterwards proceeded to Osborne's (City Po^nt) where they did the same, and
also destroyed the residue of the public armed vessels, and several of private property, and then
came to Manchester, which is on the hill opposite this place." — III. Rev. Corr. 307.

% The opening paragraphs of this letter of " Trusty " are somewhat enigmatical ; the second is
evidently a demand for the writer's pay.

§ Paul Jones arrived at Philadelphia in the Ariel with a cargo of military stores, clothing, etc.
from L'Orient, on the 18th Feby., 1781, and remained there till the time mentioned in the next
entry of May 4th.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 69

manded by Paul Jones's Lieutenant are now gone down the river in order to collect
all they can get near the shore in the Delaware. Our spirits are up again ; nineteen
sail of vessels have arrived in this Port within the last Three or four days, with mer-
chandise from the West Indies. Many of them from the Havanah, which brought
in real specie, upwards of one hundred & sixty thousand dollars, in exchange for
flour : this flour most certainly did in a very great degree enable the Spaniards to
fit out their expedition against Pensacola : which had actually sailed before those
vessels left the Havanah.

May \ih.

The French Frigate Hermione is returned to this Port for provisions, and is now
loading. The Trumbull and Ariel are still here and the Fair American Privateer,
which are all the ships of War now in port

The Revolution, a private ship of twenty Guns sailed on a cruize, a few days
ago

From thirty to forty Merchant vessels (mostly armed) are in Port, and loading
with Tobacco for France. The late arrivals from the Havanah and France, has raised
the drooping spirits of the traders of this place exceedingly. How has it happened,
that such a number got in, with so little loss ? Is it possible that they will return
with as little ? They will sail again very shortly.*

Copy of Letter to Capt Beckwith,

dated Shrewsbury, \ May i$ih 1781
Dear Sir

Nothing material has turned up since I wrote you last from Philadelphia
except the fall of the paper money. Old Continental dollars are now at about 8 or
900 for one : the new State money about six for one and in bad credit even at that :
no person can make any considerable purchase of any kind of property Either in
town or country with paper at all : The Assemblies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey
are summoned to meet on the Solemn occasion | — Distractions amongst the people

* The inaction of Admiral Arbuthnot in not intercepting the vessels referred to, is mentioned in
many accounts of this period of the war very unfavorably to his reputation.

f In Monmouth Co., New Jersey, west of Long Branch.

% Six days prior to the date of the above letter, the following striking incident, illustrative of
the then monetary condition in Philadelphia, occurred : " May 7th. The Congress is finally bank-
rupt ! Last Saturday a large body of the inhabitants, with paper dollars in their hats by way of
cockades, paraded the streets of Philadelphia, cai-rying colors flying, with a dog tarred, and in-
stead of the usual appendage and ornament of feathers, his back was covered with the Congress
paper dollars. This example of disaffection, immediately under the eyes of the rulers of the re-
volted provinces in solemn session at the State House assembled, was directly followed by the jailer
{the jail was on Walnut and Sixth streets directly in the rear of the State House where the congress
sat), who refused accepting the bills in purchase of a glass of rum, and afterwards by the traders
of the city, who shut up their shops, declining to sell any more goods but for gold or silver. It was

yo ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

are daily increasing— our Governor Reed is getting into the utmost disgrace amongst
all ranks of people.*

+ On Thursday Evening last a ship belonging to Philadelphia arrived at that
place in thirty two days from L'Orient ; the Captain of which reports " that a very
large fleet had actually Sailed from Brest about the 22nd of March, destined for
the East Indies, the West Indies, and North America : and that those destined for
America consisted of Ten Sail of the line and ten thousand troops, to Rendezvous at
Rhode Island. How much of this account is true I cannot say, but certain it is,
this is the account he brings.

N.B. Copies of the above from the place marked with 4- were sent to the
Admiral,f &c. &c.

Extract of a letter fro?n Captain Beckwith, dated \6th May, 1781.
Dear Sir

Captain Hatfield J informs me that he has received information from
Jersey, that above one hundred of the detachment of the Jersey troops, sent with
Fayette to the Southward, had deserted to us somewhere near Petersburgh, &
nearly in one body : this was mentioned by an Officer of the Jersey troops quartered
near Chatham. He likewise tells me that the twelve month men are under orders to
march towards the frontiers, the Indians being very troublesome in that Quarter.

Yrs G. B.
Major DeLancey &c. &c.

16th May 1 781

. Mr Rivingston's humble respects & informs Major DeLancey that Mr Stedman
of Philadelphia has just communicated as follows, derived from a channel he can

assuredly rely on

Mr Jos : Reed Chief of the Executive Council of Pensylvania has with his family
been obliged by the mob of Philadelphia to fly for protection on Board Le Her-
mione, bound for Rhode Island. The Roebuck man of War is doing duty for that
frigate off the Delaware.

declared also by the popular voice, that if the opposition to Great Britain was not in future carried
on by solid money instead of paper bills, all further resistance to the mother country were vain,
and must be given up." This account was published in Rivington's Gazetteer of 12th May, 1781.

* Growing out of his action in relation to the paper money. See ch. xiii., vol. ii. of Reed's Life
of Reed, especially the documents there given ; also " Penn. Journal" of 16th May, 1781, and Capt.
Sullivan's statement of 17th May post, in this " Private Intelligence."

f Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot.

X Two of the Jersey family of this name, John Smith Hatfield and Cornelius Hatfield, were en-
gaged in furnishing information, etc., at this time, and this "Captain Hatfield" was probably
one of them.

(To be continued.}

FOUR UNPUBLISHED LETTERS FROM WASHINGTON'S
FAMILY CORRESPONDENCE

Editor of Magazine of American History :

I have recently come into possession of a number of the domestic letters of General Washing-
ton, as also those of members of his family. As they illustrate favorably the private character of
Washington, as well as the manners of the day in which they were penned, they may prove of
interest to the readers of your Magazine.

Respectfully yours, Wm. Alex. Smith.

412 Madison Avenue, 29TH Nov., 1883.

President Washington to his Sister Mrs. Betty Lewis.

Mount Vernon Oct 7, 1772.
My Dear Sister

As Mr.s Washington and myself expect to set out tomorrow for Philadelpa I have
taken advantage of the good opportunity afforded by Mr Rob1 Lewis of sending
Harriet to Fredericksburg. — It is done at this time (notwithstanding your proposed
visit to Albermarle) ist because it would be improper to leave her here after we are
all gone ; 2nd — because there would be no person to accompany her down after-
wards ; — and 3rd because it might be inconvenient for her to travel alone. —

She comes — as Mrs Washington informs me — very well provided with everything
proper for a girl in her situation : — this much I know that she costs me enough. —
I do not however want you (or anyone else) to do more by her than merely to ad-
mit her into your family whilst this House is uninhabited by a female white woman,
and thereby" rendered an unfit place for her to remain at. I shall continue to do
for her what I have already done for seven years past, and that is to furnish her
with such reasonable and proper necessaries as she may stand in need of, notwith-
standing I have had both her brothers upon my hands and I have been obliged to
pay several hundred pounds out of my own pocket for their board, schooling, and
cloathing, &c, for more than the period aforementioned : their father's estate being
unable to discharge the executions as fast as they are issued against it.

Harriet has sense enough but no disposition to industry, nor to be careful of her
cloathes. Your example and admonition may with proper restraints overcome the
two last and to that end I wish you would examine her cloathes, and direct her in
the use and application of them — for without this they will be (I am told) dabbed
about, in every hole and corner, and her best things always in use. Fanny was too
easy, too much of her own indolent turn, and had too little authority to cause
either by precept or example any change in this for the better, and Mr. Washing-

72 FOUR UNPUBLISHED LETTERS FROM

ton's absence has been injurious to her in many respects — but she is young and
with good advice, may yet make a fine woman. If notwithstanding the suggestion
that she is well provided with everything (except a cloak which may not to be had
in Alexandria and may be got at Fredericksburg, a deficiency is found and you
wish to supply it, there will be no occasion for your laying in advance more than
ten days as I could at any time remit a bank note in a letter in four days after I
was made acquainted with the amount. I do not mean by this to launch into
expensiveness — she has no pretensions to it, nor would the state of my finances
enable me to indulge her in that if she had.

Mrs Washington joins me in best wishes for the perfect restoration of your health
and every other blessing and

I am &c

George Washington

Mrs. Betty Lewis to President Washington.

January 29, 1793
My Dear Brother

Your letters of Januy the 6th and 14th of this month came duly to hand, the en-
closed letter to my son Robert met with a speedy conveyance the same day, the
other with the money for Harriet, which I shall see that no part of it shall be laid
out but in those things that is really necessary, it is unfortunate for her my living in
town, for many things that could be wore to the last string in a country place, will
not do here, where we see so much company, and I must say less would be more
agreeable to me.

I must in justice to Harriet say she Payes the strictest regard to the advice I
give her, and really she is very ingenius in making her clothes, and altering them to
the best advantage. Your letter of the 6th should have received an earlier acknowl-
edgrm" but my having business in town to sell what little wheat I had, my letter
was not sent as I directed ; I wish Howell to give me some information what it sells

for in Philadelphia and if it will rise or fall in price Harriet desires me to thank

you for your kindness to her, and joins me in returning your complimt, by wishing
you many happy New Years.

I am with sincere love to you and my sister

Your affe* sister

Betty Lewis

WASHINGTON'S FAMILY CORRESPONDENCE 73

Mrs. Betty Leiuis to President Washington.

April 6th 1793
My dear Brother

Your letter with the advertisment came safe to hand but was too late for the last
week's Paper, but will be inserted in this, and to be continued the time you directed,
the Printer's charge is 7/6. I intended to write by cousin Washington but her stay
was so short that I had not time I desired her to inform you that Harriet was in
want of several things, such as shoes, gloves, and a Hat. Perhaps it may be more
agreeable to you to get them in Alexandria, if not I believe they may be purchased
as cheap here as any place. I keep an exact memorandum of every article that is
got and will send it to you. The money sent from Philadelphia purchased her a
dress for the Birthnight. It mus* have appeared Particular had I refused to let her
go, and her having nothing fit for that purpose obliged me to lay out that money
for that dress. Harriet desires her love with mine to you and Cousin Washington.

I am dear Brother your Affectionate Sister

Betty Lewis

P. S. If you can send me a Ticket in the Washington Lottery I will send you
the money by the first safe hand.

President Washington to his Nephew, Major George Lewis.

Philadelphia 7th April 1796.
Dear Sir.

Tuesday's Post brought me a letter from a Mr. Andrew Parks of Frede^ cover-
ing one from your mother, both on the subject of overtures of marriage made by
the former to your cousin Harriet Washington, which it seems depend upon my
consent for consummation.

My sister speaks of Mr. Parks as a sober discreet man and one who is attentive
to business, Mr. Parks, says of himself that his fortune at present does not much
exceed three thousand pounds but with industry and economy he has every expect-
ation of rapidly improving his condition being concerned with his brother-in-law
Mr. Th. Elderry of Baltimore in mercantile business.

As I am an entire stranger to Mr. Parks To his family connexion, or his con-
nexions in trade, his mode of living — his habits — and to his prospects in trade, I
should be glad if .you would ascertain them with as much precision as you can, and
write me with as little delay as you can well avoid.

Harriet having little or no fortune of her own, has no right to expect a great

74 WASHINGTON S FAMILY CORRESPONDENCE

one in a husband, but it is desirable she should marry a gentleman, one who is well
connected and can support her decently, in the life she has always moved, other-
wise she would not find matrimony with a large family perhaps about her and
scanty means, so eligible a situation as she may have conceived.

I am your sincere friend and

Affectionate Uncle

George Washington

MINOR TOPICS

NEW YORK S MAMMOTH CELEBRATION

• The one hundredth anniversary of the evacuation of New York by the British
army was celebrated on Monday, November 26, in a manner highly creditable to
the great metropolis. The day opened with cold gusts of winds and dark storm
clouds. At nine o'clock in the morning, while the civic and military organizations
were on their way to take position in the parade, which was one of remarkable mag-
nitude and variety, the rain began to fall in torrents, and continued to drench the
multitude until night came. But the elements utterly failed to produce any percep-
tible coolness in the ardor of enthusiasm with which the pageant was greeted. From
Fifty-seventh street to the Battery, a distance of nearly five miles, a million or more
of spectators were packed along the route from pavement to house-tops, in one solid
mass — the squares were also black with people, the side streets blockaded, trees filled
with men and boys, every lamp-post holding one or more occupants, and venture-
some humanity perched even upon the telegraph poles, all alike soaking in the storm
with the most unflinching fortitude, for six, seven and eight hours without intermis-
sion. The land procession, led by General John Cochrane, embodied some forty
thousand men, and the imposing spectacle was upward of five hours in passing any
given point. As a military display it was one not to be surpassed under any con-
ditions. The veterans with their tattered battle flags were a grand and touching
feature of the column, The old volunteer fire department, led by John Decker,
its last chief, attracted all eyes, and elicited one continual shout of enthusiastic
welcome through the whole line of march. They dragged their old battered
" machines," alongside the modern triumphs of art, probably for the last time in
New York's history. The President of the United States, the governors of states,
the chamber of commerce, and the various historical and other societies occupied
carriages, which were necessarily closed to exclude the unwelcome rain ; but the
good-natured crowd bore the infliction heroically when a half mile of these closed
vehicles, like a long funeral procession, paused every now and then owing to the
inevitable delays on the route. The great marine parade in the harbor was also
a remarkably interesting display, although the line of steam-craft moved irregularly
at times because of the dense fog. The scenes and incidents of the day, on both
land and water, were of such interest and significance, that they should be gathered
and preserved for future generations in permanent form.

BANQUET OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

The banquet of the merchants and their guests at Delmonico's on the one hun-
dredth anniversary of the evacuation of New York by the British was a notable affair.

j6 MINOR TOPICS

Two hundred and twenty-three gentlemen gathered about the tables. The President
of the United States was present, also the governors of seven of the original thirteen
states of the Union and of one of the territories, with numerous other gentlemen of
distinction. The raised table, at which the invited guests were seated, supported in
its center an ingenious device illustrating the departure of the British, and the rais-
ing of the American flag on the Battery, Upon one end of the table stood an em-
blematic piece of confectionery, representing industry, in the form of a manufactory,
while at the other, commerce was represented in the same sweet way as an elevator.
Back of the raised table were the two great portraits of Washington by Weimar and
of George Clinton by Trumbull, from the governor's room in the City Hall. George
W. Lane, president of the chamber, presided, with President Arthur on his imme-
diate right. The after-dinner exercises were flavored with humor, and applauded
with enthusiasm, In response to the toast " The Day we Celebrate," Joseph H.
Choate made one of the most graceful speeches of the occasion, in which he said :
" The truth is, the boasted triumph of New York in getting rid of the British
once and forever has proved, after all, to be but a dismal failure. We drove them
out in one century only to see them return the next to devour our substance and to
carry off all the honors. We have just seen the noble Chief Justice of England,
the boasted favorite of all America, making a triumphal tour across the continent,
and carrying all before him at the rate of fifty miles an hour. Night after night,
at our very great cost, we have been paying the richest tribute to the reigning mon-
arch of the British stage, and nowhere in the world are English men and women of
character and culture received with a more hearty welcome, a more earnest hospi-
tality than in this very city of New York. The truth is that this event that we cele-
brate to-day, which sealed the independence of America and seemed for the moment
to give a staggering blow to the prestige and the power of England, has proved to
be no less a blessing to her own people than to ours. The latest and best of the
English historians has said that however important the independence of America
might be in the history of England, it was of overwhelming importance in the his-
tory of the world, and that though it might have crippled for a while the supremacy
of the English nation, it founded the supremacy of the English race ; and after
tracing the growth of America from three millions of people scattered along the
Atlantic coast in 1783, to fifty millions of people filling the whole continent to-day,
he declares that in wealth and material energy, as well as in numbers, it far sur-
passes the mother country from which it springs ; that it has become the main
branch of the English people, and that the history of that people, henceforth, is to
run not along the channel of the Thames and the Mersey, but of the Hudson and
the Mississippi. And in the same spirit we welcome the fact that those merely
political and material barriers that separated the two nations a century ago have
now utterly vanished, for year by year we are being drawn closer and closer to-
gether, and this day may be celebrated with equal fitness by all who speak the
English tongue.

NOTES

Signers of the three great doc-
uments CONNECTED WITH OUR NA-
TIONAL birth — List of those who
Signed the Petition to the King of
1774, and the Declaration.

Mass.— Sam'l Adams, John Adams,
Rob't Treat Paine.

Rhode Island— Stephen Hopkins.

Conn. — Roger Sherman.

New York — Philip Livingston, William
Floyd.

New Jersey — John Hart.

Penn. — George Ross, John Morton.

Delaware — Geo. Read, Caesar Rodney,
Thomas McKean.

Maryland — Sam'l Chase, William
Paca.

Virginia — Richard Henry Lee, Benj.
Harrison.

North Car. — William Hooper, Joseph
Hewes.

South Car. — Thos. Lynch, Edward
Rutledge.

List of those who Signed the Petition
and the Constitution.
Conn. — Roger Sherman.
New Jersey — William Livingston.
Penn. — Thomas Mifflin.
Delaware — George Read.
Virginia — George Washington.
South Car.—]. Rutledge.

List of those who Signed the Declara-
tion and the Constitution.
Conn. — Roger Sherman.

( Benj. Franklin, Rob't Mor-
Penn. — -< ris, George Clymer, James

( Wilson.
Delaware — George Read.

List of those who Signed the Petition,

the Declaration, and the Constitu-
tion.

Delaware — George Read.

Conn. — Roger Sherman.

Contributor

Last cantonment of the conti-
nental army — The troops of the can-
tonment near New Windsor, having
removed to the post of West Point, all
farmers, and others who have veal, mut-
ton, poultry, and other small meats to
dispose of, also vegetables of all kinds, are
hereby invited to bring the same to this
post, where they will find a ready market,
and ample protection in their persons and
property.

West Point, June 24, 1783.

John Campbell, Asst. Q. M.

To BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, On

Tuesday the second day of September
next, The Huts lately occupied by the
first and third Massachusetts Brigades,
the Building called the Temple, and
other scattered Huts in the vicinity.
The sales will begin at the Temple at
two o'clock in the afternoon.

At the same time and place will be
sold all the Wood and Timber cut by
the troops, and now lying on the lands in
and adjoining the late cantonment of
the army.

On Wednesday, the third day of Sep-
tember next, will be sold at Public
Auction at Newburgh, a number of
Wagons, a quantity of old Public
Stores, consisting principally of Horses,
Harness, Yokes and Bows, Artificers'
Tools, and Farming Utensils. The
sale to begin at two o'clock in the
afternoon.

NOTES

Only Cash, Bank Notes, Mr. Morris's
Notes, Mr. Hillegas's Notes or Debts
contracted in the Quarter- Master's de-
partment since the first day of January,
1782, will be admitted in payment.
Quarter-Master General's Office

Newburgh, August 26, 1783.

W. K.

The Washington statue — At the
unveiling of Washington's statue on the
steps of the Sub-Treasury building on
Evacuation Day, George W. Lane, the
presiding officer, said, addressing Presi-
dent Arthur: "As President of the
Chamber of Commerce of the State of
New York, the pleasant duty devolves
upon me to tender, through you, to the
Government of the United States the
custody of this statue of Washington,
erected by citizens of New York, pur-
suant to act of Congress, to commemo-
rate his taking the oath of office, on this
spot, as the first President."

The President replied : " It is fitting
that other lips than mine should give
voice to the sentiments of pride and
patriotism which this occasion cannot
fail to inspire in every heart. To myself
has been assigned but a slight and formal
part in the day's exercises, and I shall
not exceed its becoming limits.

" I have come to this historic spot
where the first President of the Repub-
lic took oath to preserve, protect and
defend the Constitution, simply to ac-
cept in behalf of the Government this
tribute to his memory. Long may the
noble statue you have here set up stand
where you have placed it, a monument
alike to your generosity and public
spirit, and to the wisdom and virtue and
genius of the immortal Washington."

George William Curtis delivered the
oration of the day, standing on the same
stone on which Washington had tak-
en his first oath of v office. He said :
" Among the most imposing events in
history must always be accounted the
simple ceremony which was transacted
here. The human mind craves lofty
figures for a memorable scene, and loves
to decorate with fitting circumstance the
fulfillment of great affairs. For this
event all such conditions were satisfied.
The scene was set with every ample
preparation of historic significance and
patriotic association, with the most
eminent actors, with most auspicious
anticipation. For the occasion itself
America offered no place more becom-
ing, for no spot is more conspicuously,
more honorably, or more closely iden-
tified than this with the history of Ameri-
can liberty. The scene around us is
marvelously changed, indeed, from its
aspect in the colonial, the provincial,
the revolutionary city. How transformed
this street from the resort of fashion,
the seat of the State Government, the
modest residence of merchants, diplo-
matists, and statesmen, which was the
Wall Street of a century ago ! Then
the social and political heart of a small
and struggling community, it is now
the financial nerve-center of a continent.
But if the vast competitions and conten-
tions of capital and enterprise which
involve the prosperity of States and
nations have overlaid the plain scene
of political strife with a field of cloth of
gold, yet still the hallowed soil is here.
The swarming street is but a picture
painted over. Beneath the ever-shifting
characters of speculation and of eager
trade incessantly traced upon this pave-

NOTES

ment of the modern city lies the un-
dimmed and indelible patriotic record
of old New York. The spot upon which
we stand was the site of the second City
Hall, which for more than a hundred
years was the seat and center of the act-
ive political life of the State and city.
Here, in 1735, the trial of John Zenger,
one of the most famous and significant
causes in the colonial annals, established
the freedom of the American press, and
declared the cardinal principle of its
liberty, that the publication of the truth
is not a libel. From the Assembly of
New York, sitting in this place in 1764,
proceeded the protest against the Stamp
Act, and here the Committees of Corre-
spondence were appointed which com-
bined and organized colonial action. In
this ancient hall assembled the Stamp
Act Congress, the first congress of the
united colonies, whose clear and uncom-
promising voice announced the American
purpose and foretold American inde-
pendence. It was a New York merchant,
President of the Chamber of Commerce,
who wrote the address of the Congress to
the House of Commons. They were
New York merchants who, as the con-
gress adjourned, attested their high de-
sign by forming a league and covenant of
non-importation. It was to a New York
merchant, as mayor of the city, that the
British governor of the province and the
commander of the royal forces surren-
dered the hated stamps, and to this spot
they were brought in solemn procession,
amid the shouts of rejoicing citizens.
From the balcony of the hall that stood
here the Declaration of Independence
was first read to the citizens of New York,
and, although the enemy's fleet had en-
tered the harbor, the people, as they

listened, tore down the royal arms from
the walls of the hall and burned them in
the streets, as their fiery patriotism was
about" to consume the royal power in the
province. Here sat the Continental
Congress in its closing days. Here John
Jay prepared the instructions of John
Adams, the first American minister to
Great Britain, and here the Congress re-
ceived Sir John Temple, the first British
consul-general to the United States.
Here Jefferson was selected by Congress
as minister to France, and here Secretary
Jay, with the same equable mind and
clear comprehension and unbending in-
tegrity that afterward illustrated the first
exercise of the judicial power of the
Union, directed the foreign affairs of the
confederation. Here, also, when the con-
federation disappeared, the first Congress
of the Union assembled. The very air
about this hallowed spot is the air of
American patriotism. Just there, over the
way, where once a modest mansion stood,
The Federalist was chiefly written. By
the most impressive associations, by the
most dignified and important historic
events, was this place dedicated to the
illustrious transaction which we com-
memorate to-day."

Genius and its achievements — The
Nineteenth Century Club listened to a
forcible essay from George W. Cable
on the evening of the 6th of December,
in which the sensible doctrine was em-
phasized that in all literary work suc-
cess must depend upon severe and con-
tinual application rather than upon that
vague something called inspiration. Mr.
Cable does not assume that talent and
genius are not essential to achievements

NOTES

in the production of great masterpieces
of literature ; but he warns us not to
allow effort to wait for inspiration. We
must let inspiration answer the calls of
effort. The condition of hard work is
most favorable to visitations of inspira-
tion, even to genius ; and genius and its
achievements are inseparably associated
with the condition of hard work. In-
stead of waiting for inspiration, great
writers work for it. The elaboration and
perfection in detail of what inspiration
suggests, requires also the practical ap-
plication of the gospel of untiring in-
dustry. Mr. Cable further said : " Lit-
erature is the architecture of thought.
Therefore, it seems to me, the producer
of literature, more than any other person
who makes it his calling or pastime to
evolve artistic work, must, if he would be
a whole, round artist, be a whole, round
man. The painter, the sculptor, the
musician, even the architect, may live to
himself, and may be the better artist for
so doing ; but the writer must be a citi-
zen. He must be a man among men, or
suffer a discount on his quality. He
may live in the past and burn and shine
in that setting like stars in the sky ; but
he must be of the day, and while he lives
none the less in the past, and for the
future, live in, and for, and with the
present — the men, and the things and
the affairs that are here at hand."

Did Washington laugh ? — It has
been observed that Washington seldom
smiled, and never laughed. This, how-
ever, is not correct. One instance is
mentioned by a gentleman, well known
for his veracity, with a degree of sang-
froid. At the time the troops were en-
camped at Cambridge, information was
received at headquarters that the English

were about leaving Boston to give them
battle. All was bustle and confusion.
The soldiers were strolling over the
town, and the officers were but ill pre-
pared for the approaching rencontre.
Some of the generals were calling for
their horses, and others for their arms ;
and among the rest was General Greene,
at the bottom of the stairs, bawling to
the barber for his wig. " Bring my wig,
you rascal ; bring my wig." General Lee
diverted himself and the rest of the
company at the expense of Greene.
" Your wig is behind the looking-glass,
sir." At which Greene, raising his eyes,
perceived, by the mirror, that the wig
was where it should be — on his head.
Washington, in a fit of laughter, threw
himself on the sofa, and the whole group
presented rather a ludicrous spectacle.
New York Mirror, fanuary n, 1834.

Seabury Epitaphs — The following
inscriptions were copied from tombstones
in the yard of the old Caroline Church
at Setauket, Long Island, August, 1883.

Ann wife of Rev Charles

Seabury Rector of Caroline

Church, died March 22 1816

aged 39

Rev. Charles Seabury for thirty

years Rector of this Church.
He was son of the first American

Bishop and was born in

West Chester New York May 29th

1770 and died in this village

Dec 29th 1844

Charles Saltonstall Seabury

born in New London, Conn.

Dec 10 1802. died in

Stony Brook, Long Island. Sept.

29. 1859

William Son of Charles S. & Ruth

H. Seabury born Nov 4. 1834

died April 13 1844

W. K.

REPLIES

The army at newburgh, 1782-83
[x. 355]— The article on "The Last
Cantonment of the Main Continental
Army of the Revolution," contributed by
Major Gardner to the Magazine for
November, 1883, punctures certain his-
torical fallacies which have long been an
eye-sore to readers familiar with the
period — nothing being more satisfactory
than the exposure of that huge miscon-
ception known as Washington's refusal
of a crown.

In his process of demolition, however,
the writer advances the unexpected
criticism that it is inaccurate and mis-
leading to speak of Washington's army
as encamped at Newburgh in the winter
of 1782-83, when evidently, as repre-
sented, it was encamped near New
Windsor, two miles below. The basis of
this criticism is largely the De Witt sur-
vey of the ground accompanying the
article in question.

That the cantonment was nearer New
Windsor than Newburgh is not to be, and,
doubtless, never has been disputed, but
it will scarcely be alleged that this fact
determines the use of the former name
to the exclusion of the latter. The sur-
vey fails to designate the camp by any
name, while it noticeably includes New-
burgh and New Windsor alike as towns
in the "vicinity," leaving it for the com-
mon observer to decide whether a site
that is two miles from one place and
three miles from another may not be re-
garded as being near both.

The cantonment has always been as-
sociated, and correctly associated, with
both places, the records describing it
variously as the " New Windsor canton-
ment," the cantonment "behind" New

Vol. XI.— No. i.— 6

Windsor, cantonment " on Hudson
River," camp "at" and "near" New-
burgh, and cantonment "in the vicinity
of Newburgh." Washington's orders are
sufficiently explicit in the case, as where,
under date of November 9, 1782, it is
announced that " the cantonment in the
vicinity of Newburgh will be under the
orders of Maj.-Gen. Gates ;" and again,
" As the duty upon the lines and at Ver-
plank's and Stony Point and Dobbs
Ferry will be done in routine by troops
from the cantonment at Newburgh" etc.
The charge of "misleading" should
more properly be brought against the
commander-in-chief, so far as in his
public letters, written from head-quarters
at Newburgh, he repeatedly refers to
"this cantonment," and to the army at
"this place," without designating the
locality, hence authorizing the inference
that Newburgh was intended.

References might accumulate. Thus
a pass signed by Colonel Barber, Febru-
ary 1, 1783, is given at the "Cantonment
at Newburgh." General Otho H. Williams
writes from " Camp, Newburgh, 28th
Nov., 1782." Colonel Cobb, later in
life, speaks of "the meeting of officers
in the Temple at Newburgh." Picker-
ing alludes to the army "at Newburgh."
General Hand directs a note from the
" Orderly Office, Newburgh." Instruc-
tions, countersigns, passes, assignments,
provisions, clothes, medicines and stores
were issued from Newburgh. The army
was there — "at," "near," or "in the
vicinity " of the place.

If the application of the name New-
burgh to the army is improper, it is
equally improper to apply it to the well-

REPLIES

known anonymous letters, commonly de-
scribed as the "Newburgh Addresses,"
and by which term they are referred to
by Major Gardner. Those letters it has
been established upon the testimony of
the general himself, were written at Gen-
eral Gates' quarters at' New Windsor,
circulated in the neighboring camp, and
repudiated at the army " Temple." Shall
they be distinguished hereafter as the
New Windsor addresses ?

Representative historians, including
Bancroft, Sparks, and others, adopt the
name Newburgh for this cantonment,
which may be accepted as, both topo-
graphically and historically, a correct
designation. H. P. Johnston

Lafayette's knowledge of the
washington head-quarters [x. s79~
521] — I question the accuracy of Judge-
Advocate Gardner's statement that
u Lafayette never was at Washington's
head-quarters at Newburgh." It is well-
known that he was quartered at New
Windsor, with Washington, in 1781, and
no doubt made himself familiar with the
farmers' houses in the neighborhood. It
is recorded of him, in his voyage up the
river in the fall of 1824, that in passing
New Windsor, he recognized the house
that he occupied in the winter of 178 1,
and, calling Major Cooper, who was with
him, to talk over the incidents of that
winter, said : " Do you recollect when

Major , who used to slide down

that hill with the girls, came near being
drowned by falling through the ice ? He
was an eccentric, but an excellent man."

I have often thought that the descrip-
tion in Col. Fish's story applied to the
old Ellison House at New Windsor, so
long the head-quarters of Washington,

and not to the stone house at Newburgh.
The William Ellison house was also of
stone, built in 1735. The interior of
both houses were probably alike. La-
fayette would have a pleasant recol-
lection of the quaint old structure that
gave him shelter before his march to the
southward, where victory and fame
awaited him. New Windsor

Lafayette at newburgh in 1824
(x- 379-52i) — Accompanied by a repre-
sentative from the Corporation of New
York, the Society of the Cincinnati, and
other distinguished personages, Gen. La-
fayette left New York at two o'clock on
the morning of September 15, 1824, on
board the steamboat James Kent, that
had been provided for his trip to Albany,
and the towns on the Hudson River.
When off Tarrytown the boat was envel-
oped in a fog so dense that the pilot
could not see five rods ahead. The re-
sult was that the boat ran aground on
the Oyster Bank, where she was detained
for several hours, entirely disarranging
the programme provided for the trip.
West Point was reached at half-past
twelve o'clock, where the General par-
took of an entertainment, one of the vol-
unteer toasts being proposed by Dr.
Capron. At six o'clock the General rose
from the table and re-embarked on the
Kent, which proceeded to Newburgh.
On her arrival there the twilight had so
far advanced as to render objects indis-
tinct, even at a very short distance. The
General was escorted to the Orange
Hotel, where he was received by the au-
thorities, and after replying to their ad-
dress, he entered an open carriage and
was driven through the principal streets
of the village, which were thronged with

REPLIES

people, who were delighted with a glimpse
of his face, even caught by the aid of a
nickering lamp. On his return to the
Orange Hotel several hundred persons
were presented to him. At nine o'clock
he laid down to rest, and was called at
eleven to partake of an elegant supper.
At midnight the General and his suite
went on board the Kent, and retired to
rest. The boat got under way, and be-
fore daylight anchored off Poughkeepsie.
Lafayette reached New York on his re-
turn from Albany September 20th, with-
out stopping at Newburgh.

It will be seen from the above state-
ment that Lafayette did not visit the
Hasbrouck House during the few hours
Tie was at Newburgh in the evening and
night of September 16, 1824.

Petersfield

Lafayette's visit to newburgh in
1824 (x, 379-521) — Levasseur, in his in-
teresting work, Lafayette en Ame'rique en
1824-5, states that the General arrived
at Newburgh at seven o'clock in the
evening, and was escorted through the
streets by torchlight. No mention is
made of the head-quarters of Washing-
ton. F. F. L.

Colonel francis barber [x. 374] —
In my article in the November number on
the last cantonment of the Continental
Army of the Revolution, I accepted,
without verification, in a collateral ac-
count of the decease of this gallant
officer, the statement found on page 64
of the " General Orders of Washington
at Newburgh," as compiled and pub-
lished by Major Edward C. Boynton, on
May 1, 1883, with the approval of the
Trustees of Washington's Head-quarters.

Since then, in looking over the register of
the New Jersey State Society of the Cin-
cinnati, edited by Mr. Francis Barber
Ogden, its secretary, I find that Colonel
Barber was killed on February 11, 1783,
instead of on April 19, 1783, as stated
by Major Boynton.

Asa Bird Gardner
Nov. 22, 1883

[The above communication from Ma-
jor Gardner arrived a little too late for
insertion in the December Magazine.
Since then other Replies touching upon
the same subject have been received, one
of which we print below, since it furnishes
interesting data aside from the main
point under consideration. — Editor.]

Colonel francis barber [vi, 60-
301 ; vii. 66-374 ; x. 374-520]— This
distinguished officer of the New Jersey
line met his melancholy fate, not upon
the day of the celebration of the peace,
April 19, 1783, but on the nth of Feb-
ruary previous. It may be stated fur-
ther that varied, and brilliant as his mil-
itary career is known to have been, he
was not present at the battles of Trenton
and Princeton in 1776-7, but was with
his regiment in camp at Ticonderoga.
Perhaps his best service during the Rev-
olution was rendered as commanding
officer of one of the three Light Infantry
battalions in Lafayette's Virginia cam-
paign, 1 781. There are letters of his
extant written from Malvern Hill, in
that State. Before the war he was
"rector" or principal of the Academy at
Elizabethtown, New Jersey, never having
been the pastor of the Presbyterian
Church with, which the school was con-
nected. At the time of his death he was

REPLIES

Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant of the
Second Regiment, New Jersey Conti-
nental line, commanding the New Jersey
brigade in camp near Newburgh. Par-
ticulars of the accident which befell him
appear in two contemporary letters, not
generally known, from which extracts are
here given. The first — an original in the
collection of the New York Historical
Society — is from Lieutenant - Colonel
Benjamin Walker to Baron Steuben :

Newburg, 12 Feby, 1783.

" I have a most distressing piece of in-
telligence to communicate to you, my
dear Baron — the death of cur amiable
and worthy friend Colonel Barber — who
was killed yesterday about two o'clock
by the falling of a tree. He was engaged
to accompany Mrs. Barber in the after-
noon to visit Mrs. Washington and was
going from Camp to his Quarters (about
a mile in the rear) for that purpose. As
he passed thro' the woods some soldiers
were felling a Tree and did not perceive
him till the instant of the tree's falling
when they called to him — & whether
owing to the sudden fright or what I
know not, instead of putting spurs to his
Horse and pushing on he attempted to
turn back but had not time — the tree
crushed both him & Horse. His death
was instant for he uttered not a groan
nor shewed the least sign of life when the
soldier who ran to him immediately took
him out — Thus has an unhappy accident
deprived the army of one of its most ex-
cellent officers and society of one of its
best members — His family (a wife and
three children) are inexpressibly afflicted

and the whole army are exceedingly
affected — there is no man who was so
generally beloved. You, my dear Baron,
will I know drop more than one tear to
his memory — by us his loss is particularly
felt. On the reduction of his Regiment
he was to have become one of our family
[Washington's],

5|C 5|C 5JC •}* !}C SjC

" B. Walker "

The second letter, written also on the
12th, was published in the New Jersey
Gazette toward the end of February,
1783, in part, as follows :

"Yesterday our glory ascended to the
regions above ! Col. Barber was killed
by the most extraordinary accident :
He left our huts about 1 o'clock to ride
to his quarters, and in going through
the woods, in our rear, the top of a large
tree, which some soldiers were felling,
struck him on the head, and killed him
in a minute. The tree was very tall,
and the root of it some distance from the
path, so that the soldiers did not see him
till he was directly opposite ; they cried
out, he stopped sudden, and began to
turn round his horse but before he got

round he received the fatal stroke

I saw him in three minutes after he was
struck down but he was entirely breath-
less. "

Colonel Barber was buried on the 13th
from Mr. Wm. Denniston's house, where
he quartered. His grave, according to
Mr. Ruttenber's note, is in Goodwill
Cemetery, Montgomery, N. Y.

H. P. Johnston

December 7, 1883

SOCIETIES

The new york historical society
— The seventy-ninth anniversary of this
society was fitly celebrated as one of
the closing events of the centennial of
the evacuation of New York, at the
Academy of Music, on the evening of the
27th of November. At eight o'clock the
President, Augustus Schell, and the
prominent officers and members of the
society, accompanied by a large number
of distinguished guests, marched down
the center aisle and took their places upon
the stage. Prayer was offered by Rev.
Dr. Vermilye. After a few introductory
remarks by the president, the orator
of the evening, Honorable John Jay,
was introduced, and the large and schol-
arly audience listened with earnest atten-
tion to his able and interesting address
on the Peace Negotiations a century ago,
which resulted in our present National
life. He said in closing : " The simple
narrative of historic facts discloses the
completeness of the success of the Amer-
ican Commissioners in suddenly revers-
ing the position of subserviency in which
they were placed by the instructions —
declining to treat as colonies or planta-
tions, assuming a position of sovereign
dignity and independence, and compel-
ling its recognition — quietly separating
their councils from the unfriendly and
disingenuous policy of France, appeal-
ing directly and successfully to the bet-
ter judgment and truest interests of
England, and thus overthrowing the hos-
tile schemes so carefully elaborated at
Madrid, at Paris, at Philadelphia, to
make the United States a feeble Power,
easily controlled by the European States,
and suddenly startling the world by arti-

cles which would secure its imperial great-
ness at once and forever. To us who, look-
ing back over the century, have traced
the outline of the peace negotiations, and
marked the dangers that were discovered
and avoided, those negotiations, as read
by the light of the records of all the play-
ers in that game of nations, will more
than ever occupy a chief place among
the picturesque and heroic incidents of
the Revolution which for seven years
have been rehearsed before us."

Dr. George H. Moore, in a most grace-
ful speech, offered a resolution of thanks
to Mr. Jay, which was seconded by
Honorable William M. Evarts in the
happiest vein of eloquence. The reso-
lution was unanimously adopted. As-
sistant-Bishop Henry C. Potter pro-
nounced a benediction, and the large
audience dispersed.

Chicago historical society — The
annual meeting took place on Nov. 20,
1883, President Arnold in the chair.
The librarian reported 892 bound vol-
umes and 2,829 unbound volumes and
pamphlets added to the library during
the year. These, together with former
accessions, make 8,008 bound volumes,
and 24,431 unbound books and pam-
phlets in the library. Gifts have been
received of 252 maps, 7 framed portraits,
valuable manuscripts, letters, and old
newspapers, photographs, old bank bills,
etc. From the letters that belonged to
the late Gov. Ninian Edwards, a volume
is now being published by the society.
The treasurer reported the society out of
debt, and $2,017.65 in the treasury.
Nine of the public spirited members of

SOCIETIES

the society had contributed $14,500, and
with this the old debt — contracted be-
fore the fire of 1 8 7 1 — had been wiped out.

The trustees of the Gilpin Fund re-
ported that there was on hand
$60,92.620. A portion of this will be-
come available within two years.

Memorial tributes were read in mem-
ory of the late Mrs. Wm. H. Brown of
Chicago, and Mr. Henry Farnum of
New Haven, Conn., members of this
society.

Not having a quorum present, the
election of officers was postponed until
the third Tuesday in January, 1884.

Georgia historical society — At
its meeting on the evening of the 3d of
December the president, Gen. Henry R.
Jackson, took the chair, and in a few
words, alluding to the purpose of the
meeting, introduced to the unusually
large audience Major Sidney Herbert as
the author of the movement which had
recovered the honored memorial of a
brave officer's memory from the dust
and decay of neglect and had brought it
before the State, reviving the history of a
soldier not forgotten, but whose deeds in
years gone by were not fitly engraved in
the pages of Georgia annals.

Major Herbert's address was one of
great interest, and was listened to with
the closest attention. Beginning with a
reference to Georgia's soldiery and the
achievements of her brave sons, he traced
the history of Col. Appling's life from his
birth as a soldier down to the time of his
death at Fort Montgomery in 1817, and

paid an eloquent tribute to his memory
as a soldier and as a man. He then
presented, in trust to the society, the
sword of honor voted by the General As-
sembly to Lieut.-Col. Daniel Appling in
1 8 14, as a tribute to a brave and gallant
soldier.

After the presentation of the sword,
which is handsomely encased and
mounted upon silk, surrounded with
a rich frame, and the resolutions of
the General Assembly and Executive
orders relative to its care, also hand-
somely framed, Gen. Jackson, in behalf
of the society, in a few words, received
the trust committed to its care.

At the conclusion of these exercises
the society met in regular session for the
transaction of business.

New haven colony historical so-
ciety— At the annual meeting in No-
vember, the following officers were
elected : President, Rev. E. Edwards
Beardsley, D.D. ; Vice-President, Profes-
sor Simeon E. Baldwin ; Treasurer, Rob-
ert Peck ; Secretary, Thomas R. Trow-
bridge, Jr. ; and a board of directors of
twenty gentlemen.

The society has a membership of about
two hundred. During November three
evenings were devoted to the reading of
the journal of Ebenezer Townsend, Jr.,
supercargo of the sailing ship Neptune,
while on a voyage around the world in
1796-7-8-9. Large audiences listened
to the readings. Other interesting papers
will be read during the winter.

BOOK NOTICES

RESEARCHES INTO THE LOST HISTO-
RIES OF AMERICA, or the zodiac shown
to be an Old Testament map in which the At-
lantic Isle is delineated; so that light can be
thrown upon the obscure histories of the
earthworks and ruined cities of America.
Illustrated with 77 engravings. By W. S.
Blacket. 8vo, pp. 336. Triibner & Co.,
London; J. B. Lippincott&Co., Philadelphia.
1884.

" In books on ancient history America has no
chapter," writes the learned author of this volume.
"Its annals, in the books and universities of all
European nations, are supposed to date from
what is called the discovery of America by Co-
lumbus, yet it is exceedingly unreasonable to
suppose that the vast region of America could
be destitute of histories earlier than Columbus.
On the score of probability, it must be concluded
that so great a country as North and South
America must have been a component part of
the known world, at all periods of the residence
of man upon the earth."

The character of the work is both interesting
and suggestive, as well as severely abstruse ; it
treats of the oldest maps extant, in which Amer-
ica appears to be delineated ; of the evidence that
the ancients must, at some time or other, have
been acquainted with America; of the Greek tra-
ditions, and America as Oceanus, peopled by
Gods, Giants, Nereids, Furies, Gorgons, Faunes,
and Demons — their fanciful costumes illustrated;
of the ethnology of Mexico and the surrounding
countries ; of the vast earthworks, scattered
over the northern part of North America; of the
mysterious ruins and hidden histories of Central
America ; of sculptured edifices, Cyclopean build-
ings, and other remains in Western Europe,
attesting the presence of American races ; of
South America as the land of demons ; of the
influence of ancient Peru upon China, Assyria,
and Egypt ; of anthropology ; and of many other
subjects which elicit attention from the learned
and studious of all climes. Mr. Blacket modestly
claims to have done no more than furnish a clue
for further research and investigation, and appro-
priately dedicates the book to the "international
Americanists who have lately held their fifth Bien-
nial Congress at Copenhagen."

MEMOIR OF THADDEUS KOSCIUSZKO,
Poland's Hero and Patriot. By Anthony
Walton White Evans. For private distri-
bution only. Crown 8vo, pp. 58. New York,
1883.
This sumptuous volume is in every way worthy

of its theme. It is written from the warm per-

sonal standpoint, the grandfather of the author,
General Anthony Walton White, having been on
intimate 'friendly relations with Kosciuszko, not
only during the Revolution but in after years.
It embraces the romantic and military history of
a brave and brilliant officer, whose name is dear
to every intelligent American, and whose praises
have been sung and deeds in war immortalized
in song and story for a full century. Elegantly
printed on the richest of paper, with marginal
decorations in red adorning each page, and con-
taining numerous fine steel portraits and other
interesting illustrations, the work is a treasure to
all lovers of biographical literature.

EARLY INDIAN HISTORY ON THE SUS-
QUEHANNA. Containing John Smith's map
of Virginia. By Abraham L. Guss, A.M.,
Washington, D. C. Pamphlet 8vo, pp. 32.
Lane S. Hart, printer. Harrisburg, 1883.
This valuable production embraces an account
of Captain John Smith's exploration of the head
of Chesapeake Bay in 1608, and of the early
publications referring to the country and the In-
dians. It also treats of the Susquehanna towns,
and the appearance of the Susquehannocks, a
mighty and fierce tribe, reported to have been
cannibals. The author reviews the controverted
theory of the gigantic size and numerical
strength of these muscular sons of the forest;
and introduces new and interesting data con-
cerning them. Of their language, he says, the
fact that they did speak a dialect of the same
language as the five nations is clearly established,
and explains and justifies some early and exceed-
ingly interesting observations. Professor Guss
writes in a clear, forcible, comprehensive style,
and whoever has any taste for antiquarian sub-
jects will derive no little pleasure and profit from
the careful perusal of his work.

ABORIGINAL AMERICAN AUTHORS
AND THEIR PRODUCTIONS : Especially
those in the Native Languages. A Chapter in
the History of Literature. By Daniel G.
Brinton, A.M., M.D., etc. i2mo, pp. 63.
Philadelphia. 1883.

A paper laid before the Congrh International
des Americanists in Copenhagen, at its recent
session in August, 1883, has since been ampli-
fied, the whole text re-written, with notes added,
and is now published in a very attractive little
volume. Dr. Brinton does not offer it as an
exhaustive bibliographical essay, but defines his
purpose in its production as merely to point
out to an intelligent and sympathetic audience a
number of relics of aboriginal American litera

BOOK NOTICES

ture, and to bespeak aid and influence from
the learned Congres in the preservation and
publication of these rare documents. He calls
attention to the literary faculty of the savage
mind, particularly for story-telling, in graphic
terms. "In no Oriental city," he says, "does
the teller of strange tales find a more willing
audience than in the Indian wigwam. The folk-
lore of every tribe which has been properly in-
vestigated has turned out to be most ample.
Tales of talking animals, of mythical warriors,
of giants, dwarfs, subtle women, potent magi-
cians, impossible adventures, abound to an ex-
tent that defies collection. Nor are these nar-
ratives repeated in a slip-shod, negligent style.
The hearers permit no such carelessness. They
are sticklers for nicety of expression — for clear
and well-turned periods, for vivid and accurate
description, for flowing and sonorous sentences.
As a rule their languages lend themselves readily
to these demands. It is a singular error, due
wholly to ignorance of the subject, to maintain
that the American tongues are cramped in their
vocabularies, or that their syntax does not per-
mit them to define the more delicate relationship
of ideas. * * * Their literary faculty is further
demonstrated in the copiousness of their vocab-
ularies, their rare facility of expression, and
their natural aptitude for the acquisition of other
languages. * * * Their linguistic faculty is
shown also in the ease with which they acquire
foreign languages — ' some, even under twenty
years of age, who can speak fluently four or five
different languages.' But the most tangible
evidence of both their linguistic and literary
ability is the work some of these natives have
accomplished in European tongues." Narrative
literature, didactic literature, oratorical litera-
ture, poetical literature, and dramatic litera-
ture among the early Indians are each ably dis-
cussed. The work is an overflowing mine of
information, and claims the earnest attention of
scholars in all lands.

JUDITH : A CHRONICLE OF OLD VIR-
GINIA. By Marion Harland. Illustrated.
i2mo, pp. 400. Fords, Howard & Hulbert.
New York. 1883.

The story under the above title is full of in-
cident and movement, and yet replete with quiet
home life. The author has long been known to
the reading public, and in her own domestic
circle is one of the loveliest and most charming of
women. She writes of American life from gen-
uine love of it, having spent many years abroad,

and thus been able to draw comparisons, which
have made her much more earnest in her de-
votion to her native land. In the work before
us the genial conditions of Southern society in
the old plantation days, with the old plantation
negroes and patriarchal masters and surround-
ings, are admirably portrayed. The home of
Marion Harland was in Virginia in her girlhood,
hence her graphic descriptions have the flavor of
reality.

GUENN : A WAVE ON THE BRETON

COAST. By Blanche Willis Howard.

i2mo, pp.- 439. James R. Osgood & Co.

Boston. 1884.

There is no doubt but that the author of this
bright volume has achieved success of a high
order in the world of fiction. It is a French
story, and has for its heroine a French peasant
girl, brought up in the little fishing town of
Plouvenec, on the Breton coast, whose career is
traced with wonderful insight, and whose diver-
sions constitute the central interest of a fascinat-
ing story. The novel takes its name from her,
and is mostly concerned with her fortunes and
the fortunes of those who are closely related to
her. The other party is Everett Hamor, a New
Englander, who, well bred, well educated, had
an incurable fondness for art, and had come
down to Brittany to paint pictures of the French
peasantry along the coast. There is no plot, so
to speak, nothing but photographic sketches of
every-day life among the fisher folk, but the in-
cidents which thicken as the story advances, and
the microscopic sketches of the human passions
in provincial life, are so related that the interest
is not only aroused at the beginning, but
quickens more and more as one is admitted to
the inner consciousness of Guenn and her lover,
if one whose cool selfishness for love can be
styled such. The author reveals the springs of
character in her heroine by masterly touches.
Guenn is a singularly happy creation. Al-
though the book deals with out-of-the-way
people, the delineations of character are excel-
lent. It is legitimate fiction through and through ;
but it belongs to that class of fiction which we
may not fear to have our children read. The
sweetness and beauty of the heroine are so trans-
parent amid all her surroundings, and she so
entirely fulfills the law of the creation of the
imagination — that it shall be true to human nat-
ure and yet the idealization of that nature — that
the author is to be congratulated on having
struck a high note in American literature.

{Late President of the New York Chamber of Commerce^

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

When Washington became President the length of his service was
practically a matter for his own determination. His preeminence was be-
yond dispute, and the estimation in which his wisdom and patriotism were
held was such that his reelection, as often as he might choose to accept

WASHINGTON.

[From a rare portrait , publisJied in 1800, in the European Magazine, London.]
1789-1797.

the office, was certain. When he voluntarily laid down the burden of serv-
ice that he had borne for eight years without salary, which he refused to
accept, it seems to have been understood, not only that two terms should
be in practice the limit of presidential service, but that acceptable service
during a first term should entitle the President to reelection, quite as a
matter of course. It is true that John Adams, the second President, was
not reelected ; but his failure only emphasized the principle, He. was not

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 91

reelected because his service was not acceptable. His political opinions
were pretty closely in harmony with those of Washington, but circum-
stances led to their practical application in ways which alarmed and angered
the people, and their alarm as well as their anger found expression in his
defeat by the representative of precisely opposite views.

It is not easy for us now to imagine the doubts and fears that beset the
people in the early years of the organized Republic. The Union was an
experiment the result of which was feared very seriously and very sincerely
by many patriotic men. It had been devised with difficulty and adopted
with caution, and but for the universal confidence felt in Washington's wis-
dom and patriotism, it is doubtful whether it could have been instituted at
all. During his administration, confidence in him lulled popular apprehen-
sion and gave time for the establishment of the Government. But when
Adams succeeded him, it was still uncertain what the character and effects
of the new Federal Government were to be. There were fears, on the one
hand, that the league would prove to be a rope of sand, and a conviction
that the only hope of giving stability and permanence to the Government
lay in magnifying its powers by the liberal interpretation of the grants
made to it in the Constitution. On the other side existed a patriotic jeal-
ousy of the Federal power, an earnest fear of its lapse into imperialism, a
dread of centralization and of the loss of local self-government in the dom-
inance of the central power, wielded by a tyrannous majority. It was the
elder Adams's misfortune to represent the Federalist doctrine in circum-
stances which made its practical application peculiarly offensive. The
Alien and Sedition laws, which may be fairly regarded as the key-
notes of Adams's policy, were intended to defend the general Govern-
ment against danger and to enforce due respect for it in speech as well
-as in act, at a time when perils and difficulties beset the country on every
hand. There can be no doubt that those laws were passed by Congress
and approved by the President in the sincerest conviction of their neces-
sity ; but the people received them with great alarm. They were held to
be not only despotic in themselves, but of despotic tendency and signifi-
cance. Those who were jealous of the Federal power saw in these laws
and in the attitude of the Government generally, the threatening begin-
nings of that lapse into imperialism which they most dreaded and were
most anxious to avert by giving a distinctly democratic character to our
institutions, and by keeping the general Government strictly within the
narrowest bounds possible under the Constitution. Many of those who
had before favored strength and breadth of function on the part of the
Federal power, became alarmed at these practical applications of the

92 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

principles, and went over to the other side. Even Hamilton, whose views
were less democratic than those of any other statesman of the time, was
alarmed by the Sedition law and earnestly sought to prevent its passage.
" Let us not establish a tyranny," he wrote ; " energy is a very different
thing from violence." But in spite of his protest the offensive measure
was passed. The violence which he deprecated was resorted to in the
name of energy, and the " tyranny " which he feared became the nightmare
of the people, who, in face of their conviction that a second term should
be usually a matter of course, refused to reelect President Adams. Their
refusal was a rebuke in the nature of a vote of censure, and there was no
other departure from the two-term rule until twenty years later, when the
younger Adams was denied a second election. Jackson followed next,
serving two terms, and with him the two-term tradition ceased. Of the
fourteen Presidents who have held the office since Jackson's time, only
two have been chosen for second terms, and their reelections were due to
their special preeminence in popular regard at the time, rather than to any
public conviction that a second term should be usually the reward of good
service during a first. It is worthy of note, too, as significant of an actual
change in public sentiment in this respect, that, while the failures of the
elder and younger Adams to secure second elections were due to changes
in the political complexion of the country, no such explanation can be given
in the cases of their successors. Van Buren, indeed, was the unsuccessful
candidate of his party a second time, his renomination being due, perhaps,
to a lingering respect for the old tradition ; but after his defeat the custom
even of nominating a President for reelection fell into disuse. Since that
time — with the exceptions of Lincoln and Grant — no President has been
nominated by his party to be his own successor.

But to return to the first ten Presidents, with whom only we are at
present concerned. The tone of the country, if we may so say, its opinions,
aspirations, and purposes are reflected in their characters and political
attitudes, as distinctly as its history is traced in the record of their official
acts.

At the outset, the country was content to make Washington President,
not so much for what he represented as for what he was. His career had
not been of a kind to bring his convictions upon questions of politics and
statesmanship into prominence, except in that general way which arouses
no antagonism. The people knew him to be a patriot above everything,
and their confidence in his soundness of judgment and his calm discretion,
was unbounded. There were no distinct party lines, and Washington be-
longed to no party. The country was at the beginning of an experiment

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

llllili^^

[From a portrait executed in London in 1783. J
1797-1801.

which was attended by many difficulties and viewed by many persons with
doubt and fear. There could be no question then, and there is none now,
that George Washington was the man best fitted to direct the early course
of the young Republic, and he was chosen for this eminent fitness — to which

94 OUR TWENTY- ONE PRESIDENTS

his mind, his character, and the circumstances of his previous life contributed
— and not because he represented any particular political creed or policy.

When Washington declined to be elected for a third time, a somewhat
similar impulse prompted the people to look for his successor among the
men who had rendered services only less eminent than his, during the
Revolution. But while Washington stood alone in his preeminence, the
class next below him in the popular regard included several men of the
largest capacity and most exalted patriotism. The choice was certain in
any case to fall upon one of that revolutionary group, but by that time
the two opposing views of the Constitution and of the policy to be pursued
in the exercise of the functions of government had been arrayed against
each other with some degree of definiteness. There were two parties — the
Federalist and the Republican — and the line of demarcation between them
was beginning to be pretty distinct. The contest was between Adams and
Jefferson. It was the sharper and closer because, as the years of the
Republic grew, the feeling of the people was becoming steadily stronger
in favor of distinctly republican institutions, and Adams had alarmed that
sentiment by certain expressions in his " Discourses on Davila." The dis-
courses were written while Adams was Vice-president, and those features
of them which were most obnoxious, were inspired by no lack of earnest-
ness in the author's desire for free popular government, but by a not
unnatural alarm at the excesses of the Red republicans of France. Seeing
in those excesses the extremes of dangerous absurdity to which doctri-
naire democracy might be pushed when suffered to deal unrestrainedly
with the affairs of men, Adams was convinced that some effective restraint
should be provided in the constitution of the Republic. He thought a
certain element of aristocracy and even of monarchism necessary as a
counterpoise to the democratic tendencies of republican institutions. His
expression of these opinions in the " Discourses on Davila " helped not a
little to bring about that division of the people into distinct political
parties of which we have spoken, and to enable Jefferson— who had been
at one time a member of Washington's administration but had withdrawn
because his Democratic convictions put him out of harmony with the
President and cabinet — to dispute the presidential succession with him.

There are many points of interest in connection with this first party
contest. Hamilton, rather than Adams, was the recognized leader of the
Federalists. Jay, too, was a leader whom many Federalists, including
Hamilton, favored, but even in that early day the question of " availabil-
ity " was a potent factor, and Adams was the most available man among
the Federalists.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 95

When the election was held, Adams won by the narrow majority of
two electoral votes ; and it is a curious fact that both of those votes which
gave the Massachusetts candidate a majority over his Virginian opponent
were from the South, one of them being from Jefferson's own State, and
the other from North Carolina. Electors were free agents in those days,
and not, as now, instructed delegates charged with the performance of a
perfunctory duty.

Another fact of interest in connection with this election concerns the
Vice-presidency. Some of the Federalist leaders hoped for a success which
would have put their party in power without making Adams President.
Pinckney was their candidate for Vice-president, and as the voting then
was only for President, the person receiving the second highest vote be-
coming Vice-president, it was believed that Pinckney might be made Pres-
ident by reason of his popularity at the South. It was thought — and
truly — that he would receive a larger vote than Adams in that quarter of
the country, and that an even division of the northern Federalist vote
between the two, would make Pinckney President and Adams Vice-presi-
dent, although the party's purpose was the reverse of this. In other
words, the Federalist candidate for President was opposed, not only by the
Republican candidate, but also by his colleague the Federalist candidate
for Vice-president. It was a curious state of things certainly, and its
result was equally curious. The New England electors took the alarm,
and withheld from Pinckney the votes which they would otherwise have
given him. As a consequence, he fell short of election even to the second
place, and Jefferson became Vice-president. If the old method of choosing
the President were still in use, what might not an election become with
the aid of modern political ingenuity and modern appliances !

Adams was 62 years of age when he became President. At the end of
his term he was 66, but his vigor was unimpaired, and his remarkable capac-
ity for work was as great as ever. He lived to the age of 91, he and
Jefferson dying on the same day, the fiftieth anniversary of the signing of
the Declaration of Independence. One was the author of that instrument,
the other its champion in the long debate which secured its adoption ; both
signed it, and both lived to preside over the Republic to which it gave
birth.

Early in Adams's administration the course of public affairs tended
strongly to increase the popularity of the President and his party. The
arrogant pretensions of France aroused the people to fury, and the vigor
with which the President combated those pretensions and called the peo-
ple to arms in defense of the country, excited the utmost enthusiasm. On

96 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

the other hand, the favor and sympathy which the Republicans, and
especially Jefferson, had formerly manifested toward France, brought upon
them suspicions of something approaching disloyalty. The country was
in a " war fever," and the party which favored the strengthening of the
general Government, had the benefit of the excitement. Thus far the
tendency of events had been to impress our institutions with that character
which the Federalists wished to give them, and if unchecked, that tendency
must have molded them into a much less democratic form than that in
which they have come down to us. Perhaps it is well for us and for the
cause of popular government, that neither of the two opposing principles
was permitted to have free course, and that they prevailed successively in
the precise order in which they did. The prevalence of Federalism during
the first twelve years gave stability to our institutions and reality to the
authority and influence of the general Government ;' while the succession
at that time of the representatives of opposite opinions put a wholesome
check upon a tendency which might have been dangerous if it had come
down to us with the undisputed sanction of all the revolutionary group of
presidents.

However that may be, the fact of the change remains. Before the time
arrived for a new election, the danger of war had passed away, and Adams
lost the support which the war spirit would have given him. In the mean-
time the people had taken alarm at some of the measures adopted during
the excitement, and there grew up a popular conviction of the necessity of
putting a check upon the course of the Government.

The system of electoral voting now resulted still more strangely than it
had done in the preceding election. The Republicans had set out to
make Jefferson President and Aaron Burr Vice-president ; but in casting
their electoral ballots they managed so badly as to give each of their two
candidates precisely the same number of votes. Adams and Pinckney —
the Federalist candidates — were defeated, but Jefferson and Burr were not
elected. The matter was carried into the House of Representatives and a
prolonged contest ensued. Thirty-six ballotings took place before it was
determined that the higher office should be filled by Jefferson and the
lower by Burr.

With Jefferson's inauguration a radical change of tone appeared, which
was not without permanent effects upon the character of our institutions,
and especially upon official etiquette in the matter of forms and ceremonies.
Not only were Washington and Adams supporters of the Federalist idea of
a strong central government ; they both favored the maintenance of a good
deal of state and ceremony in official life. Washington had been bred in

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

a society essentially aristocratic, and his long career in arms had still fur-
ther cultivated his sense of the dignity of authority. He was not without
stateliness in private life, and in office he sternly insisted upon the observ-
ance of forms and courtly ceremonies, and laid great stress upon the trap-
pings of state in his equipage and surroundings. Adams was bred in a
much more democratic society, and personally was less aristocratic in feel-
ing; but he was convinced of the need of forms and ceremonies, and even
of high-sounding official titles and a rigid official etiquette, as necessary
means of preserving popular respect for the Government and stimulating

1801-1809.

98 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

men to earnest public service by appeals to their self-love and ambition
for distinction. The first two presidents, therefore, lent their influence to
the establishment of courtly etiquette and very undemocratic relations
between rulers and the people.

Jefferson's views were the reverse of this. He was a pronounced demo-
crat in feeling as well as in conviction. He had written in the Declara-
tion of Independence that " all men are created equal," and he believed
it. In the very year in which the Declaration was signed, he had de-
clined a distinguished diplomatic appointment in order that he might
labor at home for the removal of feudal and aristocratic features from the
laws and the social system of his native State.

Entering the legislature of Virginia in 1776, he at once proposed the
passage of a law for the purpose of cutting off entails. Appointed upon a
commission to revise the laws, he prepared bills not only for the cutting
off of entails, but also for the abolition of primogeniture, the equal distri-
bution of inheritances, and the abolition of a church establishment. It
was necessary to fight for these measures at every step, so contrary were
they to the hereditary prejudices and prevalent convictions of the Virgin-
ians, whose whole social system rested upon feudal foundations. Even
this, his early and earnest championship of democratic ideas, was not the
beginning of his advocacy of the equal rights of men. Ten years before
that time, when he was only twenty-six years old and was in his first
term as a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, he attacked slavery
in the way then believed to be most efficacious, by introducing a bill to
permit slave-holders to free their servants at will — a thing then forbidden
by law.

Democrat by nature and conviction, and profound disbeliever in the
shams of state and ceremony, Jefferson began his career as President by
setting at naught all the courtly traditions and introducing a distinctly
republican simplicity in official life. The result was the rapid growth of
republicanism in popular favor throughout the country. The dread of
democracy passed away. The conviction, which had lingered in the minds
of many, that some aristocratic elements were necessary to the stability of
government, and that it would be dangerous to permit the Republic to
become too republican in character, was rapidly weakened. The perma-
nent effects of Jefferson's practical application of his principles to the con-
duct of affairs were not confined to matters of form, by any means. His
administration stamped the country with that republican character which
it had never really possessed before, but which is now ingrained in the
very fiber of our national life. Under Washington and Adams, the Gov-

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 99

ernment had acquired solidity and a permanent hold upon life ; under
Jefferson the country began its education in those principles of popular
government and the political equality of men, which have been applied
fearlessly and fully only in our own later time. A just view of the service
done by his resolute application of his democratic ideas to official conduct
should prompt us to forgive him those excesses of simplicity which we
sometimes criticise. It was scarcely necessary, even upon strictly demo-
cratic principles, for a President of the United State to receive a British
Minister in dressing gown and slippers; but such small manifestations of
extreme views may be forgiven to the statesman who did so much to impress
a republican character upon the Republic, and to eradicate those inherited
prejudices which forbade the logical application of our republican princi-
ples to the practical conduct of affairs. Perhaps the liberalizing influence
of Jefferson's administration was not less a benefit to the country than his
purchase of the Louisiana territory, which gave us the Mississippi river,
doubled our area, and saved us from the possibility of having a rival power
established beyond our western frontier.

The growth of the Republican party in popularity during Jefferson's
administration was rapid and continuous, and Madison, having received a
caucus nomination as the candidate of the party, was chosen to be his suc-
cessor almost as a matter of course. In spite of the protest of a hostile
faction in his own party, he received 122 of the 175 electoral votes.

It is significant of the tentative character of early republicanism in
America, and of the need which even the strongest men felt for the
education of experience, that Madison was the second President elected by
the Republican party ; for Madison had begun with opinions more Feder-
alist in character than those of the Federalists themselves.

He had advocated centralization of an extreme kind. He had argued
that the general Government should have power to negative State legisla-
tion at will — a doctrine so extreme in its nature as to amount in practice
to consolidation and the complete abrogation of local self-government.

He was one of the authors of The Federalist, and was in accord with
Hamilton and Jay in political opinions. He was, in brief, a sincere Feder-
alist of an extreme type. But further thought upon the matters involved in
these questions wrought a radical change in his views. He became con-
vinced that the provisions of the Constitution, strictly construed, should be
the exact measure of the Federal power. The friend of Washington and
Hamilton, he was compelled by his conscience to oppose the measures
devised by the latter and presented by the former to Congress. He became,
upon conviction, a pronounced Republican, as he had been before a pro-

IOO

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

nounced Federalist. He was the author of the Virginia resolutions of
I79%-9> which became a sort of gospel of States' Rights in later times.

It was Madison's fortune to see the party opposed to him destroy itself
by the character of its opposition to the measures of his administration.

^l^;::-I- :■'■■■■

JAMES MADISON.
1809-1817.

When his second term drew near its end the Federalist party had almost
ceased to be. Its hostility to the administration had found expression
during the war with Great Britain, in ways which, justly or unjustly, brought
suspicion upon its patriotism, and a great number of its former adherents
abandoned it as no longer worthy of their support. In the election of his
successor, Monroe, the candidate of the Democratic Republicans, received
183 electoral votes, with only 34 against him, and, at the end of his first

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

:oi

term, was reelected by an electoral majority of 231 to I. This was in the
" era of good feeling," and there is reason to believe that confidence was
then felt in the continuance of that state of political unanimity among the
people — a delusion which was soon dispelled.

JAMES MONROE.
1817-1825.

Monroe had been one of the first to see the inefficiency of the old con-
federation and the necessity for a "more perfect union." As early as 1785
he sought to secure the extension of the powers of Congress, especially
with respect to the regulation of inter-state commerce. But he opposed
the adoption of the Constitution and was one of the minority who voted
against it in the Virginia Convention. As a pupil of Jefferson in the study
of law, he had probably molded his political opinions upon those of the

102

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

{From an Engraving by H. Wright Smith of the painting by Healy.}
1825-1829.

great Democrat. It was as a Republican that he was chosen President,
and he was conscious of no change in his politics ; and yet some of the
measures of his administration were of a kind which, a little later, would

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS IO3

have placed him upon the opposite side in politics. No forecast of the
future was possible at that time, however, and Monroe could no more know
what part the Bank question was to play in the years to come than he
could foresee the troubles that were to grow out of the Missouri compro-
mise, which was resorted to during his administration as a final and effective
adjustment of the slavery controversy.

The choice of John Quincy Adams to be Mr. Monroe's successor affords
still another illustration of the uncertainty of men's allegiance to party
and even the uncertainty of their opinions in the early years of the gov-
ernment. Mr. Adams began his public service as a diplomatist, and
continued in that career until the election of Jefferson to the Presidency,
when he was recalled. He was sent to the Senate as a Federalist, and
remained in the opposition during Jefferson's first term. He then changed
his views and supported the Republican administration, thereby losing his
seat in the Senate and incurring much odium. In his new party relations
he was a relentless foe to his former political associates, even accusing
them of having conspired to break up the Union, and of a treasonable read-
iness to aid England in a new attempt to subjugate the country by arms.
His accusations against the Federalists contributed largely to create that
popular distrust of their patriotism under which the party ultimately sank.
He was called to Monroe's Cabinet, and was one of four candidates for the
succession, in the most complicated contest that at any time occurred
under the old system. He was a Republican, and so were all of his com-
petitors in a sense, the new party lines being still indistinct. He had been
the specially bitter enemy of the Federalists, to whom he had done more
hurt than any other of the four. And yet it was the support of the old
Federalists of New England that gave him votes enough to make him one
of the three candidates who could be voted for in the House of Represent-
atives, and thus in the end made him President. Another curious fact in
connection with the contest is, that when it became apparent that either he
or Jackson must win, Jefferson earnestly supported Adams. Jackson was
the type and representative of that Demos whose prophet Jefferson had
been from his youth up ; but the founder and apostle of Democracy
seems to have been frightened at the specter he had raised in the person
of the western warrior.

By vote of the House of Representatives, Adams became President.
Elected as a Republican — or Democrat, as the members of that party
began about that time to be called — it was the irony of fate that the in-
choate opposition to that party crystallized around the measures of his
administration and made their advocacy the basis of a new party hostile

104

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

to the Democrats. His policy of internal improvements at the charge of
the nation, and the maintenance of a protective tariff, soon became the
cardinal doctrines of the Whigs, and his chief secretary and adviser was
afterwards the leader of that party. On the other hand, all the elements
of opposition to Adams and his policy gathered to the support of Jackson,

ANDREW JACKSON.
1829-1837.

and in his second contest for the Presidency, Adams was the candidate of
the party in opposition to the Democrats, and was thus again defeated by
a party with which he had been in active co-operation. The defeat was a
disastrous one — Jackson receiving 178 and Adams 83 electoral votes.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS I05

In his long after-career in Congress, Adams was independent of party
ties, devoting his energies chiefly to matters of principle, in advocacy of
which neither of the great parties then in existence was ready to follow
him. The odium which some of his party changes brought upon him, like
that incurred by his independent championship of the right of petition,
has passed utterly away, and the calmer judgment of a later day recognizes
and respects the sincerity with which he followed his convictions at cost of
his reputation for consistency. If circumstances, at the time of his quit-
ting the Federalists, gave to that act the appearance of self-seeking, the
suspicion that it was such in fact no longer survives.

In the election of Jackson, Democracy in concrete form asserted itself. He
was a representative of the common people, as the common people then were.

All the Presidents who preceded him were men of education ; with the
single exception of Washington, all were college men. They were bred in
refinement, and were what are called gentlemen. Jackson was born in pov-
erty, grew up in the backwoods, had a meager education, and had lived in
the midst of an uncultivated society. Even his military service had been
performed on the frontiers, and had brought him into association chiefly
with men unused to the refinements of life. His career had been roman-
tic, indeed, in some of its features, but the romance was of the rude kind
which appeals more strongly to the uncultivated than to the educated
classes. His political preferment was largely due to the admiration felt
for his military prowess ; but there can be no doubt that his fitness to
represent the common people, as one of themselves, contributed to the
result. His election was, in part at least, an act of self-assertion on the
part of the undistinguished democratic masses. He had the virtues which
were held in highest repute among the common people. He shared many
of their prejudices, and fulfilled in every way their ideal of manhood.
They gloried in him as an example of their virtues, and the representative
of their class in its best development.

His irruption, if we may so call it, into the society and official life of the
capital, gave a shock to the still stately proprieties. His elevation to the
chief magistracy was a source of alarm to many. That his administration
should be turbulent was a necessary result of his imperious temper, his
arrogant disposition, and his want of respect for traditions and convention-
alities ; and it was turbulent from first to last, politically and socially.
But it was marked by sturdy vigor and a robust patriotism which may well
be put into the balance against its errors. These qualities were recognized
by the country in the election of 1832, when Jackson was chosen for a sec-
ond term, receiving the electoral votes of 16 of the 23 states.

Vol. XI.-No. 2.-8

io6

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

With Jackson, as has been said already, the two-term tradition came to
an end. Van Buren, who came into office in 1837, was doomed to encount-
er trouble throughout his administration. The financial panic of 1837,

MARTIN VAN BUREN.

\hrom an Engraving by H. Wright Smith of the painting by Healy.
1837-1841-

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

107

resulting in the utter prostration of business, was resented by the people
as the direct consequence of Jackson's policy, and Mr. Van Buren, as his
successor and political heir, was held vicariously responsible. His admin-
istration was beset with difficulties such as no former President had en-
countered ; and, able as he was, he could not save his party or secure a

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.

reelection. He had become President, because the Democratic policy was
in favor with the country ; but his term had scarcely begun before the
party lost the popular favor, not through any act of his own — for he had
as yet had no time to do anything — and he was never able to recover the
position.

The campaign of 1840 was an affair of political songs and catch-words.

ioS

0UR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

L-1 '" I«4I-1045.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS IO9

which secured the presidency for Jackson. Harrison, like Jackson, had
an attractive reputation for military achievements, and, like Jackson, he
was a man of the people. The Democratic impulse was not confined to
the Democratic party. It was equally strong among the Whigs, now that
the policy of the Democrats was under censure. It seized upon the home-
liness of Harrison's life, the humbleness of his surroundings, and the plain-
ness of his manners, and gloried in them. Demos found in the Whig can-
didate another representative of itself, whose achievements were honorable
to the people, and it made him President, as it had made Jackson Presi-
dent before.

Harrison had no administration. The office-holders worried him to
death in a month, and the Vice-president, Tyler, succeeded him.

It is curiously illustrative of what has been said about the absence of
thought from the campaign of 1840, that in choosing their Vice-president,
whose election to that office made him President, the Whigs selected a
man who was not an adherent of their party at all. He had favored cer-
tain measures advocated by them, and it seems to have been taken for
granted, without much inquiry, that John Tyler was a Whig. As a matter
of fact, he appears to have belonged to neither party, though he earnestly
desired Clay's election to the Presidency, and is said to have wept when
the Whigs passed their great leader by to nominate Harrison.

His administration was one long quarrel, into which it is not our province
or purpose to enter. He deprived the Whigs of the fruits of their victory,
by vetoing their favorite measures, but did not succeed in winning suffi-
cient favor among the Democrats to secure their support for reelection.

Of the first ten Presidents, Tyler was the youngest at the time of taking
office, his age being 51 ; Harrison was the oldest, being 68. John Adams
lived to the greatest age, dying at 91. Washington's life was shortest,
covering only 67 years. Five of the ten — viz., the elder and younger
Adams, Jefferson, Madison and Van Buren — lived to be 80 years of age or
more, and all but Washington and Harrison passed their seventieth years.
Adams and Jefferson died on the same day. Van Buren and Tyler died
in the same year.

*£^W#^^t/t/^/^^

THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS

The remains found in Mexico and Central America furnish the anti-
quarian with abundant materials by which to judge of the architectural skill
of the ancient inhabitants of those regions ; but unfortunately the works of
the mound-builders afford but few and dim traces of their skill in this
respect. Up to the present time, not a single dwelling coeval with, and
bearing evident relation to, these works, has been discovered. Though
hundreds of groups of mounds, marking the sites of their ancient villages,
are to be seen scattered over the country, yet in none of all the number is
there a single house remaining, nor, until very recently, was it known that
the remains, or even the trace, of one could with certainty be identified.

Although the magnitude and extent of many of these works prove be-
yond question that the builders must have been sedentary, subsisting to a
large extent upon the products of the soil, and dwelling in houses of a
more permanent character than the tents of nomads or temporary wig-
wams of the roving tribes, yet all have crumbled to dust. The inference
is, therefore, irresistible that their houses were built of perishable materials
— a fact entirely consonant with their environments, as they lived in a land
clothed with heavy forests and supplied with abundant moisture.

Although no examples of their houses remain, we are not left wholly in
the dark in reference to them. In various localities, especially in Middle
and West Tennessee, in Southern Illinois and Southeastern Missouri, the
sites of thousands of them are yet distinctly marked by little circular
saucer-shaped depressions, each surrounded by a slightly raised earthen
ring. By digging in the center from one to three feet deep, we almost in-
variably find the ashes and hearth that mark the place where the fire was
built, and often unearth from the same place fragments of vessels used in
cooking and the bones of animals upon whose flesh the people fed.

By carefully throwing off the deposit made since they were abandoned,
we can frequently follow the layer of hard-beaten earth — sometimes clay
or mixed with clay— which formed the floor of the dwelling.

These facts and various other indications render it evident beyond any
reasonable doubt that they are dwelling sites. That they do not mark the
places of temporary camps is apparent from the circular excavations, the
usual low ring of earth around the margin, the evidences of continued
occupation, and the invariable presence of mounds in their midst. In ad-

THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS III

dition to these evidences of permanent residence, the group is often sur-
rounded by a wall of earth, which in all probability marks the line of a
former palisade, and there is invariably a burying ground, either in low
mounds or consisting of simple or stone graves, near at hand.

We are, therefore, warranted in concluding that these little circular de-
pressions, varying in diameter from fifteen to fifty feet, mark the sites and
indicate the form of one class of the dwellings of the mound-builders.

As the fire-place is invariably in the center, and nothing found to indi-
cate the use of a flue or chimney, we conclude there was an opening in the
top of the dwelling or wigwam for the escape of the smoke, and that the
form of the house was conical or dome-shaped, probably the former.

The ring of earth has doubtless been formed by the decay of the bark
covering, and by the earth thrown around and against the base to keep out
water and to shield from the wind and cold in the winter.

So far as observed, no particular order appears to have been maintained
in regard to the relative positions of these dwellings, except that sufficient
space was allowed between them to afford passways.

Professor Putnam, who found many of these dwelling sites during his
explorations in Tennessee, remarks as follows in regard to them : " Scat-
tered irregularly within the inclosure are nearly one hundred more or less
defined, circular ridges of earth, which are from a few inches to a little over
three feet in height, and of diameters varying from ten to fifty feet. An
examination of these low mounds, or rather earth rings, as there could
generally be traced a central depression, soon convinced me that I had
before me the remains of the dwellings of the people who had erected the
large mound, made the earthen embankment, buried their dead in the stone
graves, and lived in this fortified town, as I now feel I have a right to desig-
nate it." An examination of the similar remains in Southern Illinois
and southeastern Missouri will soon suffice to lead any one to a similar
conclusion.

In these remains we have evidences of customs and modes of life so
strongly resembling those of some of the Indian tribes that no one can fail
to notice them. The circular form, the size, the central fire, the want of
regularity in placing them, and the perishable materials of which they were
made are all indications pointing to the one conclusion.

But our testimony in regard to the dwellings of the mound-builders is
not yet exhausted, meager as it has generally been supposed.

During the progress of explorations by assistants of the Bureau of
Ethnology last year, in Southeast Missouri, Arkansas and Mississippi,
especially in Arkansas, in numerous instances, probably hundreds, beds of

112 THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS

hard-burned clay, containing impressions of grass and cane, were observed.
These were generally found one or two feet below the surface of the low, flat
mounds, from one to five feet high and from fifteen to fifty feet in diameter,
though by no means confined to mounds of this character, as they were
also observed near the surface of the large flat-topped and conical mounds.

So common were these burnt clay beds in the low flat mounds, and so
evidently the remains of former houses, that the explorers generally speak
of them in their reports as " house sites."

As a general rule, in opening them, the strata occur in this order : first,
a top layer of soil from one to two feet thick ; then a layer of burnt clay
from four inches to a foot thick (though usually varying from four to eight
inches thick), and broken into lumps — never in a uniform unbroken layer ;
immediately below this a layer of ashes and charcoal, in which are usually
found fragments of pottery and occasionally whole vessels, stone chipsr
broken bones of animals and other refuse ; immediately below this a thin
layer of hardened muck or dark clay, though this does not always seem to
be distinct ; at this depth, in the mounds in the eastern part of Arkansas,
are usually found one and sometimes two skeletons.

I take almost at random from Dr. Palmer's report (not yet published) a
statement in reference to these beds. Speaking of the slight elevations,
which here are not rings as further north, but low flat mounds, he says :

" As a general and almost universal rule, after removing a foot or two
of top soil a layer of burnt clay in a broken or fragmentary condition would
be found, sometimes with impressions of grass or twigs, and easily crumbled,
but often hard and stamped apparently with an implement made of split
reeds of comparatively large size. This layer was often a foot thick and
frequently burned to a brick red or even to clinkers. Below this would be
found more or less ashes, and often six inches of charred grass immediately
over the skeletons. These were found lying in all directions, some with
the face up, others with it down and others on the side. With these were
found vessels of clay, some with one, others with more."

At another place, in a broad platform-like elevation not more than three
feet high, he found and traced by the burnt clay the outlines of three rect-
angular houses. The edges of the upright walls were very apparent in this
case, as also the clay which must have fallen from them, and which raised
the outer marginal lines considerably higher than the inner area. " The
fire," Dr. Palmer remarks, " must have been very fierce, and the clay around
the edges was evidently at some height above the floor, as I judge from
the irregular way in which it is scattered around the margins."

Excavations in the areas showed that they were covered with a layer

THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS 113

of burnt clay, uneven and broken ; immediately below this a layer of ashes
six inches thick, and below this black loam. On these areas were growing
some large trees, one a poplar three feet in diameter.

Below one of these floors was found a skeleton, some pottery and a
pipe. A large oak formerly stood at this point, but has been blown down.
Close by these dwelling sites is a large mound ten feet high, in the form
of a truncated pyramid.

Scores of cases, similar in character and differing but slightly in details,
might be given from the reports of the explorers, but I will call attention
only to two more.

Mr. Thing, digging into the summit of a medium sized mound in South-
east Missouri, where there was a slight circular depression, found at the
depth of two feet a similar layer of burnt clay — but I will let him tell his
own story : " On the top of the mound, in a small circular depression, I
dug down a couple of feet, when I came to a sort of platform of burnt clay.
It seemed to be made up of irregularly shaped pieces, one side being
smooth and the other rough. And what was peculiar, the smooth side was
downy It is easy to account for this on the supposition that it had been
the plastering of an upright wall, which, when the wooden support gave
way before the flames, had fallen over in a broad sheet, thus carrying the
smooth inner side downward. In confirmation of this view, we may state
that down the slope on one side were also found loose fragments of the
burnt clay which had evidently broken loose from the mass and rolled down
the side.

Our next and last illustration is from the report of Colonel Norris — the
locality, Butler county, Missouri ; the group consisted of an inclosing wall
and ditch, two large outer excavations, and four mounds inside. The
largest mound of the four measured about one hundred and fifty feet in
length, one hundred and twenty in width, and twenty feet high at the
highest point. A longitudinal section is shown in the figure.

We will now let Colonel Norris describe it from his notes taken on the
ground :

" A thorough examination was made of this mound by plowing and
cutting away nearly one half of it and running trenches through the re-
maining portion. The construction was found to be somewhat peculiar, as
will be seen by reference to the figure, which shows a vertical section
through the length.

" The bottom layer, I, is a circular platform about one hundred feet in
diameter and two feet high, formed of yellow sand, similar to the original
surface beneath and around it. The next layer, marked 2, is only six

THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS

inches thick and consists of dark blue adhesive clay or muck from the
swamp, which by long use has become very hard. It was strewn over with
burnt clay, charcoal, ashes, fragments of split bones, stone chips, fragments
of pottery and mussel shells.

SOME REMAINS OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS.

" The next layer, 3, is eight feet thick at the central point of what
appears to have been the original mound of which it was the top stratum.
But it is not uniform, and although showing no distinct layers was not
all formed at one time, as in it were found at least three distinct fire-
beds of burnt earth and heavy accumulations of ashes, charcoal and
charred animal bones. In this layer, somewhat south of the center, at m,
were found the charred fragments of long poles and small logs all lying
horizontally, and also a post (a), probably of locust wood, six inches thick
and five feet long, still erect, but the upper end shortened by fire and the
lower end haggled off by some rude implement.

" Layer number 4 is an addition to the orginal plan, but here the original
platform is continued with the same sandy material and same height ; then
the layer number 4 was built of blue muck similar to that of number 2 in
the original mound. Having obtained the desired form, layer number 5,
which is six feet thick and of blue clay mixed with sand, was thrown over
the whole. But this was evidently formed after an interval of usage of the
original double mound, as northwest of the center and in the lower part of
this layer (at n) were found charred timbers lying horizontally, and one post
{b) standing erect, resembling the timber post found in number 3."

Although the remainder of the description is interesting, this will suffice
for our present purpose. There can be no doubt that these poles and this
burnt clay were the remains of houses, the fire having been smothered by
dirt thrown over it before the timber portion was entirely consumed.

The reader will probably remember the description given by Professor
Swallow of "a room formed of poles, lathed with split cane, plastered with

THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS 115

clay, both inside and out, forming a solid mass," which he found in a
mound in Southeastern Missouri. This plastering was, as he says, left rough
on the outside but smooth on the inside, and some of it was burned as red
and hard as brick, while other parts were only sun-dried. Some of the
rafters and cane laths were found decayed, some burnt to coal, and others
all rotted but the bark. The inner plastering was found flat on the floor
of the room as it had fallen m, and under it were the bones and
pots.*

The discoveries made by Professor Swallow, Col. Norris, Mr. Thing and
Dr. Palmer all harmonize, and show beyond a reasonable doubt that the
layers of burned clay so frequently found in southern mounds are the
plastering of houses which have been destroyed by fire. The numerous in-
stances of this kind which have now been brought to light, and the presence
of skeletons under the ashes and clay, render it probable that the houses
were abandoned at the death of a member of the family, burned over them
after they had been buried or covered with earth (for the bones are very
rarely charred), and that immediately a mound was thrown over the ruins.
It also appears that in some cases the mound so made was afterward used
as a dwelling site by the same or other people.

As bearing upon this subject I call attention to a few descriptions of
Indian houses given by some of the early writers.

La Harpe, speaking of the tribes in some parts of Arkansas, says : " The
Indians build their huts dome-fashion out of clay and reeds." Schoolcraft
says the Pawnees formerly built similar houses. In Ibberville's "Journal "
it is stated that the cabins of the Bayogoulas were round, about thirty feet
in diameter, and plastered with clay to the height of a man. Adair says
the winter cabins or " hot-houses " of the Cherokees and several other tribes
were circular and covered six or seven inches thick with tough clay mixed
with grass.

Father Gravier, speaking of the Tounicas, says : " Their cabins are
round and vaulted. They are lathed with cane and plastered with mud
from bottom to top within and without, with a good covering of straw."

Henri de Tonti — the real hero of the French discoveries on the Missis-
sippi— says the cabins of the Teusas were square, with the roof dome-
shaped, that the walls were plastered with clay to the height of twelve feet,
and were two feet thick.

* I may as well add here that I have examined in person one of these clay-beds found near the
surface of a large mound, and that specimens of those found by three Bureau assistants named are
now in the National Museum, also specimens of the charred grass or straw of which Dr. Palmer
speaks.

lib THE HOUSES OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS

Numerous other references to the same effect might be given, but these
are sufficient to show that the remains found in the mounds of the South-
west are precisely what would result from the destruction by fire of the
houses in use by the Indians when first encountered by the Europeans.

Combining the testimony furnished by the mounds with the historical
evidence — which the close agreement between the two certainly justifies —
we learn that the houses of the mound-builders were built of wooden
materials, or wood and clay combined, and were of at least two forms, cir-
cular and rectangular ; that the fire was usually placed in the center, and
the smoke allowed to escape through an opening at the top ; that in the
southern sections they were usually plastered with clay and thatched with
straw or grass, and that the plastering was often ornamented by stamping
it with a stamp made of split cane, and in some cases painted red. Pro-
fessor Swallow noticed this color on the plastering of the burned room he
discovered. I have also detected a coat of paint on some of the pieces
which have been received at the National Museum.

The facts brought to light in regard to the ancient works in the southern
part of the United States, by the investigations of the Bureau of Ethnology,
prove beyond question that a large portion of these tumuli were erected
for the purpose of being used as dwelling sites, or the location of temples,
council houses, or other public buildings, and confirm the statements made
in reference to them by the narratives of DeSoto's expedition.

'^(&<f<\^o>d tfT^-yyi^a*

TRIBUTE TO GEORGE W. LANE

LATE PRESIDENT OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

Mr. George W. Lane died at his home in New York, Sunday morning,
December 30, 1883. The radical hold which he gained over the men and
institutions of his city create for him a deserved place in a magazine of his-
tory. If he did not directly determine events, he determined men, and so
worked at the root of events and at the heart of his times.

A chronicle of his life would be interesting; a register of the interests
which he promoted would be instructive. It is significant to be told that
he was President of the Chamber of Commerce, member of the Aqueduct
Commission (made such by act of Legislature); that he was connected with an
almost indefinite number of monetary, charitable and religious institutions.
But a great deal more to the point is the character itself of the man, out of
which all these divers and diverse lines of activity with such effect and such
naturalness flowed.

For the ordinary run of character analysis answers the purpose. As a
rule, the meaning of a man is lodged mainly in some special proclivity or
aptitude. The average man is a fragment — some specific peculiarity set
loose and incarnated. The peculiarity of Mr. Lane was that he was not
peculiar. His eccentricity lay in his concentricity — in the balancing of dis-
similar aptitudes and the equipoise of complementary elements. Synthesis
is a difficult matter; but if I were to venture upon it, and were to attempt
to specify the four quadrants whose combination in Mr. Lane forms the
most perfect circle of human character that I have ever known, I should
say — Will, Love, Sense, and Fidelity ; neither of them in its separateness,
but all of them in their conjunction and interdependence. We have used
the illustration of the quadrant and circle : but every circle implies a center
around which the quadrants are drawn. That in Mr. Lane, around which
everything that was constituent of him centered, was his fellowship with
his Heavenly Father. Mr. Lane was a Christian. That was the core-fact
of the man. The religious element was not in him an affix, an addendum.
It was an ingrained matter, co-extensive with him. Touch Mr. Lane at
any point, and you found him a Christian just at that point. I have
specified four prominent elements in his character. His Christianity made
itself felt as a working factor in each of those four elements, penetrating
his will and softening it ; permeating his affections and chastening them ;

Il8 TRIBUTE TO GEORGE W. LANE

busying itself with his intelligence and clarifying it ; entering into his fidelity
and hallowing it. The drop of water is not part hydrogen and part oxygen,
but all of it is both. So in the character we are considering, it is not that
a part of it is secular and a part religious ; all of it was both. No blade so
fine can be introduced into his character as to divide between its secular
and its Christian threads. Therefore he never looked out of place.
Whether handling the city's money, presiding at the dinner of the Cham-
ber of Commerce, or sitting at the Lord's table and distributing the bread
and wine, he was felt to be in his element. And all of this thorough and
constant working in him of the religious element admits of precise ex-
planation.

Mr. Lane was converted. His conversion was as definite a fact in
his life as his birth. At the age of about thirty his robust will yielded
itself to God in one final act of absolute surrender. He was not converted
by installments. He was henceforth God's man. Standing in this personal
relation to God, duty always meant with him something divine, something
which left him no option in the matter. Any position which he felt him-
self called to fill was with him a divine calling. God was at his elbow.
Whatever he did in that position, therefore, he did as for God, and was
therefore always in his place. He was a beautiful incarnation of the old
doctrine of the perseverance of the saints. It was his meat to do the will of
God. A gentleman who for forty-five years had stood in intimate business
relations with him, whose business transactions with him amounted to mill-
ions of dollars, said : " In looking over this whole period of almost half a
century there is not a speck upon Mr. Lane's dealings with me that I
would wish to erase." He had convictions then, and the courage of his
convictions. Because others thought as he did made him no stronger, and
because others did not think as he did made him no weaker. Being the
only one to hold a particular view never made him lonely. He was made
of the stuff that the martyrs were made of.

Mr. Lane was a safe counselor. The severe truthfulness of the man
made it easy for him to find the truth, and in a short and simple way to
state it. His mind moved directly to the root of a matter. His Chris-
tianity emptied him of self, so that his thoughts were left to work in the
clear. Prejudice was shut out of conference. It held of him what the
Lord said of himself: " My judgment is just, because I seek not mine own
will ; " and his conclusions and findings were regularly justified by the issue.
Integrity clarified intelligence. His judgment was continually sought in
contested cases. He was recognized to have what David calls " truth in
the inward parts." This singleness of eye was in him a genius for deciding

TRIBUTE TO GEORGE W. LANE II9

cases on their merits. To a life-long and intimate friend he said : " I would
decide a case against you as soon as against anybody else."

Mr. Lane illustrates the fact that a man can live a long and active busi-
ness life in New York, and keep his heart pure and tender, and his con-
science undefiled. He handled gold without his mind becoming yellowed
by it, or his affections metallized. He was like the sunshine which bright-
ens the soil without becoming soiled by it. The ship is not wrecked by
getting into the water, but by the water's getting into the ship. He illus-
trates the fact that simple manhood, unrecommended by high lineage, ma-
terial inheritance, or scholarly endowment, will win its way and create for
itself a place, a place that it is not in the scope of birth to arrogate, culture
to reach, nor money to buy. Sweet integrity is easily imperial. The pro-
foundest tribute yet offered to Mr. Lane's memory — far in advance of all
eulogies spoken or speakable — was the audience gathered in the Madison
Square Church on the day of his funeral, — a solid phalanx of strong
heads and snowy hairs, a silent confession to the kingliness of goodness.

His life from day to day was of more value than any oral preachment
can be as an exposition of the Gospel. He illustrates the Gospel because
he was himself the product of the Gospel. And the Gospel is worth what
it will produce. A tree is known by its fruits. Grandeur is not the child
of delusion. Men do not gather grapes of thorns, nor figs of thistles.
When Atheism, Agnosticism, or Infidelity, either one of them, will produce
a Geo. W. Lane, then I will pause and review my creed.

His last service was one of hospitality. That was his life — to add to
men. Always busy but always had time. For him to diffuse light was as
natural as for a candle : to diffuse freshness as natural as for a fountain. He
was master of us because he was so thoroughly our servant. And now there
remains to us this great comfort, that though he has done so much for us
that his departure is an unspeakable bereavement, yet the more he has
done for us the better we can do without him. In all these years he has
been making, in the lives of those that stood near him, quiet deposits of
power. That power survives, the inalienable possession of every circle in
which he has moved, a part of the permanent fund of every institution in
which he has worked. He has been all these years sounding key-notes.
The hand which sounded the notes has fallen, but the tones he struck ring
yet, and the music goes on in the key that he set, and the meter that he
marked.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT*
WITH PEDIGREE

Prefatory

For the following sketch I have been favored with the use of all the family papers preserved
by several generations of the Griswolds of Blackhall ; together with some interesting original papers
of the Rev. George Griswold of Giant's Neck, now owned by Deacon George Griswold of Niantic ;
and with some notes for family history by James Griswold, Esq. of Lyme.

I have also had several valuable documents copied for me from the Probate Records of New
London and the State Archives at Hartford, the latter through the courtesy of Charles J. Hoadley,
Esq., State Librarian. An examination of the collections on the Griswold family made by the late
Rev. F. W. Chapman of Rocky Hill, Conn., which were put into my hands by his son Mr.
Henry A. Chapman of Hartford, has led to one important discovery, and a few private letters
from the father have given me some valuable hints.

Some of the statements respecting Edward Griswold and his descendants were furnished by
Judge S. O. Griswold of Cleveland, Ohio, and Hon. William H. Buell of Clinton, Conn., both
of whom descend from him. At home I have had a continual adviser and assistant in my wife,
who, being of Griswold descent, had, with wonted enthusiasm and perseverance, collected many
facts of the family history, and corresponded in our own country and abroad with reference to it,
long before it began to be a subject of interest to me for her sake. The printed sources of in-
formation, so far as known, have been, of course, freely drawn upon.

It must be understood, however, that I have not undertaken to write a complete genealogy of
the Griswolds ; my paper has reference, especially, to the male line, and to those of the name most
closely associated with Lyme, and was originally intended for the use of a limited family circle — not
for the public eye.

The imprints in the notes are in all cases those of the particular volumes referred to.

The earliest English settlements on the Connecticut River were nearly
contemporaneous, of the same parentage, being all offshoots from the Bay
Plantation, and bound together by many ties of intercourse and depen-
dence. It was about the year 1635 that Wethersfield, Windsor, Hartford,
and Saybrook were first settled. The latter had its origin in a fortification
built by Lion Gardiner, a military engineer from England (who had in
that capacity served the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries), and
commanded by John Winthrop the younger, under a commission from the
Warwick Patentees. This barely secured the site for English occupation
against Dutch encroachments. The new cluster of settlements thus formed
on the beautiful banks of the Connecticut, winding amid rich meadows
ready to the hand of the husbandman, and primitive forests which were
stocked with all sorts of game valuable for skins, and opening an attractive

* Copyright, 1884, by Edward Elbridge Salisbury.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 121

pathway for trade, both inland and abroad, naturally drew the attention of
those in the mother-country whom the usurpations and oppressions of the
later Stuarts had forced to make new homes for themselves in these west-
ern wilds.

Two brothers of the name of Griswold, Edward and Matthew, came to
America " about the year 1639," and settled at Windsor, Conn. The date
of their emigration being fundamental, and all that relates to it, and to
years immediately following, being of interest, I quote from affidavits of
these two brothers, sworn to May 15, 1684, as follows:

"The testimony of Edward Griswold, aged about 77 years, is, that about the yeare
1639 Mr. Wm Whiteing (deceassed) was undertaker for a shipp in England, in which shipp
I came to New England . . . and at that time many passengers came ouer, severall of
which settled at Windsor, and a gennerall expectation there was at that time, as appeared
by discourse, of many more passengers to come, and some of note ... by which meanes
land at Windsor, near the towne and redy for improuement, was at a high price. . . .
But afterward people that were expected out of England not coming in such numbers as
was looked for, and some returning to England,* and others remoueing to the seaside,
the lands at Windsor fell very much in price." . . .

" The testimony of Mathew Griswold, aged about 64 years, is, that John Bissell,
sometimes of Windsor now deceassed, did offer to sell mee al that part of Mr Ludlowe's
accomodations, both of houseing and lands, which hee bought of Mr. Wm Whiteing (as hee
told mee) which lay on the west side Connecticut Riuer in the townshipp of Windsor . . .
and I beeing not accomodated to my mind where I then liued at Saybrook, and haueing
kindred of my owne and my wiues at Windsor, was willing to dwell at Windsor . . . also
I went and aduised with my father-in-law Mr. Wolcot, who told mee I had bid highenoffe.
. . . Further I testifie that, when I came ouer to New England about the year 1639, ^an<^
was at an high price, and that the price thereof fell very much in some yeares after . . ."f

It will be observed that these documents give us, also, approximately,
the important dates of birth of the two brothers — the elder, aged about
seventy-seven in 1684, must have been born about 1607 ; and the younger,
about sixty-four years old in 1684, was, of course, born about 1620.

The eminent antiquary Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, says
he " can hardly doubt" that a brother of Edward and Matthew was
"Francis Grissell '•' [or " Mr. Grissell "], to whom reference is made in the
Calendar of State Papers (Minutes of a Committee for Providence Planta-
tion), as having applied in England, from July 1635 to Feb. 1636, for
remission of the cost of transportation of himself and wife to New Eng-

* Plainly, in consequence of the rising power of the Parliament, before the civil war had
operated to drive Englishmen away from their mother country.

f Conn. State Archives, Private Controversies, ii docc. 203, 204. MS,
Vol. XI.— No. 2.— q

122 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

land,* whence he infers" that Francis Grissell (Griswold) had been at, and
had returned to Great Britain from, Providence Island, before July 1635." f
Whether it be true or not that this person was a brother of our Edward
and Matthew Griswold, which I leave for others to determine, certain it is
that Edward had a son named Francis, who will be spoken of further on ;
and Mr. Chapman entertained the opinion, though it does not appear on
what ground, that the grandfather of Edward and Matthew was a Francis
Griswold, said to have been of Lyme Regis, Co. Dorset, who had a son
George, the father of our two brothers of Windsor. £

From a valuable document in the New London Probate Office (relating
to a lawsuit in which the only son of our first Matthew Griswold was
involved), we obtain proof that, beside Edward and Matthew, there was
another brother, Thomas byname, who remained in the old English home-
stead ; and the same paper gives documentary evidence as to what part of
England the emigrants came from. It deserves to be quoted here, exactly
and in full :

"Georg Griswold, aged about 67 years, testifyeth as followeth — that in his youthfull
years he lived with his father in England, in a town called Keillinsworth § in Warrack-
shire; he did severall times since hear his father Edward Griswould say that the house they
then lived in, and lands belonging thereto, was his brother Mathew Griswould's ; and
have lately seen a letter under the hand of Thomas Griswould of Keillinsworth abovesd,
directed to his brother Mathew Griswould aforesaid, wherein the said Thomas Griswould
intimated that he did then live in the above said house belonging to his said brother
Mathew Griswould aforesaid.

"May 9^ 1700. George Griswould appeared before me in Hartford, and made oath
to ye above testimony."

"Joseph Curtiss, Assistant."

With regard to the ancestry of the three brothers whom we thus dis-
tinctly trace, we have no certain information reaching beyond their father.
A deposition lately found among the papers of Rev. F. W. Chapman, " a
full and true copy " of an original now lost, enables me to begin the
Griswold pedigree one generation further back than it has been hitherto
traced. This valuable document is in these words :

" The testimony of Captain George Griswold, aged about 72 years, and the testimony of
Mr. John Griswold, aged about 69 years, they both being sons of George Griswold, The

* Calendar of State Papers. Colonial Series. 1574-1660. London, i860, pp. 211, 215, 221.

f Private letter of Dec. 30, 1881.

\ Private letter of March 12, 1874. The same letter expresses the belief, without giving any
good reason for it, however (as appears from another letter of June 4, 1874), that Michael Griswold
of Wethersfield was also a brother of Edward and Matthew ; but a document, which will be quoted
presently, seems to imply that the father of Edward and Matthew had only one other son.

§ In Queen Elizabeth's time Kenilworth was called Killingworth.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 1 23

Deponents being both of Windsor in the county of Hartford and colony of Connecticut in
New England, is as follows :

" Viz., that our Grandfather's name was Edward Griswold, and it was formerly and has
ever since been always accepted and reputed that our said Grandfather's father's name was
George Griswold, and the said George Griswold our Great Grandfather had three sons, the
eldest named Edward, the second named Matthew, and the third or youngest son named
Thomas, and the said Edward the eldest son, and the said Matthew the second son, came
into New England from Killingsworth in Warwickshire in England ; and in all our dis-
courses amongst the families of said Griswolds in New England, together with other elderly
observing gentlemen, they are and have ever been so accepted and reputed to be, without
contradiction or gainsaying, according to the best of our remembrance.

" And the Deponents further add and say that the above named Edward Griswold's eldest
son has always been called and reputed to be Francis Griswold, without any contradiction
or gainsaying as aforesaid that we know of.

" Windsor in Hartford county in Connecticut, New England, personally appeared on the
19th day of January Anno Dom. 1737-8, Captain George Griswold and John Griswold
the above named Deponents, and made solemn Oath, in due form of law, to the truth of the
above written testimony, before me

Henry Allyn

Justice Peace." *

But who was this George Griswold, the father of Edward, Matthew and
Thomas, we know not. It has been assumed that our Griswolds belonged
to the heraldic family of Greswolds of Solihull, near Kenilworth, Co.
Warwick, one of whom, Humphrey Greswold, deceased in 1746, unmarried,
was the first of this family who possessed Malvern Hall ; f and the arms of
that family : Arg. a /esse Gu. betw. 2 greyhounds current Sa., have been
used as of right belonging to Griswolds of America.

* This copy was given to Mr. Chapman by Mr. J. S. Griswold of Benson, Vt., whose brother
Mr. W. D. Griswold, now of St. Louis, Mo., writes to me respecting the original paper as follows :
" As regards the original paper, I remember to have seen it on occasion of a visit I made to my
native home in 1841. My Father, then alive, showed it to me, and I read it over and over with
great interest, and I then took a copy of it, which I think I have sent to some inquirer, without retain-
ing a copy of the copy. The affidavit was evidently taken in aid of some pending legal proceeding,
or in anticipation of some legal use. It was inherited by my Father with the old papers and muni-
ments of his Father, and that is all that can be said of its history." In another letter Mr. Griswold
says : "I read it over repeatedly, and critically observed the paper, old and faded, and the writing
of style verifying its age." These two Griswold brothers are descendants of Edward Griswold,
through his son Francis.

f The late Col. Chester, to whom the question of the English origin of the Griswolds was
referred some years since, wrote from London : "I thought I had already explained about the Gris-
wolds of Malvern Hall. The first one who had Malvern Hall was Humphrey G. (son of Rev. Marshall
G., descended from the family at Solihull, Co. Warwick), who died unmarried in 1746. It then
went to his brother John, who died without issue in 1760, when that branch of the family, in the
male line, became extinct. Malvern then went to their sister Mary, wife of David Lewis Esq.,
then to their son Henry Greswold Lewis, who died in 1829 without issue. Malvern then went to
his very distant kinsman Edmund Meysey Wigley, who assumed the name of Greswold. He died
unmarried in 1833, and Malvern then went to his paternal uncle Henry Wigley, who also assumed
the surname of Greswold, but who never had a drop of Greswold blood in his veins."

124 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

A statement has gained some credence, that our Griswold brothers came
from Lyme Regis, Co. Dorset, probably for no better reason than because
this would afford a plausible explanation of the name of Lyme in Connecti-
cut. But careful search in the records of Lyme Regis, by the Rector in
1874, failed to show that any person of the name ever lived there ; while the
affidavits of Edward and Matthew Griswold fully establish the fact that
their old home was at Kenilworth, Co. Warwick. Now, the Visitation of
Warwickshire made in 1619, published by the Harleian Society, gives us
twelve generations of the Greswold family, of which the first-named repre-
sentative was John Greswold "of Kenelworth," who married the daughter
of William Hugford of Hulderley Hall in Solihull ; and the Greswolds con-
tinued to be seated at Kenilworth down to the time of the last male de-
scendants mentioned in 1619. * Moreover, John Greswold, of the fifth
generation in this Visitation, is named Grzswold in the Visitations of Notting-
ham for 1 569-1614 published by the Harleian Society, where the marriage
of his daughter Allice to Thomas Dabridgcourt is recorded — showing that
the two forms of the name were at an early period interchangeablef ; and,
what is still more, in the Visitation of Warwickshire for 1619 occurs the
name of a George Griswold, in the latest generation there recorded, who
may possibly have been the father of our two emigrants. But diligent in-
vestigations by Colonel Chester (to whom, however, the fact of the imme-
diate parentage of the emigrants was unknown), by the Rector of Kenilworth
in 1874, and among American records, have not enabled us as yet to trace
back the line of descent of our Edward and Matthew beyond their father.
The parish-register of Kenilworth prior to 1630 was destroyed under Crom-
well, and the name of Greswold does not occur in it after 165 1. So that,
while there is ground for believing that the emigrant brothers belonged to
the heraldic family of Greswolds, or Griswolds, there seems to be little
probability of its being proved. Colonel Chester concluded that they may
have come of a younger branch of that family, but says : " The only pos-
sible remaining chance there is for discovering any thing further would be
an examination of the wills in the local registry of Lichfield."

* The Publications of the Harl. Soc, vol. xii. The Visitation of the County of Warwick in the
year 1619. . . . Ed. by John Fetherston. . . . London, 1877, pp. 60-62.

f The Publications of the Harl. Soc. , vol. iv. — The Visitations of the County of Nottingham in
the years 1569 and 1614. . . . London, 1871, p. 38.

The parish-records of Solihull, as appears from recent obliging letters of the present Reccor, show
the following varieties in the form of the name at the dates mentioned :

1539— Griswooide, 1540 — Gryswoolde, 1541 — Gresolde, 1547 — Grissolde, 1555 — Greyswolde,
1561— Grisolde, 1562 —Gryswoolde and Gryssold, 1570— Griswolde, 1571— Gressolde, 1575— Gres-
wolde, 1579 — Greswoolde, 1590— Greswold, 1593 — Gryswold, 1624— Greswold, and Griswold, 1627 —
Griswoold, 1636— Griswold. For some of these, however, the parish-clerk alone may be responsible.

™

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 125

As has been noticed, our Griswold family possessed lands in fee in Eng-
land, both before and after the emigration of Edward and Matthew ; and
we shall see that not only was Matthew (who, having come to the New
World in his youth, and married a daughter of the first Henry Wolcott,
might be supposed to have been trained by the necessities of colonization,
or aided by his father-in-law) prominent in the public affairs of Connecticut
from the first ; but his elder brother, also, who was thirty-two years old at
his emigration, took at once a position of commanding influence. They
would seem to have been " born to rule." Besides, if it be a principle of
heredity that the characteristics, physical, intellectual, moral and social, of
a strongly marked ancestor are repeated in his descendants, so that from
the offspring may be inferred what was the progenitor, then, apart from all
we know of the first generation of the Griswolds of New England, the
qualities developed by succeeding generations of the family have been an
accumulating proof that its emigrant ancestors were high-minded, intelli-
gent, Christian "gentlemen." The large views of Matthew Griswold, very
much in advance of his time, are illustrated by a record which has just
come to light, as follows :

"April 23d 1663, Hannah Griswold, wife of Matthew Griswold, has a portion of meadow-
Land in Windsor, Great Meadow, Twelve acres more or less. . . . this comes to her as part
of her portion that fell to her by the Last will of her brother Christopher Wolcott Decd,
out of his Estate that was to be Devided among his Relations ; and this parcell of meadow
is allowed by her Husband Matthew Griswold to be Recorded and made over to Hannah
his wife, to remain to her and her children, and their Dispose, forever. "*

We can only wonder at the enterprise, courage and energy of these early
pioneers. Matthew Griswold, at the early age of nineteen years, came with
his brother Edward to Windsor, among its earliest settlers, then struck out
from there to find a new home in Saybrook ; then, as if that spot had be-
come too narrow, crossed the " Great River," and made his final settlement
as the first man who took up land in Lyme. Perhaps this may have been
partly due to the English passion for landed possessions — also, perhaps, to a
hereditary longing which could be fully gratified only by first occupation.

In this connection I may most appropriately dispose of a statement, dis-
tinctly made or hinted at in different quarters, that the first Matthew Gris-
wold followed the trade of a stone-cutter. The only proofs alleged of this
are, first, a receipt given by him, Apr. 1, 1679, now registered at Saybrook,
for seven pounds sterling, " in payment for the tombstone of the lady Alice
Bottler [Lady Fenwick], late of Saybrook;" and, secondly, the tradition

* Copied by the Town Clerk of Windsor from Records there, in August, 1S82.

126 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

that the tombstone of his father-in-law, Henry Wolcott of Windsor (who
died in 1655) — similar in form and material to that of Lady Fenwick — was
obtained by his agency.* As to the receipt, nothing is more likely than
that he gave it for money which he had long before paid out as Agent to
Gov. Fenwick; and as to the Wolcott tradition, that by no means necessarily
means that the monument of Henry Wolcott was a work of his hands. Still,
it is possible that Matthew Griswold may have learned the art of stone-
cutting in preparation for his emigration — perhaps as a disguise in aid of his
expatriation ; and that he practiced the art occasionally, as the exigencies of
colonial life in a new country made it useful for him to do so, is also pos-
sible. But that stone-cutting was his occupation, or trade, there is not the
slightest reason to believe ; indeed, the supposition is at variance with all
that we know of his prominence in the public affairs of his time, and infer-
able education, or are led to conjecture, from his large acquisitions of land
at an early period, of his having given himself, from the first, to agriculture.
Evidently he was skilled in laying foundations, and in sculpturing monu-
ments, but it was with materials, and in forms, far more enduring than
stone — nay, more lasting than the brass of the mechanic artificer: "Mon-
umentum aere perennius."

But from these general considerations I must now return, to record
more in detail what we know of the three brothers, Edward, Matthew and
Thomas Griswold, of whom, as has been said, the first two emigrated
to America in 1639, and the other remained in England. As to this
Thomas, we know, by the deposition of 1737-38 above cited, that he was
the youngest son — born, therefore, not earlier than about 1621 — but neither
tradition nor records give us any additional facts respecting him. The yet
existing Kenil worth records (as appears from Mr. Chapman's papers) make
mention of " Hanna the daughter of Thomas Grissold," buried Apr. 8,
1632, of " Mary the daughter of Thomas Grissold," buried Apr. 20, 1634,
and of " Thomas the sonne of Thomas Grissold & Elianor his wife . . .
baptized July ye 30th Anno Dni 1636 ; " also, of a " Thomas Grissold,"
whose wife Joane was buried Jan. 28, 1632 (or 1633), and a "Thomas Gris-
sold," married to Catharine Norris June 11, 1635 — that is, certainly of
two, if not more, separate Thomases. But neither of them could have
been the brother of Edward and Matthew, because Matthew himself was
not more than about sixteen years old at the latest of these dates. On
the other hand, he may have been either a " Thomas Grissold," who was
buried May 5, 1644, or a Thomas, named in the records, who had a son

* History of New London ... By Frances Manwaring Caulkins. New London, 1852,
pp. 173-74 J and Memorial of Henry Wolcott . . . New York, 1881, pp. 12, note, and 32.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 127

Matthew born Mar. 1, 1649. The parish-records of Kenilworth, it will
be seen, name at least three distinct Thomas Griswolds.

To come, then, to the two emigrants, a tradition remains to be alluded
to, that their emigration was in company with the Rev. Ephraim Huet of
Windsor, who " had been a minister of Wraxall, near Kenilworth, in War-
wickshire, was proceeded against by Archbishop Laud, 1638, for neglect
of ceremonies, came next year." * Savage thought this tradition plainly
erroneous, for the reason that George, son of Edward, Griswold, in his
deposition above cited, testified that he lived with his father in Eng-
land " in his youthfull years," which, according to Savage, must have
extended later than to the year 1639. But the year of Huet's emigration,
this very year 1639, being now fixed, independently, as the date of the
emigration of Edward and Matthew Griswold, the tradition of their com-
panionship with Huet gains in probability; while Savage's objection is
quite set aside by the fact that George Griswold, having been sixty-seven
years old in 1700 (as he himself affirmed), was born about 1633, not in
1638 — as Savage says — and could, therefore, well speak, when advanced in
life, of a time prior to 1639 as having been in the days of his youth.

Edward Griswold, the eldest of the two emigrant brothers, also lived
the longest, dying in 1691, as is said, f in his eighty-fourth year. A colo-
nial record of 1649 shows him to have been, at that time, still residing in
Windsor, where his sons Francis and George likewise had their families. \
It is believed that he removed to Killingworth, now Clinton, Conn., in
1663, and gave to this New England town the name of his old place of
residence in Warwickshire. He was a Deputy to the General Court, before
this, in 1662. Under the year 1667, as " Mr. Edw. Grissell," he is enrolled
a Deputy, and, as u Mr. Edward Griswold," a Commissioner " for Kenil-
worth." § In 1674 there was a grant made to him of two hundred acres of
land, which were laid out, after long delay, in 1682, " at the north end of
Lyme bounds." || As " Mr. Edward Griswould " he was Deputy " fr. Kel-
lingworth " in 1678, when he was also nominated for election as Assistant,
and as Commissioner; represented his town in every Court held from that
year on to 1689; and was, during this period, repeatedly made Commis-
sioner. T In 1678 he was on a committee for establishing a Latin School

* Geneal. Diet. ... By James Savage. Boston, i860, ii. 490.
f Savage's Geneal. Diet., ut supra, ii. 316.

X Public Records of the Col. of Conn. ... 1636-1665. Hartford, 1850, p. 196.
§ Public Records . . . 1665-1677. . . . Hartford, 1852, pp. 5S, 63.
I Id., p. 240, and note.

T Public Records. . . . 1678-1689. . . . Hartford, 1859, pp. 1, 3, 5, 26, 48, 49, 75, 76, 97,
121, 139, 140, 169, 195, 230, 237, 251.

128 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

in New London.-* He was the first deacon of the church of Killing-
worth.

He was twice married : first, in England, to Margaret , who died

Aug. 23, 1670, f and secondly, in 1672 or 1673, to the widow of James Bemis
of New London. " Before coming to Windsor he had Francis, George,
John and Sarah, probably all born in England, and he had at Windsor "
three sons and three daughters — all, as appears by their days of birth or
baptism recorded at Windsor, by his first marriage. J

His son Francis is found to have been at Saybrookin 1655-56, § but was
one of the first proprietors of Norwich, settled in 1660, taking " an active
part in the affairs of the plantation ;" || and from 1661, inclusive, to 1671,
was a Deputy to the General Court. 1" He died in 1671,** leaving several
children, of whom a daughter, Margaret (b. 1668), married Thomas Buck-
ingham, son of the Rev. Thomas, of Saybrook, in 1691. ff

George, son of Edward, Griswold, was a freeman of Windsor in 1669, {J
and seems to have lived there permanently. He died in 1704, §§ having
had sons and daughters. John (b. 1668), son of George, was father of
Isaac (b. 171 8), who was father of Abiel (b. 1755), who was father of
Origen (b. 1785), who was father of Judge S. O. Griswold, now of Cleve-
land, Ohio. Judge Griswold and his sisters now own a tract of land at
Windsor which once belonged to their ancestor George.

Edward Griswold's third son, John, who was born in England, died in
1642 ; but he had another son of the same name, born in Windsor in 1652,
whose grandson Josiah (son of Daniel, b. 1696) was the maternal grand-
father of Hon. William H. Buell, now of Clinton, Conn. A daughter of
Edward Griswold, Deborah (b. 1646), who married Samuel Buell in 1662,
" was the ancestral mother of all the Buells in Killingworth (Clinton), all
the Buells east of Connecticut River, and nearly all of Litchfield, Conn."
Her husband was the great-grandfather in the fourth degree of Hon. W.

* History of Norwich. ... By Frances Manwaring Caulkins. Published by the Author,
1866, p. 92.

f " Her gravestone stands in the Clinton Congregational Burying Ground, with the letters
M. G., and is called the oldest monument."

X Savage's Geneal. Diet., ut supra, ii. 316 ; and History of Anc. Windsor. ... By Henry R.
Stiles. . . . New York, 1859, p. 640. The existing records of Kenilworth give baptisms of
children of Edward Griswold as follows : Sarah, 1631 ; George, 1633 ; Sarah, 1635 ; Liddia, 1637.

§ Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich, ut supra, p. 53.

]| Id., p. 177. 1" Id., p. 84. . ** Id., p. 132.

ff Stiles' Hist, of Anc. Windsor, ut supra, p. 640; and Savage's Geneal. Diet., ut supra, i.
285.

\X Public Records of Col. of Conn. . . . 1665-1677. . . . Hartford, 1852, p. 519.

§§ Stiles' Hist, of Anc. Windsor, ut supra, p. 641.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 129

H. Buell, so that the latter is descended on both sides from Edward Gris-
wold of Killingworth. Edward Griswold's son John (b. 1652) had a son
Samuel (b. 1685), whose daughter was the "Mary, daughter of Samuel
Griswold Esq. of Killingworth," who married, in 1739, Elihu son of Rev.
Nathaniel Chauncey of Durham, Conn., and was the mother of the late
Judge Chauncey of New Haven.'*

Another son of Edward Griswold, named Joseph (b. 1647), f had a son
Matthew (b. 1668), who had a son Matthew (b. 171 8,) who had a son
Elihu (named, perhaps, from Elihu Chauncey, the husband of his father's
second cousin Mary Griswold) who was born about 1750 — Dr. Elihu Gris-
wold of Windsor, whose wife Mary (b. 1756) was a daughter of Dr. Alex-
ander Wolcott, son of Gov. Roger Wolcott. J Dr. Elihu Griswold removed
to Herkimer County, N. Y., about the year 1800.

Matthew Griswold, having come to Windsor, married, October 16,
1646, Anna daughter of the first Henry Wolcott of Windsor, an emigrant
from Tolland, Co. Somerset, by Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Saun-
ders, of the adjacent parish of Lydiard St. Lawrence. § Either before or
after the date of his marriage he removed to Saybrook, in the capacity of
Agent to Governor Fenwick. The exact year of his removal to the river's
mouth cannot now be fixed, but he is said to have been the earliest actual
occupant of land within the bounds of Lyme (set off as separate from
Saybrook in 1665-66), implying that he had settled there long before this
separation. Indeed, his original grant is believed to have emanated from
Fenwick, [ which would carry us back to 1645, at least, when Fenwick's
rights under the Warwick Patent were extinguished by agreement with
the colony of Connecticut.^ Another indication of his having very early
become a resident of Saybrook is given by his testimony of 1684, quoted
above ; for in that he speaks of having thought to leave Saybrook and
purchase land in Windsor (" beeing not accomodated to my mind where I
then liued at Saybrook "), ** at a time when land up the river had depre-
ciated in value by reason, as is plain enough, of the prevalence of Parlia-
mentarian rule in England lessening the inducements to emigration, before

* See Memorials of the Chaunceys . . By Wm. Chauncey Fowler. Boston, 1S58, pp.
112-13. •

f Stiles' Hist, of Anc. Windsor, ut supra, p. 640.

\ Memorial of Henry Wolcott, ut supra, pp. 77 and 140-42.

§ Memorial of Henry Wolcott, ut supra, p. II. The Wolcott family of Windsor were of the
old English gentry.

I Caulkins' History of New London . . . ut supra, p. 72.

IT The History of Conn. . . . By G. H. Hollister. New Haven, 1855, i. 135.

**See above, p. 121.

130 THE ■ GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

the progress of events in the old country, culminating in Cromwell's mili-
tary usurpation, had again tempted the more conservative Englishmen to
expatriate themselves — from all which it would appear that he was a resi-
dent of Saybrook as early as within the fifth decade of the seventeenth
century, though after the middle of October, 1646, because he was already
married when he contemplated returning to Windsor.

By the colonial records we find him at Saybrook, first, on the 20th of
March, 1649-50, reference being made, under that date, to an answer to a
"petition from the inhabitants of Saybrook, presented by Matthew Gris-
wold and Tho. Leppingwell." * He was a Deputy to the General Court in
1654. In the same year Major Mason was deputed to take with him
" Matthew Griswold of Seabrooke," and " goe to Pequett and joyne with
Mr. Winthrop to draw the line betwne Pequett and Vncus according to
the bounds graunted that towne," . . . and indeavo1" to compose differences
bet: Pequett & Vncus in loue and peace."f At a Court held May 17th,
1660, it was "granted that ye Dep: Gouernor & Math: Griswold shal lend
vnto N. London two great Guns from Sea Brooke wth shot." J In 1661 he
headed a committee "to try the bounds of N. London."§ Under the year
1663 it is recorded that " Matthew Griswold " and others were to lay out
certain bounds " to pruent future in-conueniences."j| About 1664-65, when
Lyme was soon to be set off from Saybrook as a separate town, there arose
a dispute between New London and Saybrook as to the westward extent
of the former town — whether or not the land between Niantic Bay and
Bride Brook, including Black Point and Giant's Neck, belonged to New
London. This lasted for several years, when, at length, in 1671, "the town
[of New London] annulled all former grants . . . except ..." but set
apart, at " our west bounds at Black Point," a tract of three hundred and
twenty-five acres " for the use of the ministry forever," which same tract
had been reserved, three years earlier, for the same use, by the town of
Lyme. In August, 1671, "the people of both New London and Lyme
were determined to mow the grass on a portion of the debatable land. . . .
Large parties went out from both towns for the purpose, and, having
probably some secret intimation of each other's design, they went on the
ground at the same time. . . . The Lyme men, under their usual leaders,
Matthew Gri'swold and William Waller, were in possession of the ground
when the other party advanced. . . . Constables were in attendance on
either side, and Messrs. Griswold and Palmes were in the commission of
the peace, and could authorize warrants of apprehension on the spot. As

* Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut. . . . 1636-1665. Hartford, 1850, p. 205.
f Id., p. 257. % Id-> P- 352. § Id., p. 366. I Id., p. 418.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 131

the New London men approached, and, swinging their scythes, began to
mow," the Lyme constable attempted to do his office, supported by his
fellow-townsmen, " who came rushing forward waving their weapons ; "
and he succeeded ; when " a general tumult of shouts, revilings, wrestlings,
kicks and blows followed." A warrant was issued for the arrest of Gris-
wold, "but he was not captured." The noisy encounter was terminated
" by an agreement to let the law decide ; " and the General Court ordered
a division of the land in dispute, by which the matter was settled. * Such,
in substance, is the account of this affair given by the historian of New
London, on the authority of testimony taken at the trial of the rioters in
March, 1671-72. Family tradition among the Griswolds, however, runs to
the effect that the rights of the respective parties were finally made to de-
pend upon the issue of a personal combat between champions chosen on
both sides, a son of our first Matthew Griswold, the second of the name,
who was noted for his athletic form and great strength, being the repre-
sentative of Lyme ; and that the result was in favor of his town. But this
tradition may be only a mythical amplification of the recorded historical
facts, f

On the 13th of February 1665-66 the articles of separation between
Saybrook and Lyme were signed by Matthew Griswold as one of the com-
mittee for the east side. In 1666 he and William Waller were ordered by
the General Court " wthin the space of one month to send up to ye Treas-
urer a true valuation of all ye rateable estate of the persons that haue
estate in that place called Lyme.";}; He was a Deputy to the General Court
in 1667, § and again in 1668, his name having then, first, on the colonial
records, the prefix of " Mr.," at that time distinctive of a " gentleman,"
which afterwards they always give to it. || He was chosen Commissioner
for Lyme, in 1669, for the ensuing year ; "f in 1676 was appointed with
others " to signe bills in theire respectiue plantations, for what is due from
the country ; " -x"* and in 1677 was temporary Lieutenant of the train-bands
of Lyme, ff In May 1678 he was a Deputy for Lyme; $$ and the next
year was appointed " to grant warrants and marry persons in Lyme for
the yeare ensueing."§§ One hundred acres of land were granted to him by
the General Court in 168 1, " provided he take it up where it may not prej-

* Cauikins' Hist, of New London, ut supra, pp. 166-69.

f The tradition is alluded to, as authentic history, by Dr. D wight in his Travels in New Eng-
land. New Haven and New York, 1821, ii. 522.

\ Public Records of Conn 1665-1677. Hartford, 1852, p. 48.

§Id.f p. 70. || Id., p. 83. fid., p. 106. ** Id., p. 294. ffld, p. 317.
\X Public Records of Conn. . . . 1678-1689. Hartford, 1859, p. 3.
§§ Id., p. 27.

132 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

udice any former grants."* He was a Deputy for Lyme in 1685. f On
the 14th of May 1685 (" in the first year of our Sovereign Lord James the
Second of England ") the township of Lyme received a patent of confir-
mation, when it was granted, ratified and confirmed " unto Mr. Matthew
Griswold, Senr., Mr. Moses Noyes, Mr. Wm. Measure, Mr. Wm. Ely, Ln't
Abraham Brunson, Sarg* Thomas Lee and John Lay, Jr., and the rest of
the said present proprietors of the Township of Lyme, their heirs, succes-
sors and assigns forever." In 1686 the General Court confirmed to him
and others a tract of land eight miles square, " lyeing and being near unto
Connecticut River, about twelve or thirteen miles up the said River," which
had been deeded to them in 1674 by " Captain Sannup (or Sanhop)" of
the Niantics. J The Court chose him in 1689 to be a Justice of the Peace,
or Commissioner, for Lyme, and he held the same office the five following
years, successively. §

To these notes from colonial records, mainly showing the public trusts
conferred on the first Matthew Griswold, I add a few others from the
public records of Lyme and the family-archives, illustrative of the growth
of the Griswold landed domain within his time. He was reputed to be the
richest man in Lyme. After his death the landed property of the family
was increased yet more, until it came, at length, to be an estate almost
baronial in extent, stretching along Long Island Sound and elsewhere. So
early as in the third generation, as appears from a paper preserved in the
family, dated November 2, 1724, Patience Griswold released to her brothers
John and George, and to several sisters, her proportion of right and title,
as one of her father's legatees, to " about four thousand five hundred and
fifty acres, be ye same more or Less, situate, Lying and being in ye Town-
ship of Lyme." From a plea in answer to a charge of trespass, of the year
1 78 1, by Governor Matthew Griswold — which is among the family papers —
we learn that by " the Proprietors of the Common and Undivided Lands
in the Township of Saybrook ... on or about ye Year 1655 . . . were
duely Sever'd and Laid out to Matthw Griswold Senr, then of sd Saybrook,
who then was one of sd Propriators . . . for him to hold in Severalty as
part of his Share and Interest in sd Common and Undivided Lands,"
certain lands including a fishery at the mouth of the Connecticut River,
on the east side :

" and the said Matthw Griswold Senr soon after Enclosed the same in a Good Suffi-
cient fence, and Continued so Siezd and Possessd of the place . . . till the time of his
Death . . . and the same Lands . . . with all the appurtenances to the same belonging,

* Public Records ot Conn 1 678-1689. Hartford, 1859, p. 93.

f Id., p. 181. % Id., pp. 200-or.

§ Id., p. 252 ; and Public Records of Conn 1689-1706. Hartford, 1868, pp. 24, 43,

66, 92, 121.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 1 33

by sundry legal Descents Descended from the sd Matthw Griswold Senr to his Great Grand-
son Matthw Griswold Esq ..."

There can be no doubt that this document refers to a part of the estate,
at the mouth of the " Great River," which has been occupied by the family
for seven generations ; and it probably fixes the date of the first Matthew
Griswold's beginning to occupy that site as a place of residence. This
family home has been always known by the name of Blackhall — a memorial,
doubtless, of some familiar English locality. There are several places of
the name in England. Here, then, not in the rich alluvial meadows of
Windsor, nor on the breezy, but sandy, plain of Saybrook — as limited to
the western side of the Connecticut, after the setting off of Lyme — did
Matthew Griswold fix his home. He settled upon the extreme point of
land that stretches out between Connecticut River and Long Island Sound.
It was all " made land," under the slow processes of nature : the sea had
washed up its sand to meet, and be mingled with, the alluvial deposits
brought down by the " Great River," in its progress from Canada to the
sea. After all these centuries, the modeling of nature's forces still appears
in the roll and swell of the ground, the hillocks and the eddies. This lower
level is near the sea. The land begins to rise toward the north-west ; the
nearest spur of the northern mountains is to be seen just above the present
railroad-station, and follows the Connecticut, with hills, sometimes rolling,
often well-wooded, sometimes rocky and precipitous. Another range —
the so-called Meetinghouse-Hills — further eastward, runs toward the north.
Between these ranges is the tract on which the village of Lyme now stands,
in a position much sheltered from the cold winds on the east, north and
west, while lying open, on the south, to winter-sunshine and summer-
breezes. Long Island stretching along, some miles away, between the
main land and the open ocean, cuts off the violence of storms, while
not shutting out the freshness of the ocean-air. The seasons are tempered
along the shore. Frosts come late, and melt away earlier in the spring
than in any other part of New England. The autumn usually lingers long
under the golden light radiated from the sun, and reflected from the sea,
which, from Newport all along the shore, fills the atmosphere with a halo
of beauty.

The land-records of Lyme show an indenture of March 8, 1664, by
which the first Matthew Griswold then had deeded to him

" A parcell of Land Lying and beeing uppon Blackhall point, near the dwelling-house of
Matthew Griswold aforesaid* . . . the upland beeing by estimation forty akers . . .

* Showing that Matthew Griswold had a dwelling-house at Blackhall point before March 8, 1664.
The original well belonging to it is believed to exist still, within the grounds of Mrs. Charles C.

134 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

with all the meadow or marsh-lands thereto belonging, part of which meadow is adjoining
to the upland, and part thereof is lying and beeing on the southwest end of the Great
Island or Marsh . . ."

Among the family-papers is an original deed of Thomas Leffingwell to
Matthew Griswold, dated February 18, 1674, conveying his

" whole accommadations of Lands att Seabrooke, situate, lyeing and being on both sides
of Connecticott River, except . . . The p'ticulars of that wch is sold unto the sd Mathew
Griswell being as followeth : Imprs, on the west side of the above sd River the whole right
of Commonage belonging unto one hundred & fifty pound Allottment withe the ox-pas-
tour, house & home-Lott ; Secd, on the east side of the sd River the whole accommada-
tions belonging unto a two hundred pound Allottment, with such rights, Commonages,
priviledges & appurtenances as doe or shall belong thereunto, as also the whole right,
title and interest unto and of one hundred pound Allottment which was bought of ffrancis
Griswell* . . . only excepted twenty acers of Land of the first Division where the house
stands . . . Resigned unto ffrancis Griswell . . .''

Another private paper, dated July n, 1674, records the laying out to
Matthew Griswold of " fifty acres more or Less of upland . . . bounded
west by the Sea and Bridebrook, East by the land bought of Richard
Tousland, south by the Sea, north by the Commons,'' which seems to be a
description of the promontory of Giant's Neck, the home of the Rev.
George Griswold, of the third generation, and of a branch of the family
descended from him. On the 28th of February, 1676, as Lyme records
show, Matthew Griswold gave in a statement of certain lots of land then
owned by him, as follows :

" Matthew Griswold Senior, his lotts in the first division of upland & meadow, whar his
new dwelling house doth stand, Containing in Generall about one hundred and fourty
aight akers and a half . . . and is bounded Northerly by Blackhall river, Easterly by the
highway as far as his dwelling house, southerly by Sea, westerly by the Great River. . . ."

Of the church, or ecclesiastical society, of Lyme, there are no existing
records early enough to show whether the first Matthew Griswold was
concerned, or took an interest, in the organization of either. But the First
Church of Saybrook possessed, within a few years, a silver communion-cup
which was his gift, as the inscription on it : " S. C. C. dono domini Matthew
Griswold," attests; though the three initials at the head, probably standing
for " Saybrook Congregational Church," would seem to prove the inscrip-
tion to be of a much later date than the fact it commemorates.f

Griswold, a little to the south of whose residence the first dwelling of the first Matthew Griswold is
said to have stood.

* This is, undoubtedly, Francis son of Edward, mentioned p. 122.

f This cup now belongs to the family of the late Deacon William R. Clark of Saybrook.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 1 35

" Matthew Griswold died in his house at Lyme [September 27, 1698], was
buried at Saybrook ; his gravestone is not to be found." Mrs. Griswold
survived him, and was living September 17, 1700, when she and her son-
in-law Abraham Brownson were both cited to appear before the New
London County Court, as administrators of her husband's estate; but she
had, probably, died before May 22, 1 701, when Brownson was summoned
alone as administrator, by the same Court. Her age in 1699 was seventy-
nine years.*

Matthew and Anna (Wolcott) Griswold had five children, named in
the following order in a family-record : Sarah, Matthew, John, Elizabeth,
Anna. But neither the family-papers nor the existing public records of
Windsor, Saybrook, or Lyme (all of which have been consulted) give us
their birth-days, excepting that of Matthew, who was born in 1653. This
date being given, it is immediately evident that the order of names, at one
point at least, should be changed; for, if Elizabeth was the second child
born after Matthew, her birth could not have occurred before 1655, whereas
she was first married in 1670 — which is quite improbable. Accordingly, I
shall assume an order which seems likely to be nearer the truth, as follows:

1. Elizabeth; born, according to corrected order of names, not later
than 1652, and, very likely, from the date of her marriage (early marriages
being then usual), in that year; who married: 1st, October 17, 1670, John
Rogers of New London, Connecticut ; 2d, August 5, 1679, Peter Pratt;
and 3d, soon after 1688, Matthew Beckwith. She had two children by her
first husband : 1. Elizabeth, born November 8, 1671 ; 2. John, born March
20, 1674; by her second husband she had a son Peter; and by her third
marriage, a daughter, Griswold Beckwith. f In 1674 John Rogers, her first
husband, departed from the established orthodoxy of the New England
churches by embracing the doctrines of the Seventh Day Baptists ; and,
having adopted, later, "certain peculiar notions of his own," though still
essentially orthodox as respects the fundamental faith of his time, became
the founder of a new sect, called after him Rogerenes, Rogerene Quakers,
or Rogerene Baptists. Maintaining " obedience to the civil government
except in matters of conscience and religion," he denounced, " as unscrip-
tural, all interference of the civil power in the worship of God." £ It
seemed proper to give here these particulars with regard to Rogers's views,
because they were made the ground of a petition by his wife for a divorce,

* See her testimony of Jan. 5, 1699, in Col. Records, Private Controversies, v. doc. 145, AfS.
f Caulkins' Hist, of New London, ut supra, pp. 203-09.
% Id., pp. 204-05.

136 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

in May 1675, which was granted by the General Court in October of the
next year,"" and was followed in 1677 by another, also granted, for the cus-
tody of her children, her late husband " being so hettridox in his opinion
and practice." f The whole affair reminds us of other instances, more
conspicuous in history, of the narrowness manifested by fathers of New
England towards any deviations from established belief ; and of their dis-
trust of individual conscience as a sufficient rule of religious life, without
the interference of civil authority. There is no reason to believe that the
heterodoxy " in practice," referred to in the wife's last petition to the
Court, was aught else than a non-conformity akin to that for the sake of
which the shores of their " dear old England " had been left behind, for-
ever, by so many of the very men who forgot to tolerate it, themselves, in
their new western homes. Of course, like all persecuted, especially relig-
ious, parties, the Rogerenes courted, gloried in, and profited by, distresses.
John Rogers always claimed that the Court had taken his wife away from
him without reason ; both of his children eventually sympathized with
their father, and lived with him.

2. Matthew (see below).

3. John ; who died young, s. p.J

4. Sarah; born, according to corrected order of names, not earlier than
1655 ; who married, probably before 1675, Thomas Colton (not George, as
commonly said) §, of Springfield, Mass., by whom she had a daughter Sarah,
born September 25, 1678,! a "third daughter" Elizabeth, whose birth-day
is unknown, and probably three other children.^

5. Anna ; born, according to the family-order of names, not earlier, and
probably, from the date of her marriage, not later, than 1656;** who mar-
ried, September 2, 1674, Lieut. Abraham Brownson (as he himself spelt

* Public Records of the Col. of Conn. . . . 1665-1677. Hartford, 1852, p. 292.

f Id., p. 326.

X Anna Griswold and John Griswold appear as witnesses to a deed of sale, among Lyme
records, dated Apr. 26, 1681, The association of names and the date identify this John as the son
of Anna Griswold — showing that, if not born later than 1654, he lived as long as to his twenty-
seventh year.

§ Savage's Geneal. Diet., ut supra, i. 438.

I Id., ibid.

^[ Rev. Mr. Buckingham of Saybrook testified, Sep. 7, 1699, "that Mr. Griswold gave Eliza-
beth, third daughter of his daughter Sarah Colton deceased, her one fifth of moveable estate. ..."
See Col. Records, Private Controversies, v. doc. 156. MS.

** Her gravestone, in the Meeting-House Hill Burying-Ground at Lyme, gives the date of her
death (Apr. 13, 1721), without telling her age ; but that of her husband, alongside of it, shows that
he was seventy-two years old in 1719, when he died. This suits well enough with the supposition
that she was born in 1656.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 137

his name) of Lyme. With this marriage is connected the memory of an
unhappy lawsuit, in which Abraham Brownson and his mother-in-law
united against her only surviving son, the second Matthew Griswold.
This suit has left its traces in various public records, but need not be re-
capitulated here. I notice it only for the reference made in an affidavit
given in the case, and now preserved in the New London Probate Office,
to certain evidences of property in England which were withheld from
Matthew Griswold, as follows :

'* Affid. before Wm Ely, Justice of Peace, Nov. 15, 1699, by Henry Meriom — that Brun-
son told him he had a trunk of writings that were his father-in-law's, which he said that it
would vex his brother Mathew Griswold very much. I told him that I heard so . . . and I
told him that I believed that there was some weighty concerns in those papers, for money
either in this country or in England ; he answered that there were some great concerns
in them, and that there were some papers there that said Griswold never knew of, and
never should . . ."

This concealment of titles to estates was complained of to the General
Court by Matthew Griswold, in 1700, "that all those deeds and writings
which doe concern all or any of the lands that did belong to his father
Mr. Mathew Griswold in his life-time, both in old England and new, are
withheld, so that they cannot be entred upon the publick records. . . ."*
Had these papers been recorded, they would, in all probability, have
thrown some light upon the English ancestry of the Griswolds.

Abraham and Anna (Griswold) Brownson had six children, from one
of whom, a daughter Mary (b. 1680), descends the present Chief Justice
of the United States, Judge Morrison Remick Waite, as follows: Mary
Brownson married, August 26, 1704, Thomas Wait of Lyme (from Sud-
bury, Mass.); Thomas and Mary (Brownson) Wait had Richard (b. 171 1),
who married, Jan. 13, 1757, for his second wife, Rebecca eldest daughter
of Capt. Joseph Higgins; Richard and Rebecca (Higgins) Wait had Re-
mick (b. 1758), who married, in 1786, Susanna eldest daughter of Nathan-
iel Matson of Lyme, and sister of the mother of the late ex-Gov. Buck-
ingham ; Remick and Susanna (Matson) Wait had Henry Matson (b. 1787),
who married, Jan. 23, 18 16, Maria daughter of Col. Richard E. Selden of
Lyme, and granddaughter of Col. Samuel Selden, a distinguished officer in
the army of the Revolution ; Henry Matson and Maria (Selden) Waite (so
he spelt the name) had Morrison Remick (b. 18 16), a graduate of Yale
College in 1837, ar*d now the prime expounder of American law. Henry
Matson Waite was Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Connecticut,

* Public Records of Col. of Conn. . . . 1689-1706. . . . Hartford, 1868, p. 338.
Vol. XI.-No. 2.— 10

138 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

from 1854 till the constitutional limit of age obliged him to retire. "It
was ... in questions of law that his strength especially lay ; and his legal
erudition, patient research, power of discrimination and terseness of argu-
ment, were fully appreciated by an able and learned court." *

Matthew Griswold,f the second of the name, born in 1653, followed
the footsteps of his father in public life — the " Mr. Matthew Griswold "
named in the colonial records of 1696, as Deputy and Commissioner, and
in 1697 as Commissioner,^: being probaby the son, and not the father (con-
sidering the age of the latter) ; and the son being certainly intended by
the designation of " Mr. Mathew Griswold " as Deputy in 1704, 1707, 1708,
and I7I0.§ But his sphere seems to have been more private than that of
his father. His father, a few days before his death, deeded to him large
estates (not improbably in the spirit of English law, keeping landed prop-
erty in the male line, and having respect to promogeniture), to which he
himself added others by purchase. On the 21st of May, 1683, when about
thirty years old, he married Phcebe Hyde, granddaughter of the first Wil-
liam Hyde of Norwich, Conn., and daughter of Samuel and Jane (Lee)
Hyde. I Our most interesting memorials of him are copies of writings of
his own. Among these is the following incomplete letter to his sweetheart,
revealing much of his character, and worthy to be preserved, not only for
its sentiments, but also for the form in which they are expressed :

" Deare Heart,

" Tender of my most unfayned and Intyre Love to you, hoping you are in good
health, &c. Although my present Abilities of body and mind will nott allow mee to
Write Largely unto you, as I shod be glad to do, yet, having this opportunity, I was de-
sirous to trouble you with a line or two — A Little to Remind you of the unexpected . . .
unheard of . . . which I have mett with, In the management . . . the motion of Marriage
mad by mee unto yorselfe, which ... so very strange that 1 am att a great Loss . . . of
mind to think what the good pleasure of the Lord . . . case as to a fynale Issue ; though
this I must saye, If I thought you had not Reall Love and Affection for mee I should then
think it rather my Duty to desist than to prosed ; but as yet I am nott, nor can not bee,

* Conn. Reports ... of Cases ... in the Supr. Court. ... By John Hooker. Hartford,
1870, xxxv. 597-99. Obit. Notice by Hon. C. J. McCurdy ; and N. Eng. Hist, and Geneal.
Register. Boston, 1870, xxiv. 101-05.

f From this point onward, especially, I have more or less drawn from Chancellor Walworth's
treasury of genealogical lore, the Hyde Genealogy. This general acknowledgment is due. But
family- papers, monumental records and public archives have enabled me sometimes to correct the
Chancellor's statements, though such changes are for the most part made without notice.

X Public Records of Col. of Conn. . . . 1689-1706. Hartford, 1868, pp. 158-59 ; and Id.,
p. 201.

§ Id., 482 ; and Public Records . . . 1706-1716 . . . Hartford, 1870, pp. 20, 67, 169.
I Hyde Genealogy ... By Reuben H. Walworth . . . Albany, 1864, i. 10.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 1 39

convinced that It is so, for, as God and thy owne conscience knows very well, when I was
fully come to a conclusion in my own minde never to give myself nor you any farder
Trouble in this matter, yorselfe were pleased to tell mee that unexpected (though welcome)
news, that you could not beare the thoughts of a fynale Separation ; and since, when you
were last att our side of the River, you told mee the same thing, besides many things
which you have in discourse told diverse of youre owne best freynds, which gave them
grounds to conclude that you had special Love for my person. If I had thought that these
things had been false, I must have Judged of . . . according to the . . . which would
have commanded a period to all proceedings of this nature ; but conty I believed thee, and
accordingly concluded that hee which had Incindled this Love in Thee would increase It,
and in his good Time bring us together in the Relation of man and wife, and hereupon gave
my affections their full scope, concluding not only that I mite, but that it was my duty to,
Love her intirely for whose Sake I should forsake Father and mother, and, as I tould you
when I last spake with you, I shall nott att this time Release any promise (and you to mee,
I should nott suffer for yor Sake) which has past between us, though I cannot desire you
should proseed to Joyne yourself In marriage with mee on the account of pittie. I desire
to look to God who is able to give mee ... . to all his gracious promises which wold be
matter of comfort . . . (for so they are . . . I would desire yould not forgett how willing
I have been, according to my Cappacity and opportunities ; so then, in kindness and in way
of Requital, faure mee with some Lynes.

I shall not enlarge att present, but, desiring that the Good Lord would graciously guide
us to that wThich may tend to his glory and our own everlasting peace, I take leave and
Remain thine, and thine only, in the bonds of Intire Affection, M. G."

He also wrote verses, of limping gait, indeed, but which, not the less for
that, remind one of hymns by famous poets of his age, such as Donne and
Herbert, as if he might have been not unfamiliar with them. Two frag-
mentary specimens, inspired, as the foregoing letter was, by his love, must
suffice:

" And grant me this

Token of bliss —

Some lynes for to peruse with speed,

That may to mee

A Token be

You doe mee choose in very deed."

" Deceit is lothsome though in matters -small,
And guile in things which are but triviall ;
But when the case amounts to such a height
To be of such concernment & such weight,
Those that will then Intentionaly deceive
Shall sure a curse as their Reward receive.

Then find it true and nott a lie

Hee's thy best friend that speaks out playne :

My deare, take heed,

And make great speed,

140 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

Lest thou give God no Just offence ;

Then for my part

A loving heart
From thee shall bee large Recompense.

But we have a fuller disclosure of character, as well as a story of
romantic adventure, and of remarkable Providential overruling of evil for
good, in a letter of his, dated November 8, 1712, at Lyme, to Rev. Cotton
Mather, relating what had befallen his eldest son, thrown, by his own fault,
amid the hazards of war of the the Spanish succession.*

This very interesting document reads as follows (the italicizing being
in the printed copy used) :

" Sir,

" Tho' I am an Utter Stranger to You, yet, considering that it ought to be the
chief and continual care of Every Man To glorify God, I thought it my Duty humbly to
present unto you the following Narrative, desiring you to improve it as God shall direct.

" This last October, 'tis Five years since, my Eldest Son, having a vehement Desire to
go to Sea, and concluding that I would not consent unto it, took an opportunity to make
his Escape whilst I was attending the General Court. I used utmost Endeavours to re-
cover him, but he got off from Piscataqua, Leaving me Sorrowfully to think what the
Event might prove, of a Child's wilful forsaking the Duty of his Relation and the
Means of Grace, and ingulfing himself into the Temptations of a Wicked World.
And I was the more concerned because he had been but a very Weakly Lad. They had not
been long at Sea before they were Surprized by a dreadful Storm, in the Height whereof
the Captain ordered my Son to one of the Yard- Arms, there to Rectify something amiss,
which whilst he was performing he wholly lost his Hold ; But catching hold on a loose
Rope he was preserved. This proved a very Awakening Providence, and he Looked at
the Mercy as greatly Enhanced by reason of his Disorderly Departure. Arriving at
Jamaica he was soon Pressed aboard a Man of War, from whence, after diverse Months
of Hard Service, he obtained a Release, tho' with the. Loss of all the Little he had. He
then fell in with a Privateer, on board whereof he was Exposed unto Eminent hazard of
his Life, in an hot Engagement, wherein many were killed, and the Man that stood next
unto him was with a Chain-Shot cut all to pieces. In the time of this Fight God caused
him to take up Solemn Resolutions to Reform his Life, which Resolutions he was enabled,
thro' Grace, to observe. And he then Resolved that he would Return as soon as might be
to his Fathers House. After a Skirmish or two more he was cast away. Then he was
taken by the French, and turned ashore at the Bay of Honduras, where he with fifteen
more were taken by a Party of Spanish Indians who were Led by a Spaniard. Having

* A tract suggested by the facts of this narrative was written by Cotton Mather ; and published
under the following title : " Repeated Warnings. Another Essay to warn Young People against
Rebellions that must be Repented of . . . With a Pathetical Relation of what occur'd in the Re-
markable Experiences of a Young Man who made an Hopeful End lately at Lyme in Connecticut.
Boston, 1712." A copy of this "very rare" pamphlet is in Yale Collage Library, from which I
have taken the narrative.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 141

their Hands now tied behind them, and Ropes around their Necks, they were in that
manner led unto a Place called Paten, Six hundred Miles distant from the place where they
were taken, and very far within the Land, having no Food but Water and the Cabbage
that grows upon Trees. My Son had at that time the Fever and Ague very bad, so that
many times every step seemed as though it would have been his last. Yet God marvellously
preserved him, while Three men much more likely to hold the Journey than himself per-
ished on the Road. Upon their Arrival to the End of their Journey they were fast chained,
two and two ; and so they continued Eight Months confined, and Languishing in Exquisite
Miseries. My Son was visited with the Small Pox while he was in these Wretched cir-
cumstances.

" In this time time two Godly Ministers came to see my Family, and One of them then
putting up a fervent Prayer with us, on the behalf of my Absent Child, he was directed
into such Expressions that I was persuaded that the Prayer was not lost, and that my Poor
Son was then in some Remarkable Distress. Noting down the Time, I afterwards found
that, at the Time when this Prayer was made, my Son was then in Irons, and had the
Small Pox upon him. I observed some other Things of this Nature which Modesty
directs to leave unmentioned. Innumerable Endeavours were used in this Time, by the
Father Confessors, to perswade them to turn Papists, Sometimes Promising them Great
Rewards, at other times threatening them with the Mines, and with Hell. Some of these
Miserable men became Roman Catholicks. Hereupon the man who took them Petitioned
the Viceroy for a Liberty to Sell them into the Mines ; which was very likely to have been
granted. But there happening an Irreconcileable Difference between the Governour of
the Place and him, the Governour then wrote to the Viceroy, informing him that they
were honest men, taken by the French and turned ashore, having no ill Intention against
the Spaniards. The Viceroy hereupon sent a special Warrant that they should all be Re-
leased, and care taken to send them down to the Seaside, there to be put aboard some
Spanish Ship, and sent to Old Spain, there to be delivered unto the English Consul.
The New Proselytes, learning of this, took to their Heels, met them on the Road, went
with them for Old Spain, leaving their New Religion behind them, together with a Wife
which one of them had married ; and became as Good Protestants (to a trifle, if I mistake
not) as they were before. They were put aboard Spanish Ships, and carried Prisoners to
Campecha, and several other Places in the Spanish Indies, waiting till the Plate-fleet
went home. My Son with some of his Companions were put on board of one of the
Galeons. In the Voyage to Spain he was Seized with a dreadful Fever. The Doctor,
having used his best means for him, a considerable time, at last pronounced him past Re-
covery. However, he let him Blood, and afterwards the Vein opened of itself, and bled
so long that all his Blood seemed to be gone, and he lay for Dead. The Bleeding stop't,
and so he Quickly Recovered. The Captain of the Galeon told him he had no Child, and,
if he would Embrace the Catholick Faith, and be Baptized into it, and Partake of the
Mass, he would immediately give him Three hundred Pounds, and put him into as good a
Way to Live as he could wish for. Then the Pious Instructions of a Godly Mother, long
since gone to a better World, were of Precious use to him. For, tho' he was then Lame
(and not long alter in danger of losing his Leg) he was Enabled to sleight all these Temp-
tations, and put his Trust in the Providence of God. I must wish that such Experiences as
these might stir up Parents to be more careful in Catechising their children, and that
You, or some Powerful Person, would move the Authority that, if it be possible, some
more Effectual Course may be taken for the Instructing of Youth.

142 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

" My Son was Landed at Cadiz. From thence, by the Good Providence of God, he
got a Passage to Portugal. From thence to Newfoundland, From thence to Nan-
tucket, And a Cure for his Leg. Here I may not omit my Thankful Acknowledgment of
the Kindness of some Good People whose Hearts God stirred up to have Compassion on
my Child in his Low Estate. There was a Gentleman of Boston who had some Lameness
in his Knees (whose name I have forgot) : He in the Voyage from New-foundland to
Nantucket supplied him with Money, and was very kind to him. At Nantucket several
were exceeding kind to him, Entertained him at their Houses, gave him Monies and Gar-
ments. When I revolve the Charity of these Good People, it often makes me think of what
we read Mar. xiv. 8, 9. But I have not as yet had an opportunity in the least to retaliate
their Kindness. My Son coming to Rhode Island got a Passage home from thence by
Water.

" Thus, after Four Years were near Expired, I received my Son, The truest Penitent
that ever my Eyes beheld ! This he freely manifested both in Public and in Private.
Whilst as yet'in perfect Health, he took diverse Opportunities to discourse privately with
me. Once he told me He verily believed he had but a very little time to live ; Said he,
Tho' I am in perfect Health, I believe I have but a very little Time remaining. And,
since God has been Exceeding Merciful to me, I greatly desire to spend the Remainder
of my Time very much to His Glory. In farther Discourse he told me that a Man, whom
he then named, had formerly done him Great Wrong, and that he had often resolved to
revenge himself. Said he, I now freely forgive him. He added, I have not in my Child-
hood behaved myself so Respectfully towards such a Man (whom he also named) as I
ought. 1 must take a Time to beg his Pardo?i. And upon Enquiry I since find that he
did so. He now quickly fell sick ; and he now said to me, Sir, my Business home was
to make my Peace with you and to Dy. I asked him with what Comfort he could look
Death in the face. He answered me, My most dear Father, I will hide nothing from
you. When I was in Irons at Paten, I had a clear Manifestation of the Love of God
in Jesus Christ unto jne. I had after this no Burden remaining on my Conscience, but
only my wicked Departing from you. For which cause I Earnestly begged of God that
I might Live to see your Reconciled Face. This I now do, and I bless God for it. Had
it not been for that one thing, I would much rather have chosen at that Time to have
died than to Live. I could now desire to Live, if God please to grant it, that I may
Glorify Him, and be a Comfort to you in your Old Age. But I think you will find it
otherwise. When I perceived that he drew near his End, I Earnestly desired, if it might
be the Will of God, that he might have some Promise in the Word of God fixed on his
Mind at the Time of his Departure. And after I had spake to him, Endeavouring to gain
his stedy Attention, I said, ' At what ti7ne a Shiner ' — ' Altho' your Si?ts have been
as Crimson ' — ' There is a Fountain ' — ' Ho, every one that thirstelh,' With other Scrip-
tures ; in all which I purposely left out the Latter part of the Text, which he readily fill'd
up, and made the sense complete. I then, turning to a Friend, said, Here is great
Ground of Thankfulness ! You see he is no Stranger to these Promises ; I hope he
has improved them .in the Time of his Adversity. He readily replied, That I have !
many and many a.time, God knows. He Lived not long after this. His whole Conver-
sation for the Eight Weeks (which was all the Time he lived after his Return Home) was
Exceeding Exemplary. Then the Lord was pleased to take from me a Son in whom I
hoped to have Enjoyed a Blessing.

"If this Account may quicken Parents in Well Teaching and Establishing their

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 143

Children in the Fundamental Truths of Religion, and may admonish Children to take heed
of Running Undutifully from their Parents, and Irreligiously from the Means of Grace, and
may Encourage those who do so, yet humbly, in their Distress, to Cry unto God, adhere to
His Truth, and hope in His Mercy, I have my End. And I have nothing further to trouble
you with, but to ask your Prayers, that I and all Mine may be humbled, sanctified and
quickened to Duty to God, our own Souls, and one another, by all His Dispensations.

I a?n R. Sir,

Your most humble Servant,
" Lyme in Connecticut, M. G."

Novemb. 8, 17 12."

When this last letter was written, the "Deare Heart" of the lover's
epistle, before quoted, against whose sportive playing of fast and loose, to
try his constancy, his own simply loyal nature seems to have possessed no
weapons of defence but a somewhat too serious tone of remonstrance, had
for several years rested from her labors of love as wife and " godly
mother " (having died November 29, 1704); and Matthew Griswold had
married secondly, May 30, 1 705, Mrs. Mary Lee, widow of the first Thomas
Lee of Lyme, ne'e De Wolf. He died January 13, 171 5, and was buried
in the Duck River Burying-Ground at Lyme. His last wife survived him
till 1724, when she was laid beside him.

He had eleven children, all by his first marriage :

1. Phcebe ; born Aug. 15, 1684; who died in 1702, unm.

2. Elizabeth ; born Nov. 19, 1685 ; who died in 1704, unm.

3. Sarah; born Mar. 19, 1687-88; who died Jan. 4, 1760, unm.

4. Matthew ; born Sept. 15, 1688; who died in 1712, unm. — the " prod-
igal son," returned to his father's house.

5. John (see below).

6. George; born Aug. 13, 1692; a graduate of Yale College in 1 7 1 7 ;
who married : first, June 22, 1725, Hannah, daughter of Nathaniel Lynde
of Saybrook, Conn., descended from a branch of the great English Roman
Catholic family of Digby, and probably from the van der Lindens of Hol-
land ; and secondly, July 20, 1736, his second cousin Elizabeth Lee (grand-
daughter of the first Thomas Lee of Lyme by his first wife), who died
in 1758.

It is interesting to notice the probability that the first marriage of
George Griswold was due to an acquaintance formed in his college-days —
for the Collegiate School, which became Yale College, was at Saybrook up
to the very year of his graduation ; and Nathaniel Lynde had been one of
its chief patrons and its first Treasurer. George Griswold's name heads
the list of members of his class, five in number, arranged, as usual in early

144 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

times, according to reputed social rank. He was graduated with the
second honor. His salutatory oration now lies before me, in his own
handwriting, the oldest Yale College document of this sort known to exist,
the next to it in age being the valedictory oration delivered by the elder
President Edwards at his graduation in 1720. Due regard to the scholar-
ship of this ancient graduate of Yale, and the interest attaching to so va£
uable a relic of the infancy of the College, as well as of an early period in
the history of the Colony of Connecticut, justifies my giving here its exor-
dium, and some other passages, in the original Latin. Its Latinity, though
occasionally faulty, challenges comparison with that of the fifth part of any
class graduating in our day:

" Nobilissimi, amplissimi, atque etiam spectatissimi auditores, omni observantia co-
lendi, laudibusque maximis laudandi, hancce orationem, quoad queo, quamvis non eo
modo ornatam prout me oportet, vobis medullitus consecrare volui — in qua exoptamus ac
precamur manum divinam beneficia vobis pro vestris meritis conferre. Vestrarum virtu-
tum profunditas non potest a nobis exquiri, nee vos in nostra oratione congrue salutari, prop-
ter flosculorum Rhetoricae inopiam in ea repertam ; nee assumimus aliquid de vestris vir-
tutibus garrire, quod . . . vos omnibus maximisque splendoribus animi ac corporis
praediti estis, et divina humanaque doctrina ornati.

" Vestra praesentia maximum decorem summumque nitorem huicce diei adfert, qui
supremo gaudio laetitiaque nos gaudere efficit, quern terrae quotidianae indefatigatae rota-
tiones tandem tulerunt. O felix dies, O felix tempus in quo noster microcosmus omnem
ejus gloriam induit, ac ejus splendore resplendet, representatque macrocosmum ; hie dies
est praeferendus, omnibusque praeponendus, ac ad dextram omnium aliorum consedere
debet. Invocentur omnes Musae canticum laetissimum cantare, et coelestes terrestresque
inhabitatores in hujus diei celebratione unanimiter c'onspirent. O excellentissime dies,
tanta pompa, tali amplitudine ornate, in quo doctrina solio summae dignitatis sese tollit ab
alto, ac ineffabili luce sese omnibus illustrat. O illustrissima praesentia doctorum, o quam
tantopere gaudemus perlaetum atque jucundissimum hujusce diei spectaculumaspicere, in
quo magnates primatesque nostrae Reipublicae cum profundissimo doctorum concursu
congregantur . . . Ut hujusce diei pompa gloriaque augerentur, impediat aliquid
terrae motionem, ut sol nobis immobilis stare videatur, quasi ab ejus cursu desisteret,
quasique vultu placido nostra negotia prospiceret, ne corpora coelestia, terrestria aliquo
contagio homines offenso afficiant [z. e. To increase the pomp and glory of this day, may
the earth's motion be impeded, so that the sun may appear to us to stand still, as if de-
sisting from its course, and taking note of our affairs with placid face, lest celestial or ter-
restrial bodies should smite men with any contagion]. Sed omnia consentiunt aliquid
splendori literarum conferre. Studiis literarum intellectus non tantum dilatatur, sed etiam
voluntas regulatur : humanitas urbanitasque ex regulis ejus colliguntur. Philosophus non
tantum rerum cognitione et intelligentia super alios eminere solet, sed et morum praestan-
tia, nam doctrina ' emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros.' Sicut virtus voluntatem, sic rerum
scientia intellectum perficit. O quid dicemus, o quibus argumentis ratiocinabimur, ut
homines stipulemur justos labores pro literarum acquisitione suscipere; a quibus ignavi
cito deterrentur ! Sed si finis coronat opus, fructus beneficiaque e studiis literarum pro-
fluentia pro maximis difficultatibus in ea acquirenda ferendis sufficienter satisfacient."

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 145

His address to the Governor of the Colony is, in part, as follows :
"Seel ne tempus tereremus, ac omnibus et singulis, prout ordo tarn doctrinae quam vir-
tutum requirit, orationem nostram hunc in modum omni submissione publice indicamus:
Imprimis honoratissimo, praecellentissimoque viro, doctissimo domino Gurdon Saltonstall
armigero, gubernatori Colonial Connecticutensis, quasi super genua flecta nostram ora-
tionem praebemus [i. e. First of all, to Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall, bearer of heraldic arms,
Governor of the Colony of Connecticut, we tender our discourse as on bended knees], qui
est homo praestantissimus, permultis, permagnis preciosissimisque facultatibus tarn animi
quam corporis indutus, quibus non tantum honor huicce Colonniae adfertur, sed etiam in
peregrinis regionibus fama ejus semper magis ac magis vagatur ; eximius fulgor ejus gloriae
soli similis coruscationem stellarum omnium quae ipsi praecesserunt obscurare videtur. O
fons sapientiae, quam plurimas leges tulisti, sapientissimo consilio consultus, quarum ob-
servantia ad Republicae commodum plurimum tendit ! Legibus tuis requirimur ac
dirigimur utiles esse patriae, Coloniae et societatibus in quibus collocamur. Domine
clarissime . . . o quam jucundum est nobis aspicere hominem omnibus ac singulis
virtutibus ornatum in summo imperii statu illatum . . . mansuetudo tua, civilitas
affibilitasque crga inferiores cum admiratione aspiciuntur [i.e. Most illustrious Sir . . .
thy gentleness, courtesy and affability to inferiors are beheld with admiration]. O
benignitas ineffabilis quae tuis actionibus erga omnes exprimitur . . . omnes tuae
actiones in summa justitia initiantur, summaque aequitate consummantur . . . Quid
ultra possumus cogitare, quid ultra possumus dicere dignum praedicari, de tali illustrissimo
atque etiam fidelissimo gubernatore ? sed tantum praecavi quod laudes operum tuorum,
pro quibus tibi immortales agimus gratias, in perpetuum vivant in ore viventium."

In a similar strain of eulogy he next addresses the Lieutenant-Gover-
nor and other magistrates of the body politic ; and then the reverend
curators of the " Academy," thus :

" Omnis splendore generis, eruditione, prudentiaque praeclarissimis dominis, patronis
ac fautoribus honorandis hancce orationem salutatoriam omni animi subjectione conse-
crare volumus — viris sapentia pietateque praeditis, quorum curae ac inspectioni munera
publica, tarn ecclesiastica quam scholastica, committuntur, in quibus muneribus sic
semetipsos gesserunt ut omnium admirationem acquisiverunt. O fidelissimi Evangelii
ministri, a Christo constituti ad verbum ejus praedicandum, ecclesiamque ejus regendam,
O homines peritissimi, tarn in ecclesia congreganda quam conservanda, vestra munera tarn
bene perfungimini quam laudibus altissimis laudari meremini, benedictiones plurimorum
in vestra capita quiescunt, propter consolationes illis per vos divinitus commissas; vestrorum
laborum fructum videtis, eoque gaudetis, vestris instructionibus ac directionibus plurimi
ad Deum conversi fuerunt. O quam confirmatam ac corroboratam ecclesiam habemus ex
verbis vest rorum labiorum quotidie nutritam ! Vester amor benignitasque erga earn tarn
magna quam multa sunt quod ea debet Deo benedicere, ac vos extollere, propter vestram
benevolentiam ei largitam. Beneficia ecclesiastica una cum scholasticis grato animo
recipimus."

Then the learned Rector, Samuel Andrew, is similarly saluted, in an
address ending with these words :

"Sed etiam haec academia summo honore summoque splendore ac laudibus dignissimis
a tali Rectore coronatur, qualis singulis ac omnibus doctrinae ornamentis, et maxima

I46 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

animi fortitudine, decoratur, a cujus illuminatione nostra academia cum summis academiis
literatis contendere audet ; tanta enim sunt ejus erga nos merita quanta a nobis remunerari
non possunt, sed tantum gratissimo ac deditissimo animo agnosci."

The other instructors, four tutors only, one a graduate of four years
standing, and two of only three years — the most conspicuous of whom
were Samuel Johnson, afterwards President of Columbia College, and
Elisha Williams (though not a graduate of Yale, the successor of Cutler in
the presidency) are saluted as follows :

" Proximoque serenissimis ac non uno literarum genere doctissimis illis viris, omnium
disciplinarum scientia praeditis, nostris nempe vigilantissimis institutoribus orationem
omni salute praebemus, qui ... ad culmen doctrinae attigerunt, artemque a capite ad
calcem investigaverunt [z. e. Next, to those most august men, most learned in all branches
of letters, endued with knowledge of all sciences, our most vigilant instructors, do we
address ourselves with every salutation — to them who have reached the pinnacle of learn-
ing, and have investigated the principles of science from top to bottom\. O Musarum
fautores, omnibus doctrinae dotibus induti, qui alios videre pro scientia studiosissime quae-
rentes magnopere delectant, qui a nulla industria nulloque labore abstinuerunt liberalia
principia artium in nos instillare ! . . . O generosissimi homines, nobis benignissimi,
omnibus illos amabiles reddentibus induti, summaque docendi facultate praediti, in qua
unusquisque doctorum nobis praeambulavit ! Domini clarissimi, benevolentiam omnium
sub vobis doctrinam quaerentium adepti mentis ; propter beneficiorum tarn permagnorum
quam permultorum collationem, flumina scientiae a labiis vestris ad nos profluerunt ; dis-
tillationesque optimae ac exoptatae doctrinae in nos quotidie ceciderunt. O utinam nos
negligentia oblivioneque non affectos fuisse ! quam corroborati, quam confirmati in rebus
utilissimis ac nobis necessariis fuissemus, quibus propter nostram incuriam tantum in
dura matre imbuimur. Pro his benefices nobis gratuito collatis maximam gratiarum red-
ditionem reddimus."*

With which of the reverend pastors of the Colony, whose learning and
virtues were so highly extolled by the young graduate, he studied, after
the manner of his time, to prepare himself for the ministerial office, we
are not informed. He began preaching at East Lyme in 1719; the next
year provision was made for his continuing there, and on the 30th of Jan-
uary, 1724, according to the church-records, he was invited to settle for
life. Upon his acceptance of this call a church was organized, and he was
installed Pastor. Of his ministerial life there exist, happily, some me-
morials, in notes of sermons, dated from 1721 to 1758, and other original
memoranda. The handwriting of the sermons, however, is so minute and
faded with age that I shall give a specimen of only one of them, preached
1757-58, on the text : " For what shall it profit," etc., Mark viii. 36, 37 :

* The original manuscript of this oration is now deposited in the library of Yale College,
a gift from Deacon George Griswold of East Lyme, Conn., great-grandson of the author.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 147

" If the soul be so precious as has been shewn, from the word but now read, then take
heed of abusing your souls. Christians, God hath given you souls that sparkle with divine
beauty — oh, do nothing unworthy of your souls, do not abuse them ! There are divers sorts
of persons that abuse their souls. You degrade your souls that set the world above your
souls, who 'pant after the dust of the earth' — as if a man's house were on fire, and he
should take care to preserve the lumber, but let his child be burnt in the fire. They
degrade and abuse their souls that make their souls lackeys to their bodies ; the body is but
the brutish part, the soul is the angelical ; the soul is the queen-regent who is adorned
with the jewels of knowledge, and sways the scepter of liberty : oh, what a pity is it that
this excellent soul should be made a vassal, and be put to grind in the mill, when the body
in the mean time sits in a chair of state ! Solomon complains of an evil under the sun —
Eccl. x : 7, ' I have seen servants upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the
earth ' — is it not an evil under the sun to see the body riding in pomp and triumph, and
the soul of man, a royal and heaven-born thing, as a lackey walking on foot? Persons
abuse their souis that sell their souls ; the covetous person sells his soul for money ; as it
is said of the lawyer, he hath a tongue that will be sold for a fee, so the covetous man hath
a soul that is to be set for sale for money : Achan did sell his soul for a wedge of gold ;
Judas did sell his soul for silver . . . The ambitious person sells his soul lor honors,
as Alexander the 6th did sell his soul to the devil for a popedom ; and what is honor but a
torch lighted by the breath of people, with the least puff of censure blown out ? how
many souls have been blown to hell by the wind of popular applause ! The voluptuous
person sells his soul for pleasure ; one drowned himself in sweet water, so many drown
their souls^in the sweet, perfumed waters of pleasure. Plato called pleasure the bait that
catcheth souls. . . . They abuse their souls that poison their souls ; error is a sweet
poison, it is the invention of the devil ; you may as well damn your souls by error as vice,
and may as soon go to hell for a drunken opinion as for a drunken life. You abuse your
souls that starve your souls ; these are they that say they are above ordinances, but sure
you shall not be above ordinances till you are above sin. . . .

"And now, my brethren, who would serve so unprofitable a master as sin is ? . . .
let me expostulate the case with the ambitious man, who aspires unto great dignities, hon-
ours and promotions in this world : what are all these in comparison of his soul ? many
have great titles, honourable names in this world, who shall be degraded of all in the
world to come ! what is honour ? it is but momentary ; what would rich coats of arms,
great dignities, preferments, honours, popular observance advantage your precious soul ?
The apostle tells, ' Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble
[are] called, but God hath chosen the foolish things of the world : ' he doth not say ' not
any ' ; some are ennobled by a spiritual as well as a natural birth, but oft-times great digni-
ties, preferments, honours, promotions, are clogs and hindrances to the soul . . .
wherefore, then, should any man labour more for greatness than goodness, preferring
favour of men before the favour of God, high places on earth before the high places in
heaven ? . . ."

At the same time that he ministered to his own parish, he preached
for several years to the neighboring Indian tribe of the Niantics, having a
commission as missionary to them from the Commissioners for Propagat-
ing the Gospel in New England and parts adjacent in America. A record
of services under this commission, kept by him from 1744 to 1746, shows

148 THE GR1SW0LD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

that in those years he gathered Indians together, for religious instruction,
as often as from two to five times monthly, usually in numbers from
twenty to forty. In this connection a vote of the Commissioners, in
1757, is somewhat significant, that, considering it " likely the Indians of
Nihantic might be brought more generally to attend the Rev. Mr. Gris-
wold's lectures, in case they were less frequent, the said Mr. Griswold be in-
formed that the Commissioners would have him, for the future, to preach
a lecture to them only once a fortnight, instead of doing it weekly as at
present." Doubtless an assembly of Indians might try the powers of any
preacher, and Mr. Griswold was, at this time, no longer young ; yet, to
judge by those of his sermons which remain to us, he probably was not
gifted with that natural eloquence which has ever been so highly appre-
ciated, as well as exemplified, by our native Indians. Nor could he have
had the pathos of a David Brainerd, whose deeply compassionate appeals
to the dusky children of the forest at Stockbridge were often answered
by tears. Upon the whole, however, his ministry must have been more
than ordinarily useful, if we may judge by the following contemporaneous

obituary : *

"Lyme in Con4., 19 Oct., 1761.

" On Wednesday last died the Revd Mr. George Griswold, of ye 2d Society in Lyme,
after more than Seven Weeks Painful Illness, in ye 70th year of his age, and in ye 37th Year
of his Ministry.

" He was a Grave, Judicious and Godly Divine, very Laborious and Successful in his
ministry : he was a Branch of an Honorable family in ye town ; Early under very Serious
Impressions of Religion, and Received a Remarkable Change by the Grace of God, about
Y* 15th or 16th Year of his Age, which is supposed the Beginning of the Divine Life in his
Soul. Thenceforward it was ye reigning Care, and Business and Pleasure of his Life to
Serve God, and do Good to mankind. He had early a thirst for Learning, which was now
increased in him, and was gratified in a Liberal Education, by which he prepared for
ye Great Work for which he was designed of God. He entered the Ministry under various
Discouragements, but was engaged to undertake it from an animating Love to God, to
immortal Souls, and to ye Sacred Work, which of Choice he preferred to any of ye Imploy-
ments of this World. He was very vigilant and Diligent and Laborious in fulfilling his
Ministry among the People of his Charge and to ye Nehantick Indians, whom he had
ye Care of for many years. The Chief Subjects of his Preaching were ye great Doctrines of ye
glorious Gospel ; his Manner was plain and Solemn, and his evident Aim to win Souls, and to
direct and engage to Christian Practice ; and his Labours were Blessed of God to ye Good of
Many. He was an excellent Christian of ye Primitive Stamp, of great humility and Guileless

* I copy what seems to be the original draft. Its chirograph y, compared with that of Rev.
Jonathan Parsons of Lyme, leads me to conjecture that he was the author of it. He was a near
neighbor and ministerial associate of Rev. George Griswold for fourteen years, and his nephew by
marriage ; and the two were in close sympathy with each other, theologically. Although Parsons
had ceased to reside in Lyme after 1745, family-ties must have brought him there often, as long as
he lived.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 149

Integrity in his Walk before God and Man, a lover of God and good men, fervent in his Devo-
tions, given to hospitality, and very exemplary in all Christian Duties, both relative and Per-
sonal, as a husband, Parent, Neighbour, friend, a Shining Example to ye Believers, in Word
and Doctrine, in Conversation and Charity, in Spirit, faith and Godliness, Purity, Peaceable-
ness, Righteousness and every Good Work. Extremely temperate in all things, of eminent
Patience and Meekness, which Shone out in him, with an amiable Lustre, in the Severe
and long trials with which it pleased God to exercise him, especially for many latter
years of his Ministry ; and in his Last Illness Christ was all his dependence, and had
much Peace and comfort in believing, to ye Last.

" A well adapted Sermon was preached at his funeral By ye Revd Mr. Jewett to a
large and afflicted Auditory, from John i : 47, ' Behold,' etc."

He died October 14, 1 761. By his marriage to Hannah Lynde he had
two sons, George and Sylvanus (afterwards the Rev. Sylvanus), and two
daughters ; by Elizabeth Lee he had the same number of children, again
divided equally between sons and daughters ; his two younger sons were
Samuel and Andrew. His daughter Elizabeth, by the first marriage, mar-
ried John Raymond of Montville7 Conn., and became the ancestress of
Theodore Raymond, Esq., now of Norwich, Conn. This John Raymond's
father had married, for his second wife, Sarah Lynde, a sister of the first
wife of the Rev. George Griswold.

The male line of descent from him branched out widely, constituting
what has been called the Giant's Neck branch of Griswolds, from the place
of his residence. From his son George were descended, in the third gen-
eration, the princely brother-merchants of New York, Nathaniel Lynde
and George Griswold (b. 1773 and 1777) ; also, Thomas Griswold, the
father of Mrs. Elizabeth Griswold, now of Lyme, widow of Charles Chand-
ler Griswold, who was descended from the first Matthew by another line
which I shall presently take up — the Blackhall branch, as it may be prop-
erly called, that property of the first Matthew Griswold having been mostly
held by them ever since his day.

John Lynde Griswold, who passed a serene and beneficent old age at
Peoria, 111. (dying January 15, 1883), was a son of the elder of the two
eminent merchants of New York. A sister of his, Catharine Ann (d. 1857),
was the wife of Peter Lorillard of New York; a half-sister, Mary, is the
widow of Alfred Pierpont Edwards of New York, a son of the late Henry
W. Edwards, Governor of Connecticut. One of the sons of George Gris-
wold, the younger of the two New York merchants, was Richard Sill
(d. 1847), whose second wife and widow, Frances Augusta (Mather), now
lives in Lyme. He left three children: 1. Louisa Mather, now the wife
of General Joseph Griswold Perkins of Lyme, whose mother was a Gris-

150 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

wold of the Blackhall branch ; 2. Richard Sill, now of Lyme ; and 3. Fanny
Augusta, now the wife of Professor Nathaniel Matson Terry, of the United
States Naval School at Annapolis, Md. A daughter of the New York
merchant George Griswold, Matilda (half-sister of Richard Sill, Senr), is
the wife of the present Secretary of State, Frederick Frelinghuysen ; and
a sister of hers by the whole blood is the widow of John C. Green of New
York, the great patron, of late years, of the College of New Jersey.

Mrs. Elizabeth Griswold, the widow of Charles Chandler Griswold, has
two children : 1. Elizabeth Diodate, now the widow of Judge William Gris-
wold Lane, her second cousin, a descendant of the first Matthew by the
Blackhall branch, of Sandusky, Ohio ; and 2. Sarah Johnson, now the wife
of Lorillard Spencer, and mother of four children, of whom one is Elea-
nora the wife of Virginio Cenci, Prince of Vicovaro, Italy, Chamberlain of
the present King of Italy, and a Lady of Honor to her Majesty the Italian
Queen.

A Griswold by descent has favored me with the following note on some
of the prominent physical traits of the family : " The original Griswolds
seem to have been blue-eyed, very tall, large-boned, muscular, athletic and
powerful. By the marriage of the Rev. George Griswold to Hannah Lynde,
some of the beauty of the soft and regular features, and fine complexions,
hereditary with the Digby-Lyndes, came into that branch of the family.
The Wolcotts were also a tall race, but with fuller forms, black eyes, rich
brunette complexions, and much beauty of the type which is still marked
in the Wolcott family of to-day. This Wolcott beauty has characterized
many of the Blackhall branch of Griswolds, who are twice Wolcotts by
descent, as we shall see, through the marriage of Governor Matthew Gris-
wold, added to that of his great-grandfather, the first Matthew."

The ancestral property of Giant's Neck fell, in the course of time, into
the hands of those great merchants of New York who have been named,
grandsons of the Rev. George Griswold; and a stone church still stands —
though no longer used — which they built on a spot consecrated by the
pious labors of their grandfather. But, ceasing to care for the old prop-
erty, they sold it, and that beautiful site is now given up to a large fac-
tory of fish-fertilizers. Yet, on all the varied and beautiful shore between
the mouth of the Connecticut and New London there is no spot so pict-
uresque and beautiful as Giant's Neck. The end of the Neck, stretching
out into the Sound, is a flat formation of rock, making a natural wharf
surrounded by deep water. As one looks out upon the pretty islands that
cluster about the rock-bound shore, and into the wide ocean beyond, sum-

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 151

mer-villas rise to the imagination, with grounds of varied beauty for which
nature has well prepared the way, and a group of pleasure-boats and
yachts, some riding at anchor in the offing, others moored at the natural
wharf ; while the rails, a short distance away, connect this charming re-
treat of one's fancy with the great city. What might not have been made
of the site, had it been improved by the wealth of its inheritors !

Having now completed what I propose to say of the Giant's Neck
branch of Griswolds — referring only to Chancellor Walworth's Hyde Gene-
alogy for further particulars — I return to enumerate other children of
Matthew and Phcebe (Hyde) Griswold, younger than their son the Rev.
George Griswold :

7. Mary ; born Apr. 22, 1694; who married, Sept. 4, 1719, Edmund
Dorr; and died Feb. 21,1776. One of their sons was the Rev. Edward Dorr
(b. 1722, graduated at Yale College in 1742), a pastor of the First Church
of Hartford, Conn., from 1748. Their daughter Eve (b. 1733) married, in
T762, George Griffin of East Haddam, Conn., and was the mother of the
distinguished clergyman Rev. Dr. Edward Dorr Griffin, and of the great
lawyer George Griffin of New .York ; also of Phcebe Griffin, who married
Joseph Lord of Lyme, the mother of Mrs. Phcebe (Lord) Noyes, wife of
the late Deacon Daniel R. Noyes of Lyme, of the late Miss Harriet Lord
of Lyme, of Miss Frances Jane Lord now of Lyme, and other children.
Messrs. Daniel R. and Charles P. Noyes of St. Paul, Minn., Mrs. E. B.
Kirby of St. Louis, Mo., Mrs. George Loveland of Wilkesbarre, Pa., and
Mrs. Charles H. Ludington of New York City — all children of Daniel R.
and Phcebe (Lord) Noyes — are great-great-grandchildren of Mary Gris-
wold.

8. Deborah; born in 1696; who married, Oct. 19, 1721, Major Robert
Denison of New London, Conn, (his second wife) ; and died between
1730 and 1733, leaving several children. Her husband u was a captain in
General Roger Wolcott's brigade at the taking of Louisburgh, and was
afterwards promoted to the rank of Major and of Colonel. He removed to
Nova Scotia," * and was known as " Col. Robert Denison of Horton, N. S.,"
as early as 1761. Family-papers of the Denisons show that they were
royalists. Col. Robert Denison, in his will, proved at Horton in 1765,
bequeathed his " Cape Breton gun and silver-hilted sword," and " the gun
brought from Lake George."

9. Samuel: born in December, 1697; who " died June 10, 1727, aged
29 years 6 months," unm.

* Hyde Genealogy, ut supra, i. 55.

152 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

10. Patience; born in 1698; who married, between Nov. 2, 1724 and
Mar. 28, 1728,* John Denison, brother of her sister Deborah's husband ;
and died Nov. 8, 1776, having had sons and daughters.

11. Thomas ; born in February, 1700; who " died July 27, 1716, aged
16 years and 5 months." f

JOHN, fifth child and second son of Matthew and Phcebe (Hyde) Gris-
wold, through whom descends the Blackhall branch of the Griswold fam-
ily, was born December 22, 1690; married, June 23, 1713, Hannah Lee,
his step-sister (by his father's second marriage, to Mrs. Mary Lee — see
above), who died May 1 1, 1773 ; and died September, 22, 1764. His grave-
stone in the Duck River Burying-Ground at Lyme reads as follows :

"Sacred to the Memory of John Griswold, who, after having sustained the Public
offices of Justice of the peace and of the quorum for many years, departed this life Sept.
22nd 1764, in the 74th year of his age;"

and in a note to a funeral sermon preached on his daughter Phoebe's
death, it is said that he " was not only a Gentleman of great wealth ; but
also was much beloved and esteemed by his townsmen and acquaintance
for his superior wisdom and integrity." As the eldest surviving son of his
father, he had, by the law as it then stood, a double portion of the pater-
nal estate ; to which he added by repeated purchases. A few illustrations
of the state of New England society in his time, taken from family-papers,
will not be out of place here.

Two deeds of negro men, " sold and delivered " to him during his life,
have been preserved ; and his inventory includes a negro girl Phillis. In
all probability these are only a representation of his household-slaves. As
Justice of the Peace, presentments were made to him, at different times,
for profanation of the Sabbath, " in ye Time of Divine worship .... in
ye meeting-House .... by unbecoming Carriage (viz.), by continuing to
Laugh and provoke others yl sat with him to do so also, by whispering,
and by speaking out so Loud as to be heard by several persons, and by
pricking ye boys with pins y* sat with him in ye seat " ; by " going, between
meetings, into ye orchard . . . near ye Meeting-House and beating Down
ye apples off ye Trees " ; and that " . . . Did unnecessarily on Said Day
Travil from Said house to one Sertain Called Mason's Pond in Colchester,
. . . and then and there unnecessarily, In a Canoe, proceed upon said pond,

* Proved by two signatures of hers, as maid and wife respectively, of these two dates.

f The birth-months of Thomas and Samuel are determined by inscriptions on their gravestones
in the Duck River Burying-Ground at Lyme. A draft of a will of Thomas, made when he was
" very sick & weak in body," is dated 1716,

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 153

and did and exercised Labour by fishing in said Pond"; that "... Did
play Cards in a private house, Contrary to ye Laws of this Government " ;
and " a couple of young fellows" were accused before him " with Lying."
What singular manifestations are these, in a land of dearly bought free-
dom, of an over-weening zeal to enforce religious formalities, to restrain
personal liberty arbitrarily, and to treat immoralities themselves, irrespect-
ive of the injuries to society which they occasion, as punishable by human
law ! We find, also, among the family-papers, a memorandum, dated Aug.
12, 1746, of payment being due from the Colony of Connecticut to John
Griswold " for boarding four souldiers that were Inlisted in ye Expedition to
Canada" — a memorial of the Cape Breton Expedition in the Old French
War; in which his brother-in-law Denison was an officer of distinction, as
we have seen, and Roger Wolcott held an important command, whose
daughter had been for nearly three years the wife of his son Matthew.

The home of John Griswold was a house which he built where now
stands the house of Judge Matthew Griswold (his grandson, 1 760-1 842) in
the Blackhall Avenue. Judge Matthew is said to have made his house
exactly like that of his grandfather, to please his own father the Governor.

The children of John and Hannah (Lee) Griswold were :

1. Matthew (see below).

2. Phcebe;* born Apr. 22, 1716; who married, Dec. 14, 1731, the Rev.
Jonathan Parsons of Lyme; and died Dec. 26, 1770. Her husband was
graduated at Yale College in 1729, and settled as Pastor of the First Church
of Lyme in 173 1, after having studied for the ministry with the Rev. Elisha
Williams, Rector of Yale College, and with the Rev. Jonathan Edwards of
Northampton, Mass. In the days of " New Light " theology, and of the
ministerial methods growing out of it, he being warmly in favor of them, and
of Whitefield, the eloquent preacher of the new views (who twice visited
him, and " preached from a rock on his grounds near the present meeting-
house, since known as the ' Whitefield Rock')," he encountered opposition,
and finally took a dismission, and removed to Newburyport, Mass., where
he died ; and where, in his house, as is well known, Whitefield had previ-
ously died. Of Mrs. Parsons it is said, in a funeral sermon preached on
her death :

" The God of Nature was pleased to furnish her with mental endowments to an uncom-
mon degree. In the solidity of her judgment and penetration of mind she shone superior

* Reference is to be had to the Hyde Genealogy for further particulars respecting- the younger
children of John Griswold, which I here omit — my object being, chiefly, to follow the line of de-
scent through his eldest child Matthew.
Vol. XI.-No. 2.— 11

154 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

to most of her sex ; in canvassing many difficult points she could distinguish with surpris-
ing clearness.

" For readiness, liveliness and keenness of wit she appeared to me unrivall'd. The
agreable sallies of that social endowment have often excited my esteem and admiration.
Such a degree of penetration and agreable sprightliness seldom meet in the same person.
Her ingenious friends, whom she favored with her letters, can testify with what correct-
ness and spirit, with what instructive solidity and elegant vivacity, she could write.

" Such was her courage and firmness of resolution as you can seldom find in the deli-
cate sex . . .

" Her indefatigable industry in the affairs of her family was truly remarkable . . .

" Her knowledge of Geography and History, especially her critical acquaintance with
Church History, was truly rare.

" Knowledge in Divinity enters deep into her character. Comparatively but few of her
sex, I believe, have had their minds more enriched with that treasure

" She was a person of much christian simplicity and integrity ; of an upright, sincere
and conscientious turn of mind ; a bitter enemy to all unchristian craftiness and sly de-
ceit . . .

" Though she was honorably descended, and lived in an honorable station, yet she
could, without the least self-denial, condescend to the meanest of the human race. ....

" She was possest of great sensibility of heart, was much acquainted with the tender
and delicate emotions of humanity and sympathy "*

A son of the Rev. Jonathan and Phoebe (Griswold) Parsons was Colonel,
afterwards General, Samuel Holden Parsons (b. 1737); who studied law
with his uncle Gov. Matthew Griswold, was made King's Attorney in 1774,
and removed to New London ; but at the commencement of the Revolu-
tion entered actively into military service, was at the battle of Bunker
Hill, was made a Brigadier General in 1776, distinguished himself in the
battle of Long Island, and was appointed Major General ; after the war
removed to Middletown, Conn., resumed the practice of his profession,
and was an active member of the Convention which ratified the Constitu-
tion of the United States in Connecticut, of which his uncle Gov. Griswold
was the President. Under an appointment as Commissioner of Connecticut,
he obtained from the Indians a cession of their title to the " Western Re-
serve " of Ohio, and was afterwards made the first Judge of the North-
western Territory by Washington, his confidential friend. f

A sister of General Parsons, Lydia (b. 1755), married Capt. Moses Green-
leaf of Newburyport, Mass., and was the mother of the late eminent law-
professors and author of the " Treatise on t,he Law of Evidence," Simon
Greenleaf of Harvard College.

3. Thomas ; born Feb. 15, 1719; who married, Dec. 17, 1741? Susan-

* A Funeral Sermon . . . occasioned by the death of Mrs. Phebe Parsons ... By John
Searl . . . Boston, 1771, pp. 37-40.

\ From an article by the Hon. C. J. McCurdy, in the New Haven Register for Dec. 20, 1881.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 155

nah, daughter of Nathaniel Lynde, Jr. of Saybrook, Conn. ; and died July
16, 1770. He is known as Ensign Thomas Griswold. His wife died Sep.
25, 1768. They both lie buried in the Duck River Burying-Ground at
Lyme. One of their daughters, Lois (b. 1747), married Samuel Mather,
and was the paternal grandmother of Mrs. Richard Sill Griswold now of
Lyme.

4. Hannah; born Jan. 10, 1724; who married, Nov. 5, 1740, Benaja
Bushnell (Y. C. 1735) of Norwich, Conn.; and died Aug. 16, 1772, having
had fourteen children, sons and danghters.

5. Lucia ; born July 6, 1726; who married, Jan. 9, 1753, Elijah Backus,
Esq., of Norwich, Conn.; and died Dec. 16, 1795, having had nine children.

6. Sarah ; born Dec. 2, 1728 ; who married, Nov. 1, 1750, Judge William
Hillhouse of New London, North Parish (Montville), Conn. ; and died
Mar. 10, 1777. She was the mother of the late Hon. James Hillhouse of
New Haven, Conn., so long Senator in Congress from Connecticut, and
grandmother of the late James Abraham Hillhouse, author of Hadad,
Percy's Masque and other poems, by which he will be always remembered
as one of the most accomplished of the second generation of American
men of letters, subsequent to the Revolution.

7. Clarissa ; born May 30, 1731 ; who died in infancy.

8. Clarissa ; born Feb. 9, 1733 ; who married, Oct. 22, 1754, Nathan
Elliot of Killingworth, afterwards of Kent, Conn. ; and died Feb. 11, 181 1,
having had thirteen children, sons and daughters.

9. Deborah ; born Mar. 1, 1735 ; who married, Dec. 9, 1756, Capt. Na-
than Jewett of East Haddam, Conn.; and died May 16, 181 1, having had
nine children.

10. John; born May 15, 1739; who died in infancy.

11. Lydia ; born in June (bapt. June 13) 1742; who married, before
1768, Samuel Loudon, a bookseller, of New York; and died after 1770.
Two letters from her husband to her brother Gov. Griswold give us these
two approximate dates; and from one of them, dated Apr. 12, 1768, I
quote the following : " Last week I sent you three Newspapers. I now
send you two more. The first of the five begins the American Whig, a
Paper which I hope will be useful to the Publick. . . . You'll see the Design
of the Whig is to raise a universal stir in N°. America against the importa-
tion of a Bishop"

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

{Continued from page 70, Vol. XI.)

The ''one Isaacs of East Hampton," mentioned in the preceding entry of " 28 April, 1781,"
and note thereto (January magazine, p. 66), was a Christianized foreign Jew, who came to East
Hampton before the Revolution, and subsequently died there, at the age of 75 years. Thomp-
son's Hist. Long Island, I. 323). His daughter, Sarah Isaacs, married William Payne, the first
teacher of the Clinton Academy, at East Hampton, founded in 1784. He was a Boston medical
student, and pupil of Dr. Joseph Warren, who was killed at Bunker Hill. Their son— the grand-
son of Aaron Isaacs — was John Howard Payne, the immortal author of "Home, Sweet Home,"
whose remains, only a few months ago, were brought back to his native land from their far African
grave near the ruins of Carthage, and interred at Washington, through the thoughtful care of the
venerable William W. Corcoran.

" Mr. Rivington," the writer of the entry of " 16th May, 17S1 " (the last in the January maga-
zine), was the well-known Printer of the Royal Gazeteer. His information was incorrect. The
"Mr. Stedman " was either Charles, or Alexander, Steadman of Philadelphia, the former many
years a Councilman of that city. Both brothers were men of character, and before the war, with
Baron Stiegel owned and operated the Elizabeth Furnace in Lancaster county, Pa. (Keith's Pro-
vincial Councillors , 162.) Town gossip probably originated this report, though there were many
then in Philadelphia who would have liked to have driven out Reed .

Transaction between Captn Sullivan* Capt Holland \ 6r Major De Lancey.

ifh May. 1 781.

Captain Sullivan left Philadelphia on the 7th Inst and says the evening he ar-
rived there there were very great riots on account of the depreciation of the paper

* Daniel Sullivan, an elder brother of Major-General John Sullivan, the Continental general,
but at this time a member of the Continental Congress from New Hampshire.

f Stephen Holland, of Londonderry, New Hampshire. He was a colonel of militia, a member
of the House of Assembly, and a man of note. In 1775, before the Declaration of Independence,
he denied at a town meeting that he "was an enemy to his country" in writing ; and the statement
ended by saying that " he was ready to assist his countrymen in the glorious cause of liberty at the
risk of his life and fortune." In 1778 he was proscribed, banished, and his estate confiscated. He
was a gentleman of culture, easy address and influence. He was a magistrate, a representative of
the town in the Legislature, clerk of the county of Hillsborough, and Lieut. -Col. of the militia of
Rockingham County. In 1777 he was imprisoned as a loyalist by the committee of safety of Lon-
donderry, but escaped from the jail, and went to Boston, and thence to Newport, where his wife
was permitted by the committee to join him, and from there he came to New York. At the close
of the war he went to England, and thence to Ireland, where he died shortly after the peace of 1783.
— Parker s Hist. Londonderry ; Farmer and Moore N. H. Hist. coll. ; vol. 1 , Sabine's Loyalists ;
Wells and Hicks' British and Am. Register, 1774, 1775.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 1 57

money, and that there was no doubt of their having tar'd a dog, covered him with
bills, and drove him into the Coffee House: They would have sent him into the
Council but were prevented.

Mr Sullivan says his brothers letter to Mesheck Weare was printed in France,
which caused a great deal of confusion.

The night he got there, after the riot he supped with the General, who told
him as the people had not virtue enough to keep up the value of their money, the
army must quit the field. He was at first reserved with his brother, but when he
delivered Mr Hollands letter he opened freely ; he read the letter not less than
thirty times, it put him in great confusion, and made him shed tears. He said he
wished he had receive it soonner, he desired Mr Sullivan not to forget to say he
would do everything in his power to comply with the letter. He said above a
hundred times he wished from his heart to bring about a reconciliation. He wrote
an answer, which he gave to his Brother, consisting of a whole sheet of paper, but
next morning sent his aid de camp to tell him he wanted to speak to him, and when
he came, he said that if that letter was found upon him it would endanger his life ;
that he would find some other means to communicate it to Major Holland. His
brother told him from Major H: that if he would give us information of the trans-
actions of Congress and his advice what steps to take, he need only name his own
terms. He said he wished he had known it sooner but hoped it was not too late ;
that he would find out a method if it was in his power ; that it was of the utmost
consequence to preserve secrecy in such an affair and charged him, if it was found
out that he had carried a letter from New York, to say it was sealed, as his safety
depended upon it, and he would find some business to send him to Mr Holland.
Mr S: thinks it is either one Noble or Smith. The General said he would ride a
hundred miles to have an hours conversation with Mr Holland ; he should then
know his mind about politics. Mr Sullivan has not the smallest doubt of his
brother's good intentions towards us.

( 01. De Lancey
Signed -j Daniel Sullivan

( Stephen Holland

Then the above named Daniel Sullivan personally appeared and made solemn
oath to the truth of the above and within account given by him to Major De Lancy
before, [me]

Signed Stephen Holland.*

* Why the above statement is verified by the oath of Daniel Sullivan, who makes it, does not
appear on its face. Holland, a fellow-New-Hampshireman of General Sullivan, who knew him
and his family well, and had long been clerk of a court in New Hampshire, probably, out of pre-
caution, required it as a proof of good faith. This sworn statement both corroborates, and is
corroborated and explained most fully, by, the following letter from Luzerne, the French min-
ister, to Vergennes, the head of the French cabinet, written just six days after Daniel Sullivan
left Philadelphia on his return to New York, and four days before the entry of his statement in this
"Private Intelligence " by Capt. Beckwith. It is very singular that these two documents, one from

158 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

23 May 1 78 1

" Obadiah Johnston, pilot of the Romulus, made his escape from the ship, he
was confined in together with five others. They seized the ships boat, went into
the harbor, and cut out a schooner loaded with lumber and oil. She had two men
on board : The wind being fair they ran through the fleet close by the Con-

England the other from France, each separately brought back to America about a century after
their dates, should so completely explain each other, each giving one side of the same transac-
tion.

Philadelphia, May 13, 1781.
My Lord,

When the letter mail from Philadelphia was intercepted last year, and the English printed some
of the letters, I noticed one from a Delegate who complained of the pecuniary straits in which he
was kept by his State, and the dearness of all the necessaries of life in Philadelphia. Of this I had
the honor of sending you a translation. From that time it seemed necessary that I should open my
purse to a Delegate whose needs were made known to the enemy by his own confession, and in the
guise of a loan I sent him sixty-eight guineas and four sevenths. The interception of a second
mail put the English in possession of a letter addressed to him by the treasurer of his State; and
this also they printed. This, too, treated of pecuniary necessities. General Clinton suspected that
a man so pressed for money could be easily corrupted, and as his brother was a prisoner in New
York, he permitted the latter to go to Philadelphia on the pretext of negotiating his exchange.
The Delegate sought me, and told me in confidence that his brother had brought him a letter,
unsigned, but which he knew by the hand writing to have been written by an English Colonel then
in New York. "The writer of this letter," he said to me, " after dwelling on the resources of
England, and the means she possesses for ultimately subjugating America, compliments me warmly
on my intelligence, my talents, and the high esteem in which the English hold me." He added.
" that they regard me as the fittest man to negociate a reconciliation between the mother country
and the English colonies ; that they wish me to make known my sentiments on this subject ; that
all overtures on my part will be received with the consideration which they deserve; that I have
only to state my wishes ; that the person who wrote to me was fully empowered to open a special
negotiation with me, and that I may count on the profoundest secrecy."

" I made answer to my brother with all the indignation that such propositions aroused in me ;
I threw the letter in the fire before his face, and when he started for New York, I begged him to
let those who sent him understand that their overtures had been received with the deepest scorn.
Yet I have preserved silence about this matter toward Congress, partly in order not to compromise
my brother, partly in order not to make a parade of my own disinterestedness, and partly because
I thought it hazardous to announce with too much positiveness to my colleagues that the enemy
was seeking a traitor among us, and that his reward was ready. But I thought to confide to you
these particulars, in order to put you on your guard against the enemies' intrigues, even in the very
bosom of Congress ; for if they have dared to make such offers to me, whose attachment to the good
cause is so generally known, it is only too possible that they have done the same to others who have
not apprised you of it."

This confidential communication seemed to me to be true in the main; but I was not quite con-
vinced that this Delegate had charged his brother to carry to New York a message so haughty and
so insulting to the English as that which he had repeated to me. He made me a very strange prop-
osition,— to pretend to lend an ear to the overtures that had been made to him, and to send a
trusty man to New York to ask of General Clinton a plan of reconciliation ; adding, that he had
been unwilling to use his brother's services, fearing his attachment to the cause of independence.
" I see," he told me, "many advantages in thus sounding the disposition of the English, in order

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS I 59

querant, but were never hailed. They have seven sail of the line, the Romulus and
one Frigate ; the Fantasque with her lower deck guns out and a prison ship. Their
troops are there still ; they sent some to Providence, but they returned back again.
A Brig arrived five days before he came away, which brought intelligence that
thirty sail of transports, with 2000 troops convoyed by a line of Battle Ship & two

to find out what their scheme of corruption may be, and to learn how far they intend to go in their
concessions," — and he named to me four Members of Congress to whom he proposed to confide his
project before putting it in execution, — all of them being men of established integrity. This Dele-
gate himself enjoys an excellent reputation, and I am very unwilling to suspect that he meant to
make me a cloak for a correspondence with the enemy ; but he has so often told me of the losses
that the Revolution has occasioned him, and so bitterly regretted his former condition of ease and
comfort, that I could not help dreading for him the temptation which he would encounter ; and I
did" not hesitate to dissuade him from the enterprise, by clearly pointing out the great evils it would
entail. He did not promise me, formally, to abandon it; but if, notwithstanding the representa-
tions which I intend to reiterate to him, he persists in it, I shall so narrowly watch his conduct that
I shall hope to discover whatever may be ambiguous in it. Moreover I have constantly encouraged
him to be very confiding ; and to him I always attribute the rupture of the league formed by the
Eastern States, — a league which by false notions of popularity and of liberty, and by excessive jeal-
ousy of the army and the General-in-chief, has long obstructed the most necessary measures, and
which on many occasions has shown itself jealous at once of our interests and our influence. In
his own State he is highly esteemed ; he enjoys the credit of determining it to declare for independ-
ence in 1776. It is the only State which has not yet fixed its form of government, and, since this
delay has been productive of evil, and permits ill-disposed persons still to hope for the re-estab-
lishment of the English government, he has promised me that, on his return, he will use his influ-
ence with the people to induce them to adopt a constitution. I know not how much longer he will
remain in Congress ; but I thought you would not disapprove my offer to continue to him every six
months, the loan that I made him last year, so long as he shall remain a Delegate, and my propo-
sition has been very gratefully received. In any event, it is interesting to keep an eye on him. It
is unfortunate that many other Delegates are in situations even still more necessitous. Some from
the South, whose States are occupied by the enemy, have no other resources than the receipt of a
bounty from Congress for their subsistence, and this bounty is so small, that one of them, who was
formerly governor of Georgia, is compelled to withdraw his wife from society, for the want of
clothing in which she could respectably appear.

This attempt of the English gave me a chance to ask this Delegate whom they approached, if
his long experience in Congress, and his colleagues' manner of voting, had led him to suspect any
of them of corruption. He indicated the person against whom I had formerly cherished suspicions,
and another whose character seemed to him equally suspicious ; but, with these two exceptions, he
thought that Congress was composed of gentlemen of steadfast character and inaccessible to corrupt
approaches.

I append here, my Lord, a translation of a pamphlet published against Mr. Deane [Duanej a
member of Congress from New York, on the very day when this Delegate left Philadelphia on his
way home. It was printed in a Gazette whose editor has declared that he will surpass all his con-
temporaries in the license of his columns, and that only torture or formal legal proceedings shall
wrest from him the names of those who write for his journal. The piece in question is attributed
to Governeur Morris, who was a member of the Assembly up to the end of 1779. as a Delegate from
the same State. The facts alleged are known to be true ; but I think Mr. Deane [Duane] long ago
abandoned the equivocal principles which governed his conduct during the first years of this Revo-
lution, and I have found him always steadfastly attached to the cause of independence.

l6o ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

frigates, had sailed before she left France. She was fifty four days on her passage.
They are expected every day at Newport or Boston. The new Admiral is arrived
at Rhode Island. He came in a frigate to Boston. They do not talk of any more
reinforcements being expected and are much afraid of our fleets intercepting those
that are coming. About ten days ago (the day Admiral Arbuthnot appeared off)
they got iooo troops on board, where they continue. Their ships are not more than
half manned. Admiral Arbuthnot had ten sail. The inhabitants and French are
disputing constantly. They are at half allowance of beef. They say they have not
salt provisions enough to go to sea.

Captain Gayton * is not treated so well as a person of his rank should be. They
stripped him and all his officers of every shirt, but the one he had on : He is very

I will await your orders, my Lord, to carry the advances spoken of in this dispatch to my
account of extraordinary expenses.

The Mr. Payne, of whom I have already had the honor of speaking to you, and to whom I thought
one might look to write the history of the current Revolution, went to France in February last, in
the frigate Alliance. The two vessels despatched from Cadiz with clothing for the American army,
have safely arrived at Boston. I am &c &c

Le Ch. de la Luzerne

The Delegate spoken of at the beginning of this dispatch, my Lord, is General Sullivan, who
represents the State of New Hampshire in Congress.

The answer to the foregoing despatch, of 27th July, 1781, says :

' ' I cannot but approve, Monsieur, the pecuniary assistance you have rendered to General Sulli-
van. You may continue it to him as long as he shall sit in Congress, and you will carry the amount
to the account of your extraordinary expenses, avoiding the mention of his name."

These two documents are taken from a circular of Little & Brown, the Boston publishers,
advertising the completion of the 8vo edition of " Bancroft's History," in ten volumes, in which they
are given in both French and English, as a reply to the charge that Bancroft's statement that Sulli-
van " was a pensioner of Luzerne," was "inherently absurd," a copy of which was received by
the writer at their book-store in 1876. The documents were furnished by Mr. George Bancroft,
who printed them to show corruption; Luzerne's letter is now found to prove treason. It also demon-
strates the great penetration and caution of that most able Minister. By their own words and acts
must the two Sullivans be judged.

Daniel Sullivan lived at New Bristol — now called " Sullivan " — Maine, a small seaport at the
head of Frenchman's Bay, east of Mount Desert. He formed a company for home defense, etc.,
and with it was present at the siege of Castine in 1779. In February, 1781, he was seized at night
in his house, which was burned, by a boat's crew from the British man-of-war Allegiance, and sent
a prisoner to New York, where he was released by Clinton as above stated.

He was sent to Halifax, thence to New York, and put on board " the Jersey hulk," where he
remained six months ; when exchanged, he died on the Sound in his passage home, not without
suspicions af poison, according to the appendix, p. 286, etc., of Amory's " Life of John Sullivan."
Kidder, in his " Maine and Nova Scotia in the Revolution," p. 136, says he was taken to Castine,
then, sometime afterward, to New York, and placed "in ^one of the terrible prisons there," and
when exchanged, was so feeble that he died on his way home. Both accounts are clearly proven
erroneous, in part, at least, by Daniel Sullivan himself.

* Captain George Gayton, of the Romulus.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS l6l

well. The ship he is in is an old East India-man : The seamen are on board the
Fantasque. They allow the officers to go ashore, two at a time — a number of the
inhabitants are as civil as they dare be.

One hundred were killed on board the Conquerant. *

They were going out, and the signal made when Admiral A: appeared off.

The Brig from France brought dispatches.

The captains clerk of the Ship Captain Gayton is in, told him this. He usually
tells them all the news he can collect. The report was that they intended sailing,
to cover the arrival of their fleet, which the appearance of Admiral Arbuthnot
prevented.

They have down the Romulus : She was very foul.

The 22 sail of transports went to France. They were convoyed by two
frigates.

They have no transports there now. Their fleet very sickly — very little trade
carried on there.

The schooner he took ran ashore, at Oyster Bay.

They will not exchange Captain Gayton, but for a French officer. They refused
Confederacy officers, f

Extract of a letter from S: W: to D1 Cox Esq J dated 22nd May 1789. Received
29th.

" I wish you joy — Green has been repulsed, or rather defeated before Camb-
den — our good Lords § are in great pain for him. They fear he will not be able to
retreat from Carolina.

" You will please to inform the board that there are now fitting out at this place
three large whale boats in order to protect the trade to you by cruising in the

Delaware, as well as along the Jersey shores from Cape May to the Hook They

are now ready to go down.

If these boats are not checked they will give your friends near the shores, as
well as your boats much trouble. ||

* This ship, mentioned here and in other places, was a line-of-battle ship of 74 guns, com-
manded by M. de la Grandiere, which suffered very severely in the action of the 16th of March. In
an article in the Newport Mercury of the 31st of March, 1781, it is stated that " the Conquerant,
however, suffered a great deal, because, after having fought with the British van, she sustained all
the fire of the centre. She especially fought with a three-decker, the loss of whose main topsail
yard and of a great part of her rigging compensated the great damage done to the Conquerant."

f American officers.

X Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey, at this time residing in the New York city. He was of the
council of New Jersey, and a prominent member of the Board of Associated Loyalists, to which
reference is made in this letter.

§ The Continental Congress.

|| This letter apparently was written in Philadelphia. "The board" referred to was the
11 Board of Directors of Associated Loyalists," organized by direction of Lord George Germaine,

l62 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Copy of a letter from Col. De Lancey* dated West Farms $rd fune.
Dear Sir

I was honored with yours of yesterday. One of the Refugees has just returned
from the White Plains— He informs me no troops were there. I cannot find there
are any rebels in force, nearer than Croton and Greenwich — If I can get intelli-
gence of the French coming on the lines, will give you the earliest notices.
Signed J. De Lancey.

Col. West Chester Refugees
Major De Lancey &c

Copy of a letter from Captain Marquard $th June. 1781.
Sir

One Travis, a Refugee of Col : De Lancey's who has been out as far as Salem, f
six miles beyond North Castle, & who returned last Friday night, informs me that
the people thereabouts dont know anything of the arrival of French troops at Crom-
pond, but that it is the common talk amongst them, that a large body of them had
left Rhode Island and were on their march towards the North River, and that the
French Cavalry and light troops were daily expected in order to take the lines at
Croton.

Secretary of State for the American Department, to annoy the " rebels " by boat expeditions osten-
sibly, and to give its members good salaries, ^"200 each and rations. Gov. William Franklin,,
of New Jersey, the natural son of Benjamin Franklin, was its president. The men it employed
were really hand in glove with similar depredators on the American side, and were entirely
independent of the officers of the British army. They were suppressed by Sir Guy Carleton on his
arrival in 1782. (II. Jones' History of New York During the Rev. War, 229 and 481. )

* Colonel James de Lancey of Rosehill, West Farms, Westchester Co., N. Y., the writer of the
above letter, and Major Oliver de Lancey, of the 17th Light Dragoons, the Adjutant-General to
whom it was addressed, were first cousins. The former being the fourth son of Peter de Lancey
of Rosehill, West Farms, Westchester county, N. Y. , and his wife Elizabeth, eldest daughter of
Gov. Cadwallader Colden, the parents of the second branch of the de Lancey family ; and the latter
being the second son of Brigadier-General Oliver de Lancey, of Bloomingdale, New York City,
and his wife Phila, daughter of Jacob Franks, of Philadelphia, the parents of the youngest or third
branch of that family. The writer of these notes, to whom oddly enough it has fallen to edit this
"Intelligence," is the eldest grandson of John Peter de Lancey, of Mamaroneck, Westchester
county, N. Y., the third son of James de Lancey, Chief Justice, and Governor of New York, and
his wife Martha, eldest daughter of Col. Caleb Heathcote, of the manor of Scarsdale, Westchester
county, N. Y., the parents of the eldest or first branch of that family. John Peter de Lancey was
at this time in the regular British army, a young captain in the 1 8th or Royal Irish regiment of foot,
and a part of the time major of the " Pennsylvania Loyalists." All three officers were first cousins,
each belonging to a different branch of the de Lancey family, and all grandsons of Etienne (Stephen)
de Lancey the first of the name in America (who came to New York in June, 1686, having fled from
France at the revocation of the edict of Nantes in 1685), and his wife Anne, daughter of Stephanus
Van Cortlandt and Gertrude Schuyler, his wife. The fathers of the three young officers, and Gen.
Philip Schuyler, and Lieut.-Gov. Pierre and Gen. Philip Van Cortlandt were all first cousins.

f" Salem," comprising the present towns of North Salem and Lewisborough formed the
north-east corner of Westchester county, N. Y., and the east end of the manor of Cortlandt, and
through it the French army a few weeks later marched on their way to White Plains. " Travis"
is believed to have been Jeremiah Travis of Westchester, who after the war went to Nova Scotia.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

I63

Several people have been sent out on this and the other side of the North
River for intelligence : as soon as any one of them returns, with the least news of
some Consequence, I shall not fail to give you the most early information. I have

the honor to be

Yours &c

Signed Marquard Aid de Camp.

Major de Lancey Adjt Gen'l

Intelligence by

in answer to

June 5 178 1

Query ist — Has there been any dis-
turbance lately in the army & what ? how
reconciled ?

2nd The Situation and number of
General Washington's army, where are
they now stationed ?

3d Is the Congress money good for
any thing or is the circulation of it
altogether stopped ?

4th — What hopes are there of suc-
cours from France this Summer ? or is
there any ?

5th — How is the army clothed ? Have
they plenty of provisions ?

Answered. — The late raised troops of
Pensylvania since the revolt at Yorktown
on their route to the Southward refused
proceeding until paid in hard money, for
which several were executed,which caused
the matter to cease for the present *

To me unknown.

The circulation is stopped entirely
and has mostly fallen in the hands of the
Eastern provinces.

4th

The fleet and troops destined for
America have been ordered to the East
Indies to secure the Dutch property
here.

5,h

Badly clothed and no magazines of
provisions at present.

*The following extract from a private letter of Wm. J. Livingston to his friend Col. Samuel
B. Webb, of May 28th, 1781, vividly describes the suppression of the second mutiny of the Penn-
sylvania line at Yorktown, Pa., before referred to in this " Intelligence," and in this answer to the
above 1st query.

4 ' Thare has been a mutiny in the Pennsylvania line at Yorktown previous to their marching.
Wayne like a good officer quelled it soon. Twelve of the fellows stepped out and persuaded the
line to refuse to march in consequence of the promises made them not being complied with. Wayne
told them of the disgrace they brought on the American arms while in Jersey, in general, and them-
selves in particular ; that the feelings of the officers on that occasion were so wounded that they had
determined never to experience the like, and that he beg'd they would fire either on him and them,
or on those villains in front. He then called on such a Platoon. They presented at the word, fired,
and killed six of the villains. One of the others badly wounded he ordered to be bayonnetted.

164

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

6th — What is General Green doing to
the Southward ? The latest accounts from
that quarter ?

Any loan of Money from any of the
European Powers, and the sum ?

Nothing later than the action of
Lord Rawdon,* has yet transpired to
the Publick.

7th

A report prevails but wants confirma-
tion, that Congress have negotiated a loan
of four millions of livres from France.
Arrived from Havanna a large sum of
money on private account and much
more expected, f
8th What accounts of the convention ' *M"

to be held or now holding at Vienna for Unknown to me.

a general peace ? £

9th If France, Spain, or Holland dont
assist this summer is not the game up ? All depends on Mr. Morris's late un-
Can resources be found lor another dertaking as Financier General— If he

year ? succeeds everything will be done with

hard money — This, it is generally thought
will answer every expectation. §

Pray dont attempt anything of this kind again. You know too well my situa-
tion.

The soldier on whom he called recovered his piece and said he could not for he was his comrade.
Wayne then drew a pistol and said he would kill him. The fellow then advanced and bayonnetted
him. Wayne then marched the line by divisions around the dead, and the rest of the fellows are
ordered to be hang'd. The line marched the next day southward mute as fish." — Webb's Reminis-
cences, 149. Had similar decided measures been taken at Trenton, the January mutiny would not
have ended as it did, and this one might never have occurred.

* At Hobkirk's Hill, S. C, where he defeated Greene on the 24th of April, 1781.

fOn 24th May, 1781, Luzerne informed Congress, in secret session, that "The King has
resolved to grant the United States a subsidy of six millions livres tournois, and to enable Dr.
Franklin to borrow four millions more for the service of this year." That the surplus of the six
millions over immediate wants "be at the disposal of Congress, or of the superintendent of their
finances, if they think proper to trust him with the management of it." Secret Journals of Con-
gress, Vol. II., p. 411. On the first June, Luzerne wrote Washington of this fact officially. III.
Sparks' Corr., 328. And on the 5th June we find the above reference to it in the reply to the 7th
query. The Havana money was for Robert Morris, the Superintendent of Finance, individually.

\ The mediation offered by the Empress Catherine and the Emperor Joseph of Austria, to effect
a general peace, which the celebrated Kaunitz in vain endeavored to make a success, though the
Continental Congress were ready to embrace it on the basis of Independence is here referred to. '

§ The general circulation of the " Old Continental Money " ceased at the time here spoken of —
May, 1 781. But as soon as it took place immense speculations set in. The merchants and others
of the Southern and Middle States, apprehending its entire loss of value, rushed vast quantities
into New England, especially to Boston, and bought almost everything that was purchasable.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

I65

Hence, when it practically became valueless, in the following December, the bulk of it was held
in the Eastern States and by some parties in the Middle States, who had faith that ultimately it
would be redeemed, and thus enure to their great profit.

Beginning to be issued on the 22d of June, 1775, pursuant to a resolution of Congress of the
loth of May preceding, and ending on the 29th of November, 1779, the total amount issued in that
period, four and a half years, was $241,552,780, as stated in a Report of the Register of the
Treasury to the House of Representatives, made January 30, 1828. Its disparagement commenced
in Philadelphia in November, 1775, five months only after it was first issued, and about seven
months before the Declaration of Independence, by the refusal of certain Quakers to receive it,
ostensibly on the ground that it was intended to carry on war. During 1776, notwithstanding
most forcible and unscrupulous means to compel its circulation by Committees of Safety, and other
bodies, it gradually lost favor, and in June was so perceptibly depreciated as to excite general
discussion throughout the "Continent." By December, 1776, it had got into such bad repute that
General Putnam on assuming the command of Philadelphia, issued a general order on the 14th of
that month that "should any of the inhabitants be so lost to public virtue and the welfare of their
country as to presume to refuse the currency of the American States in payment of any commodi-
ties they may have for sale, the goods shall be forfeited, and the person or persons so refusing be
committed to close confinement." In January, 1777, depreciation set in, and thenceforward
gradually, but steadily increased, sometimes faster, and sometimes slower, according to the amounts
issued and the outlook of the war, until at the time we are considering — May, 1781 — its general
circulation, as before stated, "stopped entirely." In August, 1779, when it had sunk twenty-two
percent., General Washington himself refused it. Writing on the 17th of August in that year to
Lund Washington, whom he had previously authorized to receive the tendered payment of two
bonds, he says : "I have since considered the matter in every point of view in which my judg-
ment enables me to place it, and am resolved to receive no more old debts (such I mean as were
contracted and ought to have been paid before the war) at the present nominal value of the money,
unless compelled to do it, or it is the practice of others to do it. Neither justice, reason, nor
policy requires it. * * * The fear of injuring by any example of mine the credit of our paper
currency, if I attempted to discriminate between the real and nominal value of paper money, has
already sunk for me a large sum, if the bonds before-mentioned are paid off. * * * If sacri-
ficing my whole estate would effect any valuable purpose, I would not hesitate one moment in
doing it. But my submitting in matters of this kind, unless the same is done by others, is no
more than a drop in the bucket. In fact, it is not serving the public, but enriching individuals and
countenancing dishonesty ; for sure I am that no honest man would attempt to pay twenty shillings
with one, or perhaps half a one. In a word, I had rather make a present of the bonds than
receive payment of them in so shameful a way." {VI. Sparks, 321.) Never was there a stronger
illustration of his pure patriotism and his exceeding great common sense.

The annexed table, showing the scale of depreciation from first to last of the Continental paper
money, is of interest :

YEAR.

V
8

1777

1778

1779

I780

I78l

8
42

5
10

45
80

10
50
90

100

150

250

65
400

500

3
5

600

73
700

71
800

75
1000

1 66 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

In the Articles of Confederation, adopted July 8, 1778, this money, then at five for one, is
thus referred to : "All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by or under
authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States in pursuance of the present
Confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for the pay-
ment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly
pledged." (Art. XII.)

When the Constitution came to be adopted this money was again thus referred to : " All debts
contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid
against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation." (Art. VI., par. 1.)

Notwithstanding this "solemn pledge " of "the said United States and the public faith,"
twice given in the two successive organic laws of this great nation, not one dollar was ever paid !
The late Mr. Justice Story, in a conversation on this subject, only the year before his death, with
the writer at Cambridge, after expressing regret that some discharge of this debt had not been
effected, remarked, it shows that the faith of a nation, be it ever so strongly pledged, cannot be
depended on when antagonized by its interest.

A Philadelphian author, a man of intellect and observation, who witnessed the rise, effect and
fall of the Continental paper, thus writes : "If it saved the State, it has also polluted the equity
of our laws, turned them into engines of oppression and wrong ; corrupted the justice of our public
administration ; destroyed the fortunes of thousands who had most confidence in it ; enervated the
trade, husbandry and manufactures of our country, and went far to destroy the morality of our
people.'' Pelatiah Webster's Political Essays, 175, note,

Another able man of that city who almost in our own day has written on the history of the
Continental money, the late venerable Samuel Breck uses this language : " Old debts were paid
when the paper money was more than seventy for one. Brothers defrauded brothers, children
parents, and parents children. Widows, orphans and others were paid for money lent in specie
with depreciated paper, which they were compelled to take." Papers before the Am. Phil. Society,
afterward privately printed.

Dr. David Ramsay, the historian, says : " Like an aged man expiring by the decays of
nature, without a sigh or a groan, it fell asleep in the hands of its last possessors. * * *
" Public faith was violated, but in the opinion of most men public good was promoted. The
evils consequent on depreciation had taken place, and the redemption of the bills of credit at their
nominal value, as originally promised, instead of remedying the distresses of the sufferers, would in
many cases have increased them by subjecting their small remains of property to exorbitant taxa-
tion. The money had in a great measure got out of the hands of the original proprietors, and was
in the possession of others who had obtained it at a rate of value not exceeding what was fixed
upon it by the scale of depreciation." Vol. II., p. 224.

Thus, in the words of Webster, " fell, ended and died the Continental currency, aged six
years ; the most powerful State engine and the greatest prodigy of revenue, and of the most mys-
terious, uncontrollable, and almost magical operation ever known or heard of in the political or
commercial world ; bubbles of a like sort which have happened in other countries, such as the
Mississippi scheme in France, the South Sea in England, etc., lasted for a few months and then
burst into nothing : but this held out much longer, and seemed to retain a vigorous constitution to
the last, for its circulation was never more brisk and quick than when its exchange was five hun ■
dred to one ; yet it expired without one groan or struggle ; and of all things which have suffered
dissolution since life was first given to the creation, this mighty monster died the least lamented.
* * * I hope the reader will excuse this small digression, for when I came to the spot where
the poor old Continental died, I could not help stopping to mark the place with some little signal
of notice." Webster 's Political Essays, notes 175 and 176.

Besides the Continental paper money, there was also that of the different independent States, as
they then were, to an immense amount. But of it space will not permit even a brief mention. In

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 167

Captain Marquard to Captain Beckuuith.

Morris's House, y/h June, 1781.
Dear Beckwith

It seems that Col: Tarlton's Valet de Chambre has very much imposed upon us
about the French being at Crompond. Several people that have been out to learn
the truth and particulars of this story, all agree that there is no such thing. Our
friend E: B: is just now here and is returned last night from the Croton. He is
sure that about 500 rebels have crossed the North River, and are quartered at
Peekskill Hollow, for the purpose of supporting the detachment under Major Scott
at the Croton River; about 60 or 70 new raised horse, whose commander's name he
could not recollect are also there. He has been told that some French troops were
atDanburybut he can't assert [verily] this report: Very likely a detachment
of French may have gone to West Point to do duty there in order to enable
Washington to make a detachment to the southward.

I depend most upon E: B:* and he has given me his word that he will find
out in a few days what is the matter.

Yours, &c

(Marquard
(signed
Pray let Major DeLancey know what I wrote you now.

"The Paper Currency of the Revolution," the masterly volumes of Henry Phillips, jr., the curious
reader will find the whole subject fully treated.

The specie and credit grant by the French Government- — really by Vergennes — without whose
favor it. could not have been obtained, above alluded to in the answer to the seventh query and
its note, really saved the Revolution from failure in 1781. That aid, the appointment of Robert
Morris as financier, and his measures of supporting public credit on a staple basis by taxation,
transformed the darkness into light— a light never afterward to go out — relieved a weak and
bankrupt Congress, gave life to a mutinous, starving army, and destroyed forever that idea so
long and tenaciously held by the British people, government and commanders in chief, that
the American " rebellion" would die of financial exhaustion.

The answers to the foregoing nine queries are evidently by some one at Philadelphia, either in
Congress or who had access to its proceedings, as its sessions were always secret. The final
caution is probably addressed to the person who communicated the answers to the adjutant-
general.

* " E: B: " was probably Eli Benedict, who, in 1782, was an ensign in Colonel Beverly
Robinson's regiment of Guides and Pioneers. He was a native of Danbury, Ct, and the guide of
the British on their expedition against that town.— Sabine, 1st ed. 155, and 2d ed. I. p. 224.

( To be continued.)

MINOR TOPICS
Letter from Lyon Gardiner Tyler.

Editor of Magazine of American History :

In the December number of your valuable periodical I read with interest your
notice of Mr. Barrows' " History ofyOregon," wherein this passage occurs: "And
yet in 1842 Oregon was hardly thought worth having by the United States, was
omitted from the Ashburton Treaty, and the rumor was current that Mr. Webster
contemplated trading it off for some codfisheries — although the author of this work,
(Mr. Barrows) discredits the story." To dispel the mist hanging around a part of the
early history of that region of country, allow me to throw some additional light on
the policy of President Tyler's administration with regard to the Oregon question.
It is undoubtedly true that in 1842 Oregon presented very few of the attractions
which it does at the present day — being then a great wilderness inhabited by wan-
dering tribes of Indians, and containing but few white settlers. Yet at no time did
the President contemplate abandoning any portion of that country, without a proper
equivalent — to any nation on the face of the earth. This much it is right to
say in justice to President Tyler's memory.

The errors of those who have written on the subject have proceeded from a total
misconception as to the policy of the administration, which was to use Oregon as
the handmaid to California and Texas. Among the notes of President Tyler to
Daniel Webster, then Secretary of State, is one which gives the key to all the nego-
tiations and manoeuvres with reference to Oregon. Good critics to whom I have
repeated its substance have never failed to be astonished at the scope and charac-
ter of the suggestion it contains, and to consider it one of the most sagacious, states-
manlike views ever conceived by any man in the administration of affairs. Writing
to Webster, the President discloses the scheme of a tripartite treaty between the
United States, Great Britain and Mexico, whereby Great Britain was to have the
line of the Columbia River — we surrendering most of Washington Territory, the
northern half of what was then Oregon, and taking in exchange the much greater
and more fertile equivalent of California down to the 360 30'. At the same time
the independence of Texas was to be recognized by Mexico. Such a treaty would
satisfy all sections of the Union. Texas would reconcile all to California, and
California to the line proposed for Oregon. As Mexico was at the time a mere
colony of Great Britain, and largely in debt to her capitalists, the assent of Great
Britain was all that was necessary to the treaty, and this the latter was desirous,
nay even anxious, to give. To accomplish this policy, the President contemplated
sending Webster to England on a special mission, but the subject halted before the

MINOR TOPICS 169

Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and Congress expired before taking action
on the mission. The sole cause of failure lay with Congress, which was as im-
potent a body of men at this period, consuming the hours in shameless invectives
against the President and his Secretary of State, and resorting to every endeavor
to embarrass the government.

The recognition by Mexico of the independence of Texas would have resulted
immediately, of course, in its incorporation into the American Union ; and thus, in
peace, and with the extension of the Missouri Compromise line, the whole western
problem would have been solved, and all the valuable part of that domain made
ours without Polk's needless war of 1846 or the agitation of the slavery question.
And even after Polk's ill-advised declaration of " 540 40' or right," this policy
might have been effected to the honor and peace of the country. Polk could even
then have compromised honorably and successfully on the line of the Columbia,
and secured to us most of what was then Oregon, and California north of 3 6° 30',
and comprising all the country west of Texas to the Pacific Ocean. Apart
from his policy of combination, the President looked, as he says, " exclusively " to
the 49th parallel, and in 1843 ne directed Mr. Webster to instruct Mr. Everett to
sound Great Britain on that line — and to the exclusion of the free navigation of
the Columbia River conceded by Monroe in his offer in 18 18, and John Quincy
Adams in 1826. So far was the President from thinking Oregon "not worth
having " in 1842.

But in all that was done upon the subject the President ever bore in mind that our
claim upon the Oregon Territory could only, from the constant flow of emigrants to-
the West, grow stronger by delay. The troops of England were operating in China
at the time, and could readily be transported to the American coast. Hence,
till the other matters could be disposed of, he was in favor, as to Oregon
individually, of a new and improved treaty of joint occupancy, with a power re-
served in either of the high contracting parties to terminate the same after
twelve months' notice. This would have kept the question very conveniently in
its aspect of handmaid to California and Texas, and still not have weakened
its own independent claim or settlement. When, therefore, Whitman, the mission-
ary, in 1842 presented himself at Washington to obtain President Tyler's sanction
to his plan of leading a caravan overland to Oregon, it fell entirely in with the
sagacious line of policy which the President had marked out, and received his
cordial approval. President Tyler at a later period, in 1843, afforded the same
kind of important encouragement to Morse in getting an appropriation from
Congress to secure the trial of his telegraph line between Washington and
Baltimore. Doubtless both Mr. Barrow and other historians give as many colors
as they can to the really praiseworthy action of Whitman.

How far the stories about the indifference of Mr. Webster are true, I know
not. Mr. Webster was subject to fits of listlessness, but in general his views
were broad and his conceptions bold. Yet, when we read in his letter to Fletcher

Vol. XL-No. 2.— 12

I/O MINOR TOPICS

Webster (Curtis ii. 250) that the single port of California would be " twenty-
times as valuable to us as all Texas," extending to the 420, embracing the richest
country in the world and insuring to us the virtual monopoly of the cotton plant
as well as the control of the Mexican Gulf, we cannot help smiling and suspecting
that some of that old contracted New England spirit, operating in 1787 to the sur-
render of the free navigation of the Mississippi and the Southwest, was possibly
actively at work in his mind, inducing to the surrender in 1842 (had he not been
prevented by the President) of Oregon for some advantages to the codfisheries of
his own section, New England. (W. H. Gray's History of Oregon, p. 290, et
seq.)

This is a true though imperfect presentation of this subject. And yet the
questions are so great that I can scarcely do more than hint at them in a letter of
this length. All the original letters and documents, substantiating the facts I
have asserted with their entire coloring and bearing will be given to the public in
my forthcoming work " The Letters and Times of the Tylers," which I trust will
be the means of eradicating many an error, and of contributing in some modest de-
gree to a true knowledge of the history of the country.

I remain,

Very truly,

Lyon Gardiner Tyler.
Richmond, Virginia,

December 13, 1883.

CAVALRY FIGHTS WITH THE COMANCHES

Soon after the war with Mexico the United States territory became so extended,
and the hostile Indians on the frontier of Texas were such dangerous and trouble-
some marauders, that an increased military force was deemed necessary for the
protection of the border settlers, and Congress therefore adopted measures for
raising and equipping two regiments of mounted men, called the First and Second
Cavalry. In forming these regiments great care was used in selecting only such
officers as had " won their spurs " in the recent war with Mexico ; and no more
chivalric names adorn the annals of history than this arm of the military service
presents — names which have become as f amiliar as the strains of " Home, Sweet
Home," and at the mention of which the heart of the nation must ever thrill with
pride while the nation endures ; and though in after years some of them pass in
review as having worn the "Gray" instead of the "Blue," they remain no less
American in their heritage and in their valor, and may still be claimed as our own
military chieftains.

In the formation of the First Cavalry were enrolled the names of Col. E. V.
Sumner, Jos. E. Johnston, Ben McCullough, Geo. B. McClellan, Ransom, Walker,
J. E. B. Stuart, Mclntyre, Crittenden, Lomax, Church, and others. In the Second

MINOR TOPICS 171

Cavalry, Albert Sidney Johnson, Robert E. Lee, Geo. H. Thomas, Win. J. Hardee,
Earl Van Dorn, E. Kirby Smith, Theo. O'Hara (the poet), John B. Hood, Fitz-
hugh Lee, Lieuts. Kimmel, Van Camp, Evans, and others. After these regiments
were formed and stationed in Texas, the theater of the principal Indian depreda-
tions, their dashing officers, who had made themselves conspicuous for gallantry
on numerous battle-fields in Mexico, were frequently engaged in hand-to-hand
fights with the savage and ferocious enemies the Comanches, on the borders of
Texas, and their trophies of battle bore testimony to the cruel and deadly foes
they had to meet and fight to the death rather than be captured and tortured.
Scalps of men, women and children hung from the belts of the savages, and also
gaudy trappings of bright feathers woven in fantastic devices with shells and
beads ; their skin and those of their horses were stained with gay colors, making
them look unearthly and hideous in the extreme. In time of battle their rude
weapons were brandished with demoniacal glee and ferocity, and excited the
gravest dread and horror.

Among the engagements that occurred in 1856 was the battle of "The Four
Lakes," which was one of cruel slaughter. It was in this conflict that the Co-
manches were first introduced to the Minnie ball and the long-range rifle. The roar
of artillery and the flashing of sabres were only equaled by the savage display and
war whoop, and served to render the fight weird and furious, our heroes resolving
to perish rather than be captured. The Comanches advanced with such celerity
and irregularity that it was difficult to reach them, and each Indian seemed to fight
on his own account ; but the organized firing of disciplined troops even here tested
the art of trained warfare, and without much loss finally put the enemy to flight.

In the same year an important engagement was led by Lieut. John B. Hood,
with a command of twenty-five men from the Second Cavalry. The general
orders were to attack any hostile Indians away from their reservations. Lieut.
Hood had discovered a trail, but, being weary and thirsty, and his horses jaded
from a long march, he went toward a river for water. Not far off he saw a few
horses grazing and a flag waving over some brush. This proved a decoy. As he
advanced within a few paces the flag suddenly dropped, and a large body of
Comanches setting fire to the brush rushed from their ambush, some armed with
Spanish bayonets, some with rifles and lances, and many with bows and arrows,
and raising a wild and desperate war whoop, attacked the surprised party of cavalry.
Hood's men fired volley after volley until their shots were expended ; then they
fell back, leaving six of their comrades on the field, and Lieut. Hood himself was
borne away badly wounded. The plains and ravines to which they retreated
seemed literally alive with savages, and how the brave command escaped at all
was a mystery. From the heights near by they witnessed the horrors of the In-
dian war dances around the slain, and their hearts were filled with a desire for
speedy revenge. On this occasion messengers sent to headquarters soon brought
reinforcements, when a few discharges from the howitzer forced the Indians from

172 MINOR TOPICS

their covert to the plain, where they were compelled to cope with batteries sup-
ported by dismounted men and cavalry. Companies moved against them with the
coolness and precision of a parade, and chief after chief fell in rapid succession,
and their gay trappings and plumage were soon draggling in the gory dust. Many In-
dian women were observed swiftly dragging their dead and wounded from the battle-
field ; and it was a relief to see them finally give way and fall back in confusion
and alarm before their conquerors, whom they outnumbered as ten to one. During
this fight, or rather flight, Major Earl Van Dorn with a few men rode in pursuit
of a party of fleeing Comanches, who were mounted on fleet mustangs and riding
two on a horse. Major Van Dorn's horse was a spirited gray, which stopped at
neither branch nor marsh, but cleared everything and plunging along over the
ground, placed his rider, a splendid horseman, far in advance of his followers ; and
when the Indians in the rear of the retreating party were within range of his fire
he killed the horse ridden by two young Comanches. Finding themselves on foot
and hotly pursued, they quickly fell to their knees and took deliberate aim at the
heart of their pursuer. He, holding the reins of the bridle in the left hand directly
over the heart, felt one arrow penetrate the two bones of the wrist and glance up-
ward, the other entering his right side and passing out at the left, seriously injuring
the lung. These arrows he drew from the wounds instantly himself, the blood
flowing in torrents from them. At this juncture the sergeant of the company came
up and threw his own body, together with that of his horse, between the major and
the flying arrows as a shield, receiving five wounds himself, but thereby saving the
life of his commander. This heroism and self-sacrifice was recognized by the
government by pensioning the brave sergeant. Major Van Dorn was regarded as
the most successful and daring Indian fighter of the time, and was enabled to
secure a quiet period for the frontiersmen against the depredations of the Co-
manches, but his name was one of terror and hatred to the savages.

In 1858 the Comanches renewed their hostilities, and many murders were
committed. Again Major Van Dorn was ordered by Gen. Twiggs to equip four
companies and go out on a scouting expedition and penetrate the heart of the
Indian country. This he did, and after reaching the interior proceeded to build a
stockade, and placed within it all the pack mules, extra horses and stores, and left
it in charge of infantry. Friendly Indians soon discovered that a large Comanche
camp was located near the village of Wichita, ninety miles away. The four com-
panies, attended by guides, started for the camp, and the march of ninety miles
was made in thirty-six hours, causing the men to be continuously in the saddle the
latter sixteen hours of the ride. At daylight on the morning of October 1, 1858,
they reached the village. The four companies were formed into four columns to
enter the village, with orders to deploy and charge when in sight of the camp.
The charge was sounded on the left and a sudden and deadly swoop was made on
the unsuspecting enemy. The Indians rose up with a wild war whoop and made
an obstinate defense ; there were many hand-to-hand fights, but the battle resulted

MINOR TOPICS 173

in a decisive victory for the cavalry. Eighty or ninety warriors were slain and
many captured. General Scott reported to the War Department as follows : "Near
the village of Wichita, Brevet Major Earl Van Dorn, Capt. Second Cavalry, com-
manding Companies A, F, H and K of his regiment, after a forced march of ninety
miles in thirty-six hours, came a little after daylight upon the camp of the hostile
Comanches, consisting of one hundred and twenty lodges and between four and
five hundred Indians. He immediately charged upon it, and after a most des-
perate struggle of an hour and a half, during which there were many hand-to-
hand encounters, achieved a most decisive victory. Fifty-six Indians were left on
the field ; one hundred and twenty lodges were burned ; over three hundred
animals taken ; a large quantity of supplies appropriated or destroyed, and the
surviving Indians dispersed among the mountains in a destitute condition. With
this victory it is painful to record the death of Second Lieut. Cornelius Van Camp,
Second Cavalry, an active young officer of exceeding promise, once before named
in this order for gallantry, who was shot through the heart with an arrow while
charging the enemy. Sergeant J. E. Garrison, of Company F ; Privates Peter
Magar and Jacob Echard, of Company H, were also killed. Private Henry Howard,
of that company, is missing, supposed to have been killed. The following were
wounded : Company A, Brevet Major Van Dorn, severely, four wounds. * * *
During the combat, Capt. N. G. Evans, Second Lieuts. Harrison and Phifer, each
killed two, and Lieut. Magar killed three Indians in hand-to-hand encounters.
The other officers who were under Major Van Dorn are Captains Whiting and
Johnson, Second Lieut. Porter and Acting Asst. Surgeon Carswell, all of whom,
together with the non-commissioned officers and privates of Companies A, F, H
and K, Second Cavalry, are entitled to great commendation for their gallantry.
* * *

" By command of Bvt. Lieut.-General Scott.

" L. Thomas,

" Asst. Adjt-Ge?ieral. ' '

The return of this victorious little army was hailed with enthusiastic rejoicing
and congratulation, and the Wichita fight and Van Dorn were the themes of song and
story for many years along the borders and in the halls and banqueting-rooms of the
cities, and the martial music of the "Wichita March " resounded through the
plains of Texas wherever the Second Cavalry encamped or rode off on scouts in
after years. Rizpah.

174

NOTES

A WALL STREET INCIDENT In his

eloquent discourse on Sunday morning,
December 30, 1883, Rev. Charles H.
Parkhurst, D. D., of the Madison Square
Presbyterian Church, New York, said :

" Great events remind us of God and
of our faith in him. The best and
deepest meanings of history, as of nat-
ure, come out only when reared against
a divine background. To leave out
God is to draw a wet sponge across the
best things that history has to say. The
history of a century, of a millennium as
such, means nothing, unless intelligence
that subtends the millennium puts a
meaning into it. Mind cannot read
what mind has not first written. All
interpreting of history proceeds on the
quiet assumption of a mind that has
worked its thought and built its purpose
into history. In this way the study of
history helps us to find our faith and
feel our faith. The mind of the reader and
writer meet on the printed page. So in
our efforts to interpret events, the mind
that construes teaches the mind that
constructs. And especially does this hold
of the great and stirring events of history.
It is the effect of a great disaster not
only that it humbles us, but humbles us
before God ; of a great victory, not only
that it exalts us, but exalts us before
God. We have known how, when an
entire nation is stricken, it is involuntary
with us to carry our cross into our
churches and our tears into our ser-
mons. Such occurrences have in them
a power to make the divine very
real, and our dependence upon the
divine very actual and very conscious.
The poets have a way of calling the

mountains divine ; so events that slope
up in colossal proportion from the com-
mon level of occurrence seem always in
the like way freighted with supernal im-
port. It was, I think, the most impres-
sive feature of our recent Evacuation
Day celebration, that, by arrangement of
the merchants of New York, a public
prayer to Almighty God was offered at
this city's monetary center. It has not
only intensified our faith in the God of
history, and in the strong and gracious
Providence that has led in the affairs of
our national life, but it has shown to
us with fresh distinctness and impres-
siveness the faith that we already had.
That scene on the steps of the Sub-treas-
ury building is a declaration to the
world that New York, in the persons of
its representative men, acknowledges
God as a personal Sovereign of nations
and arbiter of events."

Historic silver — At the Bartholdi
Loan Exhibition recently I noticed a
magnificent silver cake-basket, which
belonged, as I afterward learned, to
Mrs. Archibald Russell, of New York,
to whom it has descended (she being
the daughter of the late John Watts,
M.D., eldest son of Robert Watts and
Lady Mary Alexander, the eldest child
of Sarah Livingston and William Alex-
ander, afterward Lord Stirling).

In the Rutherfurd manuscript papers,
now in the possession of Mrs. Charlotte
Livingston, widow of John Rutherfurd
(vol. 3, p. 97), is a letter from Lord Stir-
ling to Peter Van Brugh Livingston, of
New York. This Peter Van Brugh
Livingston, and his sister Sarah — Lady

NOTES

175

Stirling — were children of Philip Liv-
ingston, second lord of the Livingston
manor. The letter is dated, Boston,
Mass., March 15, 1756, and has a post-
script from Gen. Shirley (to whom Will-
iam Alexander was private secretary
and aid-de-camp) containing a request
that Mr. Livingston would call upon
Mr. Larue, the silversmith, and see if a
silver bread-basket and coffee-pot, left
with him by Gen. Shirley were finished.
They were intended for presentation to
Mrs. William Alexander, and each of
the two was to have her arms engraved
upon it. Thus, this basket now on ex-
hibition, bearing the Livingston and
Alexander arms, is probably the one or-
dered by Gen. Shirley for Mrs. Wm.
Alexander, afterward Lady Stirling.

E. C. Jay.
Dec. 13, 1883.

Funeral expenses in the olden
time — Dear Editor : — Among some
valuable old papers in my possession I
find sundry bills, which are curiously
illustrative of the cost of funerals about
the middle of the last century. One of
these bills is to the estate of Mrs. James
Alexander, the widow of the prominent
lawyer, mother of Lord Stirling, and
grandmother of Bishop Provost. It
reads as follows :

1760. William Cook's Acct.

£ s. d.

To ye Rectors o 13 o

To Opening ye (Trinity) Vault o 9 o

To 5 Bells Tooling, at iSs. each. ... 4 10 o

To ye Pall o 18 o

To ye Clearks fees o 5 6

To 3 Invitations, at 18s. each 2 14 o

To Cleaning ye Church o 12 o

To 6 Porters, at 6s 1 16 o

11 17 6

To a coffin covered with cloth and
lined within :

Finding for ditto, double gilt furni-
ture, full trimmed with all be-
longing, except cloth lining and
ribbon 10 00 00

To making up a State Room, finding

stuff & tacks o 14 00

£10 14 00
I find no account however of the

"baked meats " and feasts provided for

the occasion.

But here is a receipt for pew rent in

St. Paul's church, then one of the most

fashionable churches of the city.

" Received five dollars for one year's

pew hire in St. Paul's church, due 1st

May, 1801.

" William Brown."

Truly a pew was not the expensive
luxury then that it is now ! R.

Mrs. volckert p. douw — This
estimable lady, who died recently in
Albany, was one of that elegant, cult-
ured and refined class who for years
have graced the aristocratic homes of
the valleys of the Hudson and the
Mohawk, as well as of the hills of
Otsego. She resided in summer at a
beautiful country seat in Greenbush
known as " Wolvenhoeck," a mansion
built in 1723 with bricks imported
from Holland, and in winter she occu-
pied her city home in State Street, Al-
bany. It was on the farm of the
Douw family that the English army,
and the sixteen Colonial regiments,
were encamped in 1755, under General
Abercrombie, previous to the attack
on Fort Ticonderoga in the French
and Indian war. And it was at this

176

QUERIES

historical spot where " Yankee Doo-
dle " was composed by Dr. Shackle-
ferd, and sung in derision of the four
Connecticut regiments, under the com-
mand of Col. Thomas Fitch, of Con-
necticut. Mrs. Douw possessed great

Washington buttons — A copper
button, partially plated with silver, was

Central initials of Washington ; those of original
states within ovals of border.

found in the dust of a country highway
some years ago and came into my pos-
session. It is of comparatively fine fin-
ish and workmanship. An antiquarian
informs me that he has seen three simi-
lar buttons in possession of different per-
sons, who call them " Washington but-
tons." What is known of the history of
those buttons and of the occasion of their
being made ?

Theo. F. Wolfe, M. D.
Jersey City, Dec. 24, 1883.

De wolfe — An old history of New
York mentions Abraham De Wolf.
Broadhead's History of New York
(Harpers, 1859) speaks of Dirck De
Wolf. Both these persons were from
Amsterdam, and manufacturers of salt.
Were they both of the same family ? Is

loveliness of character with mental en-
dowments of high order ; she was of
commanding presence, and in her
earlier years a pronounced beauty.
Her loss will be deeply mourned by a
large and admiring circle of friends.

J. F.
QUERIES.

there a living descendant of either, or
any record of their families ?

In Connecticut, we find Balthazar, or
Belshazzar, or Bazaleel De Wolf, men-
tioned in Hartford in 1656, in Wethers-
field in 1664. He wTrote his own name
" Baltazarr dewolf ," his son, Edward,
added an e at the end of the name.
Balthazar De Wolf removed to Lyme in
1668, with his sons Edward, Simon and
Stephen. He had probably a daughter,
Mary, and perhaps other children. De-
scendants of his name have been prom-
inent families in Rhode Island and Nova
Scotia for several generations. The
Governor Griswold branch of the Lyme
Griswolds are his descendants in the
female line.

Can any one connect the New York
and Connecticut De Wolfs ?

Can the derivation of the name be as-
certained ? There are said to be high
families of the name in Belgium and
Germany. There is also a De Wolfe
coat of arms in Burke's General Armory,
showing an English family of the name.

Please address in reply,

Mrs. Edward E. Salisbury,
New Haven, Conn.

U. S. ensign — Please inform me
through your Magazine the origin of
design of the U. S. Ensign and oblige,
C. R. Mallinson,
Troop F 2d Cav. Fort Custer, M, T.

REPLIES

177

IS IT THE FIRST AMERICAN COIN ? [x.

518] — The figure of the piece under the
above title is something new as a coin.
In the American Journal of Numismatics y
Vol. V. p. 25, will be found a cut from a
specimen of Aztec money — so called
by all of the early writers on Mexican
History ; this specimen belongs to a
member of the Boston Numismatic Soci-
ety, and an account of it is given by
William S. Appleton. In Vol. 16, p. 1, of
the same journal is an account of
"Early Spanish and Portuguese Coinage
in America," by J. Carson Brevoort,
which gives reference to various authors
on the subject. No mention is made of
any other form of money at that early
date. J. C.

18 Somerset St., Boston.

Colonel david Crockett [x. 484]
— The closing paragraph of the sketch
of Col. Crockett in the December Mag-
azine does great injustice to the defend-
ers of the Alamo, while it unwittingly, I
have no doubt, associates Crockett with
the only group of skulkers found in that
heroic garrison. The passage begins as
follows : " The scene is at the Alamo :
The Alamo is surrounded by the army
of Santa Anna, and but six of the garri-
son are left alive. The garrison has
surrendered." This assertion is all wrong.
Not a man of that garrison surrendered,
but each one, Crockett among the rest,
fell fighting at his post, except the few
skulkers referred to. Even they did not
surrender ; but were dragged from their
hiding-place and executed. The writer
goes on to say : u Crockett stands alone
in an angle of the fort ; the barrel of

his shattered rifle in his right hand, and
in his left a huge bowie-knife, dripping
blood. There is a frightful gash across
his forehead, while around him is a
complete barrier of about twenty Mex-
icans lying pell-mell dead and dying."

The assailants of the Alamo were infan-
try troops, armed with musket and bay-
onet, and during the minute, or half min-
ute, which it must have taken Crockett
to fell his twenty foes, who had more
than twenty at their backs, it is singular
that no soldier was able to shoot or
pierce him ; for a man who wielded a
rifle-barrel in one hand, and a big bowie-
knife in the other, however robust, must
have been an awkward fencer. The
passage then continues thus : " Crock-
ett's look and step are as undaunted and
defiant as ever. The word of death is
given. A dozen swords are sheathed in
that brave heart, and Crockett falls and
expires without a groan, a frown on his
brow, and a smile of scorn and defiance
on his lips — a fitting end to his heroic
life." Now what prevented those twenty
swords from doing their office before
Crockett got through with striking down
twenty of his assailants. A good story,
whether true or not, ought to have a
spice of probability. All that is known
about Crockett's death is, that, like his
companions, he fell fighting at his post.
Santa Anna was not accompanied by a
corps of ubiquitous, all-seeing reporters,
who could describe the last blow and
last look of every hero who fell. Crock-
ett's body was found, not in an angle of
the fort, but in a one-gun battery which
overtopped the center of the west wall,
where his remains were identified by Mr.

i;8

REPLIES

Ruiz, a citizen of San Antonio, whom
Santa Anna, immediately after the action,
sent for and ordered to point out the
slain leaders of the garrison.

In regard to the six last survivors, of
whom the writer to whom I refer says
Crockett was one, the fact from which the
story has apparently grown is, that about
half an hour, I think it was, after the
capture and massacre, four, five, or six
men of the garrison were found in one of
the rooms of the Alamo, concealed un-
der bundles of forage or some such sub-
stance. The discovery was reported to
Santa Anna, who ordered the men to be
shot, which was at once done ; but it is
needless to say that Crockett was not
one of them. He was already dead at his
post when those men were found.

The defence of the Alamo and the
fall of its garrison form one of the most
heroic incidents in our history ; but the
true recollection of it is almost buried
under fictions, which, from reaction, are
liable to throw doubt on the real heroism
of the narrative. The name of Crockett
has been a fruitful nucleus for those in-
credible yarns, one of which contradicted
his heroic death by bringing him to life
in the mines of Mexico. His name
seems to have a charm which can secure
belief for any romance about him. The
author of the article in question gives a
truthful account of Crockett's home
life, but has evidently been misled by
some extravagant story-teller concerning
his death. Reuben M. Potter.

American House, Hamilton, Bermuda.

Lafayette's regrets [ix. 521. x. 82.
83] — Relative to the discussion provoked
by my article in the November Maga-
zine, as to whether Lafayette visited

Washington's Headquarters when in
Newburgh, September 16, 1824, I would
further say that the steamer James Kent,
having run aground on the Oyster
Banks, the party was detained three
hours, and thus Lafayette did not arrive
at the wharf until seven o'clock in the
evening. Immediately entering a ba-
rouche, he was escorted in procession
through Colden, First, and Smith Streets,
to the Orange Hotel, which he never left,
except for a few minutes to step into the
ball-room in Crawford's Hotel to shake
hands with the ladies,' until his final de-
parture. The remainder of his time was
wholly employed in the Orange Hotel, in
receiving and replying to addresses, in
visiting there the Hiram Lodge of Free
Masons, in resting in his chamber, and
in taking supper at 1 2 o'clock (midnight),
when he sat down to table with about one
hundred gentlemen. At two a.m. he left
the dock for Poughkeepsie. To the offi-
cial address, in the Orange Hotel, of
Francis Crawford, Esq., president of the
village, Lafayette replied : " That he re-
turned the corporation and the inhab-
itants of the village of Newburgh his
sincere thanks for the kind reception he
met with from them, and for the remem-
brance of his former services. That he
regretted extremely that he could not
have arrived at an earlier hour. That it
would have given him the greatest pleas-
ure to have visited the house long ten-
anted by the great Washington, and the
ground where the American army had
encamped." In the Newburgh Gazette
for September 18, 1824, and in Eager's
History of Orange County, are minute
and circumstantial accounts of Lafay-
ette's visit. Asa Bird Gardner.

Judge Advocate's Office, Governor's
Island, 9 January, 1884.

SOCIETIES

The new york historical society
— The last stated meeting of the society
for the year 1883 was held December
4. The paper of the evening was
read by Chief-Justice Charles P. Daly
on " Songs and Song- writing," an at-
tractive subject in excellent hands, and
its able treatment was favored with
many marks of approbation by the
cultivated and appreciative audience
present. The careful research and nice
criticism, with which the paper was re-
plete, threw much new light upon the
history of songs, and the recondite
principles of feeling and taste involved
in their composition ; while the graceful
recital of many famous examples and
their interesting story lent an additional
charm to this most entertaining lecture.

The annual meeting for 1884 was held
January 2. The yearly reports of the
executive committee, treasurer, and
librarian were read, showing the steady
growth of the collections and the society's
general progress and continued pros-
perity during the past year. Care and
prudence continue to characterize the
management of its funds. Steadily ad-
hering to its wise policy, it has no debts,
no mortgages on its building or its col-
lections, and no outstanding bills. The
funds belonging to the society amount
to $69,000. The income during the year
was $12,526.41, and the expenditures
were $8,936.07.

The following gentlemen were elected
officers of the society for the year 1884 :
President, Augustus Schell ; First Vice-
President, Hamilton Fish ; Second Vice-
President, Benjamin H. Field ; Foreign
Corresponding Secretary, William M.

Evarts ; Domestic Corresponding Secre-
tary, Edward F. De Laricey ; Recording-
Secretary, Andrew Warner ; Treasurer,
Benjamin B. Sherman ; Librarian, Jacob
B. Moore. Messrs. Benjamin H. Field,
George H. Moore, and William Dowd
were appointed members of the executive
committee, to serve for four years, and
Messrs. Heber B. Durand, Andrew
Warner, George H. Moore, John A.
Weekes, Daniel Huntington, and Cephas
G. Thompson, members of the Com-
mittee on the Fine Arts.

The need of enlarged accommodations
for its collections in all departments is
felt by the society more severely than
ever, but the expectation is entertained
that, with matured plans, they will shortly
be provided. The report presented by
the executive committee contained the
details of the society's condition and
progress, including an interesting synopsis
of its history, and its struggles and
triumphs during the seventy-nine years
of its existence. In view of the fact
that its noble work has been accomplished
mainly without external aid, public or
private, the committee recommended that
it should continue to rely on the zeal,
interest and substantial aid of its members
for the accomplishment of its present
effort, notwithstanding it is one virtually
to place its extensive collections on a
footing commensurate with their value
and importance, for the permanent en-
joyment and use of the public.

Maine historical societvt — The
winter meeting of this society was held
at the library hall in Portland, Decem-
ber 22, 1883, afternoon and evening.

i8o

SOCIETIES

The meeting was opened with a brief
address by the president, Hon. Jas. W.
Bradbury, of Augusta. Mr. H. W. Bry-
ant, the librarian and curator, read his
quarterly report, and the President called
upon Hon. Joseph Williamson, of Bel-
fast, for an interesting paper on the
British occupation of Penobscot during
the Revolution. An excellent paper by
Dr. C. E. Banks, U. S. M. H. S., of Wash-
ington, D. C, on the first Governor of
Maine, Edward Godfrey, was read by
Gen. Brown ; and William F. Gould,
Esq., of Portland, discoursed on the first
Banks and Bankers of Portland. Rev.
H. S. Burrage, D.D., read a paper con-
cerning the Rev. William Screven. The
first Baptist church in Charleston, S. C.
was organized by men from Kittery.
The first knowledge we have concerning
the church in Kittery is to be gleaned
from a letter written Jan. 3, 1682,
from that place, and directed to the
Baptist church in Boston, requesting
it to assist in founding a church of like
faith with its own and that Rev. William
Screven be called for its pastor. The
church at Boston acted on this letter.

Buffalo historical society— The
annual meeting of this society was held
on the evening of January 8th, Vice-Presi-
dent William D. Fobes occupying the
chair. The Secretary read the manager's
report for the year, and the following
officers were elected : President, William
D. Fobes ; Vice-President, Stephen M.
Clement ; Recording Secretary, Leon F.
Harvey, M.D.; Librarian, Corresponding
Secretary, and Treasurer, George G.
Barnum ; Councillors, W. H. H. New-
man, Rev. A. T. Chester, D.D., Hon.

James M. Smith, O. H. Marshall, Wm.
C. Bryant, Jared H. Tilden, Emmor
Haines, Rev. Samson Falk, Ansley Wil-
cox, George W. Townsend, James Shel-
don, Charles B. Germain, Elias S. Haw-
ley, and Maurice Kingsley. Mr. Fobes,
on taking the chair as presiding officer
for the year, addressed the meeting with
great force and earnestness in relation
to the future of the society.

Wisconsin historical society — The
annual meeting was held January 2d, at
its rooms in the Capitol. President John
A. Rice called the body to order, after
which officers were elected for the ensu-
ing year as follows: President, Hon. John
A. Rice ; Vice-Presidents, Hon. Harlow
S. Orton, LL.D., Madison ; Hon. Mor-
gan L. Martin, Green Bay ; Hon. James
T. Lewis, LL.D., Columbus; Hon. James
Sutherland, Janesville ; Hon. M. M.
Davis, Baraboo ; Chauncey C. Britt, Esq.,
Portage City ; Hon. John H. Rountree,
Platteville ; Hon. Simeon Mills, Madi-
son ; Hon. J. F. Potter, East Troy Lake ;
Samuel Marshall, Esq., Milwaukee; Hon.
John T. Kingston, Necedah ; Hon. David
Atwood, Madison; Hon. Moses M. Strong,
Mineral Point ; Hon. C. L. Colby, Mil-
waukee ; Hon. J. J. Guppey, Portage
City ; Fred. S. Perkins, Esq., Burling-
ton. Corresponding Secretary, Lyman C.
Draper, LL.D.; Recording Secretary,
Robert M. Bashford ; Treasurer, Hon.
A. H. Main ; Librarian, Daniel S. Dur-
rie. At the close of the meeting Dr.
Draper — thirty years Corresponding Sec-
retary of this Society — was presented
with a handsome silver tea service.

Rhode island historical society —

SOCIETIES

181

The sixty-second annual meeting of this
institution was held on the evening of
Tuesday, January 8, President William
Gammell in the chair. The principal
feature of the occasion was the annual
address of the president, which embodied
a comprehensive account of the progress
and work of the society during the year,
and was received with marked expressions
of appreciation. Hon. Amos Perry, the
Secretary, read letters of great interest,
and Dr. Charles W. Parsons, chairman
of the Library Committee, reported the
gifts as exceeding in number and quality
those of any previous year. Officers were
elected for the ensuing year as follows :
President, Professor William Gammell ;
First Vice-President, Hon. Francis Brin-
ley, of Newport ; Second Vice-President,
Dr. Chas. W. Parsons ; Secretary, Hon.
Amos Perry ; Treasurer, Richmond P.
Everett.

Chicago historical society — A
quarterly meeting of the Chicago His-
torical Society was held in its hall, Janu-
ary 15, 1884. President Arnold occu-
pied the chair. The Librarian reported
upon the accessions to the library, and a
paper on " The Thirteenth Amendment
in the Illinois Legislature in 1865 " was
read by Hon. William Bross, who was
Lieutenant-Governor at the time the
amendment was adopted, February 1,
1 865. The following officers were elected
for the ensuing year : President, Hon.
Isaac N. Arnold ; Vice-Presidents, E. B.
Washburne and John Wentworth ; Secre-
tary and Librarian, Albert D. Hager ;
Treasurer, Henry H. Nash.

annual meeting in the library hall, in Som-
erset street, Boston, on Wednesday, Jan.
2, 1884. The occasion was one of marked
interest in various respects. Hon. Mar-
shall P. Wilder, the President, who is 85
years of age, occupied the chair, and
conducted the proceedings in his accus-
tomed felicitous manner. The follow-
ing officers were elected for the ensuing
year : President, Marshall P. Wilder ;
Vice-presidents, Joseph Williamson of
Maine, Joseph B. Walker of New Hamp-
shire, Hiland Hall, Vermont, George C.
Richardson, Massachusetts, John R.
Bartlett, Rhode Island, Edwin H. Bug-
bee, Connecticut ; honorary Vice-presi-
dents, George William Curtis, LL.D., of
New York, and 13 others ; correspond-
ing secretary, Edmund F. Slafter ; re-
cording secretary, David Haskins, Jr.;
treasurer, Benjamin B. Torrey ; histori-
ographer, Increase N. Tarbox ; librarian,
John W. Dean.

The new England historic, genea-
logical society held its thirty-ninth

Massachusetts historical society
— The January meeting of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society was held at
the rooms on Thursday, January 10.
The President, the Hon. Robert C. Win-
throp, remarked that ninety-four years
had passed since the first meetings of the
original founders of the society were held,
and that six years hence it would cele-
brate its centennial anniversary. After
touching upon several topics of moment,
he alluded feelingly to the loss sustained
in the recent death of Mr. George Dex-
ter, whom he considered a model secre-
tary and a scholar of exceptional acquire-
ments. Mr. A. B. Ellis read an excellent
paper entitled " American Patriotism on
the Sea."

182

BOOK NOTICES

LIBRARY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN
LITERATURE. NO. III. THE GUE-

GUENCE ; A Comedy Ballet in the Nahuate-
Spanish Dialect of Nicaragua. Edited by
Daniel G. Brinton, A.M., M.D. 8vo, pp. 94.
Philadelphia. 1883.

Dr. Brinton has given us in this work the
only specimen of the native American comedy
in existence, as far as known to him. The
manuscript was obtained by the late Dr. Carl
Hermann Berendt, in Nicaragua, who, however,
made no translation of any portion of it. The
story of the comedy is quaint and peculiar, and
will be regarded with interest by many who nei-
ther count themselves scientists or antiquarians.
The grim humor which the native mind seemed
to prefer was in a certain peculiarity assumed to
deceive and get the better of one's neighbor.
The most valuable portion of the book is the
Introduction, covering twenty-four pages, with
numerous instructive illustrations. It treats of
the Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua, their
Bailes or dramatic dances, their music and musical
instruments, and gives much curious information
concerning the play itself. Dr. Brinton says :
"No hint as to its author is anywhere found.
There are, however, reasons which I consider
weighty ones, to believe that it is the production
either of a native Indian or a half-caste." Of
its age he remarks : " It is probable that we
may assign the early portion of the eighteenth
century as the latest date for its composition,
and there is some evidence that a more remote
period is not improbable."

THE LORD IS MY SHEPHERD. The

Twenty-third Psalm. In Song and Sonnet.
Illustrated. By William C. Richards.
Square i2mo, pp. 44. Lee & Shepard. Bos-
ton. 1884.

A charming and unique little volume contain-
ing twelve original songs and sonnets founded
on the twenty-third Psalm, even while appearing
simply as one of a group of holiday beauties,
must necessarily attract more than ordinary at-
tention. These poems are from the pen of Rev.
William C. Richards, whose poetical productions
during the last twenty years have delighted so
many appreciative readers. With every return of
the gift season we are treated to scores of choice
collections from the poets, arrayed in every garb
which artistic taste and ingenuity can devise,
but rarely do we meet on these occasions with
a whole volume of original poems, or, as in this
instance, with a new and permanent gem in the
coronal of sacred Psalmody. Such a work
should be individualized, and take its proper
rank among original productions. The author

has given us two poems on each verse of the beau-
tiful Psalm, and each poem is accompanied by an
appropriate full-page illustration of exceptional
merit, both as regards conception and execution.
These poems teem with sweetness and senti-
ment, the thought restrained within the limits of
close and clear expression, the movement varied
and musical, giving us indeed an exquisitely
luxurious sense of the charms of sound and
rhythm ; and the interpretation of the Psalm is
just as well as comprehensive. The publishers
have issued the book in admirable taste. It first
appeared in the " Golden Floral " style, with
silk-fringed, daintily illuminated card-board
covers. But it met with such favor that a new
edition in permanent binding was presently
found indispensable.

A MEMORIAL, with Reminiscences Histor-
ical, Personal, and Characteristic, of John
Farmer, A.M., Corresponding Secretary of
the New Hampshire Historical Society. By
John Le Bosquet. i6mo, pp. 138. Cup-
pies, Upham & Co. 1884.
Dr. Farmer was a distinguished antiquarian
scholar and a Christian philanthropist, who was
born in 1789, and died in 1838. He resided
during the last seventeen years of his life at
Concord, New Hampshire, and was a busy writ-
er on a variety of historical and genealogical
subjects. A long list of his published and un-
published works appears in the fifteenth chapter
of the little volume before us ; not least among
which are mentioned ' ' ten bound volumes, duo-
decimo, of memoirs of more than two thousand
graduates of Harvard College, and two bound
volumes, same size, of memoirs of graduates of
Dartmouth College." During his later years he
was occupied in arranging, indexing, and pre-
paring for binding, the public papers of the
State of New Hampshire. He left behind him
a large mass of material for a second volume of
the History of New Hampshire. His ' ' Genea-
logical Register of the First Settlers of New
England " was projected on a broad scale, and
was a work of immense labor. He assisted in
the formation of the New Hampshire Historical
Society, in 1823, ar>d a year or two afterward
became its corresponding secretary; an office he
continued to fill with eminent ability to the end
of his life.

ARCHIVES OF MARYLAND. Proceedings
and Acts of the General Assembly of Mary-
land, January 1637 I 8 — September 1664.
Published by Authority of the State, under the
Direction of the Maryland Historical Society.
William Hand Browne, Editor. Square

BOOK NOTICES

183

quarto, pp. 563. 1883. Price per volume

$2.50.

This volume contains a minutely accurate
transcript of the proceedings and acts of the
General Assembly of Maryland, during upward
of a quarter of a century prior to 1664, together
with four excellent indexes — one to the titles of
the bills read, another to the bills passed, a
third to names of persons and places, and a
fourth to miscellaneous business. The very
foundations of Maryland's history are thus made
accessible to every inquiring mind. Preceding
the main body of the work is an interesting
Report of the Committee of Publication — con-
sisting of John W. M. Lee, Bradley T. Johnson,
and Hon. Henry Stockbridge — respecting the
principles which have governed its action in the
work, and the various steps that have been taken
by the Historical Society of Maryland to discharge
the duty imposed upon it by the State. This
committee informs us that they have now a copy
of every law passed in the province of Maryland
up to 1670, with but very few exceptions. A Cal-
endar of the State Archives, occupying forty
or more pages of the work, describes the con-
tents of all the books of legislative records
which have been deposited in the fire-proof re-
pository of the Historical Society. This is an
exceptionally valuable portion of the work.
In the Editor's Preface which follows we learn
that the text has been printed exactly as it is
written, with all the errors, irregularities of
spelling, contractions, eccentricities of punctua-
tion, etc., faithfully reproduced. The true ob-
jects in view in providing for the publication of
the early archives of the Province have been to
secure the documents from further loss, and to
place students and investigators abroad in as
favorable a position as is enjoyed by those who
have access to the original manuscripts.

The work is handsomely printed in clear, bold
type, on fine paper, annotated with marginal
references. The State of Maryland, the His-
torical Society, the Committee of Publication,
and the accomplished Editor are all to be con-
gratulated upon the successful results of their
well-directed efforts.

more's Dispute with Jesuit Missionaries ; The
Act of 1649 concerning Religion ; and the Jes-
uit Mission, are the principal topics embodied in
this concise little treatise, which bears the impress
of careful study, and is written in clear, forcible
English.

MARYLAND IN THE BEGINNING. A

Brief Submitted to the Historical and Politi-
cal Science Association of Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity. By Edward D. Neill. Pamphlet.
8vo. pp. 54. Baltimore : Cushings & Bailey.
1884.

The Maryland charter ; the Embarkation of
Colonists ; the Faith of the Colonists ; Arrival in
Maryland ; The First Commissioners — Thomas
Cornwallis, Jerome Hawley, and Leonard Cal-
vert ; Leading Men in the Beginning — Justinian
Snow, Henry Fleet, and George Evelyn ; Balti-

APPLETON'S GUIDE TO MEXICO, In-
cluding a Chapter on Guatemala, and a com-
plete English-speaking Vocabulary. By Al-
fred R. Conkling. LL.B., Ph.B. With a
Railway Map and Illustrations. i2mo. pp.
378. D. Appleton & Co. New York. 1884.

Mexico is fast becoming one of the most in-
teresting countries in the world. Hence it is no
matter of wonder that the want of a guide-man-
ual should have of late been keenly felt by the
throngs of tourists, capitalists and speculators
visiting that country, or that the demand should
have met with an intelligent response in the ap-
pearance of such a necessary volume. But* we
hardly looked for so extensive an amount of
useful and general information as we find con-
densed into these well-digested pages. How to
reach Mexico, the cost and methods of travel,
and the proper season for a visit, whether of
pleasure or profit, are natural inquiries quickly
answered in the opening chapter. But as we turn
the leaves one after another we acquire wisdom in
a multitude of unexpected directions, more par-
ticularly in relation to history and chronology,
geography and topography, literature, concern-
ing important ruins, commerce, architecture,
painting, mineral wealth, geology, zoology, ag-
riculture, religion, and education. We are
nearly half through the book, our interest
thoroughly aroused in Mexico, its condition, its
progress, and its needs, when we reach Part
Second, and begin a new lesson in Mexico's
"Cities and Routes of Travel." The work
abounds in illustrations, and its railway maps
are excellent. It is the best and most complete
guide-book to a great and growing country that
we have ever seen. Its information is presented
in agreeable style, its reading matter is attract-
ive, and it is the only book of this description
concerning Mexico known to exist. The trav-
eler henceforward will, we predict, make this
model manual as much a part of his luggage
as his hand-glass or pocket-knife.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND LETTERS OF
ORVILLE DEWEY, D.D. Edited by his
daughter, Mary E. Dewey. i2mo. pp. 366.
Roberts Brothers. Boston. 1S83.

With the exception of Dr. Channing, no cler-
gyman occupied a more prominent position in

184

BOOK NOTICES

the early annals of American Unitarianism than
Dr. Dewey. The sketch of his own life, written
in his declining years, occupies the first . one
hundred and sixteen pages of this volume, and
while it reveals but little of the real man as he
appeared in the most active and influential part
of his career, it is charmingly readable. He de-
scribes the little town of Sheffield, where he was
born, in 1794, and tells how his grandparents
came there through the woods on horseback,
from Westfield, before any roads were built ; he
gives us glimpses of his child-life, of school ex-
hibitions in the meeting-house — the stage laid
upon the pews — of holidays, singing-schools,
militia musters, of the books he read in his
youth, of his first acquaintance with Dr. Chan-
ning, of the distinguished men he met in after
years, and of many varied and interesting expe-
riences. He presents a graphic account of the
church on the corner of Mercer and Prince
Streets, New York City, over which he was in-
stalled pastor in 1835 ; of its destruction by fire
in 1837, and of the erection of its successor — the
Church of the Messiah — in 1839. Among the
New Yorkers of whom he speaks are Peter
Cooper, Joseph Curtis, and William Cullen Bry-
ant, who were members of his congregation.
He often visited Moses Grinnell in his hospi-
table home, meeting there Washington Irving
and other notables. Jonathan Goodhue, the
great merchant, he says, "was a man whom
nobody that knew him can ever forget. Tall
and fine-looking in person, simple and earnest
in manner, with such a warmth in his accost that
to shake hands with him was to feel happier for
it all the day after. I remember passing down
Wall Street one day when old Robert Lenox was
standing by his side. After one of those warm
greetings I passed on, and Mr. Lenox said:
' Who is that ? ' ' Mr. Dewey, a clergyman of a
church in the city.' 'Of which church?' said
Mr. Lenox. ' Of the Unitarian Church.' ' The
Lord have mercy upon him ! ' said the old man.
It was a good prayer, and I have no doubt it
was kindly made."

Dr. Dewey's health failing, he traveled exten-
sively in Europe and elsewhere ; he passed a few
winters in Washington. He does not seem to
have been satisfied with the results of his study
of the philosophy of history and humanity, and
complains of his "understanding falling into
contradiction with the judgments it formed last
month or last year." He held positive views on
the question of slavery, to which he gave forcible
expression in a time of great excitement, that
" the law must be obeyed," which brought upon
him an immeasurable torrent of abuse. He was
gifted in oratory, and as a preacher will be best
remembered by the public. His daughter has
made a wise selection from his correspondence,
which adds greatly to the substantial value of the
volume.

THE ANDOVER REVIEW. Vol. I., No.
I. Published monthly. . Houghton, Mifflin
& Co., Boston.

The publication of a new religious monthly,
edited by five theological professors, is in itself
an event in periodical literature worthy of special
notice. It announces for its object positive and
constructive work in the sphere of opinion and
belief, rather than controversy, and will advo-
cate the method and spirit of Progressive Ortho-
doxy. One of its notable features will be the
survey by competent writers of the religious
condition of other countries, particularly of those
in which missionaries are actively at work. Ques-
tions relating to the building of society at the
West, and to its reconstruction at the South, will
be discussed by men engaged in the work ; and
practical studies in Sociology will be given from
time to time. It promises also to become a crit-
ical organ in Biblical, historical and philosoph-
ical matters. The initial number of this new and
interesting publication covers one hundred and
twenty royal octavo pages. Its leading article
is by Professor Egbert C. Smyth, one of the edi-
tors, and is an admirable presentation of the
theological position of the Review. Washington
Gladden, D.D., writes of Christianity and
./Estheticism ; Professor Jewett, of the Norris
gifts to the Andover Seminary ; Rev. Charles
H. Parkhurst, D.D., of New York, contributes
A Bible Study— The Unjust Steward ; Pro-
fessor Harris writes of the Doctrine of Sacred
Scriptures, which is substantially a review of
Professor Ladd's recent work ; Augustus F.
Beard, D.D., surveys the Huguenot churches of
modern France in a particularly happy manner,
bringing together a mass of facts never before
collected into the same relationship ; and Miss
Caroline Hazard contributes, two short poems.
There is also an editorial department, with notes,
notices and other matters of moment, not least
among which may be found a chapter of intelli-
gence from the Sixth International Congress of
Orientalists, held at Leyden, September 10-15,
1883, that brought together more than two hun-
dred scholars from various parts of the world. The
editors of the Andover Review are Professors
Egbert C. Smyth, William J. Tucker, J. W.
Churchill, George Harris, and Edward Y.
Hincks. We cordially commend this new en-
terprise to the careful attention of our readers.

ANNOUNCEMENT-^The Griswold Family
of Connecticut — in three parts, the first of which
appears in our current issue — a most agreeable
as well as scholarly chapter of history, biogra-
phy, and genealogy combined, by Professor Ed-
ward E. Salisbury, of New Haven, will be con-
tinued through the March and April numbers of
the Magazine. — Editor.

^it^/u/en, dey. den. v^eraJcrn. nOuMe\

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. XI MARCH 1884 No.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS
II.

THE LAST ELEVEN.

IN the paper on the first ten presidents which was printed in the Febru-
ary number of this Magazine it was shown that the average length of

presidential service has considerably decreased as the years of the
Republic have grown in number. A not less interesting fact is that the
age at which men are called to the presidency has also decreased to a sur-
prising extent, the decrease beginning with the second division of the list.
Taking only the years of their ages, and omitting the months, we find that
the average age of the first ten presidents, at the time of entering upon
the office, was fifty-eight and eight-tenths years ; while that of the last
eleven has been only fifty-three and nine-elevenths years. Indeed only
two of the eleven had reached the average age of the first ten at the time
of their inauguration. These two were Taylor and Buchanan.

When we remember that five of the first ten served for eight years
each, while only one of the last eleven did so, it will be seen that the dif-
ference is still more marked between the average age of presidents in office
during the first fifty-six years, and that of those in office during the last
forty years.

But if we divide the whole list of presidents into four groups — three of
five each and one of six — it will be seen that the decrease has been con-
fined entirely to the last two groups — the last eleven presidents. The
average age of the first five — from Washington to Monroe — was precisely
the same as that of the second five, — from John Quincy Adams to Tyler, —
namely, fifty-eight and eight-tenths years. With the third group of five,
however — from Polk to Buchanan — the decline was sharp, the average
being only fifty-six years. With the remaining six — from Lincoln to
Arthur — it sinks to fifty-two years.

Vol. XI.— No. 3.— 13

1 86

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

[From

an Engraving by H. Wright Smith.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 1 87

The oldest president ever put into office was Harrison, who was sixty-
eight years of age at the time of his inauguration. The youngest was
General Grant, who became president at forty-seven.

One or two further facts of a curious character may be mentioned before
we turn to the consideration of the group of presidents whose portraits
accompany the present article. The century that gave birth to the union
of thirteen States, gave birth also to thirteen of the presidents, namely the
first twelve and Mr. Buchanan. Fillmore was the first president whose
birth occurred in the nineteenth century, and he was born in the first year
of the century. Two presidents have died in office from natural causes ;
two have died by criminal violence. Two of those who have succeeded
from the vice-presidency have broken with the party that elected them.
One president — James Buchanan — was a bachelor ; and one — John Tyler
— was married during his term of office.

The election of Polk was in the nature of a plebiscitum. Personally
he was far less distinguished than his opponent, Mr. Clay. His party had
been in the minority at the last preceding election, and, upon purely party
grounds, his nomination was scarcely the strongest that could have been
made. That is to say, he was not the foremost leader of the Democrats.
On the contrary, he was a comparatively obscure man in polities, although
he had served for a considerable time in Congress and had been speaker of
the House of Representatives. He was scarcely anybody's first choice for
the nomination, but he was voted for in the convention because no one of
the more prominent leaders could secure the necessary two-thirds vote.
He was chosen by way of compromise, and his nomination gave great
offense to many Democrats. There were sharp divisions in that party, too,
on questions of policy, and these seemed still further to diminish Polk's
chances of election. On the other hand, the Whigs had nominated Mr.
Clay, their undisputed leader and a statesman of the highest reputation
throughout the country. His political standing and personal popularity
were so great that for a time his election was regarded as certain. In Au-
gust, 1844, so shrewd a political seer as Governor R. P. Letcher wrote to
Buchanan, earnestly warning him, in the interest of his own political
future, to avoid activity in behalf of Polk. " Polk has no more chance to
be elected," he wrote, " than if he were now dead and buried and damned,
as he will be in due time."

But the election turned upon other than mere party questions, or ques-
tions of personal popularity. The people were called upon to decide by
their votes whether or not Texas should be annexed to the Union. The
election of Clay would have been a decision in the negative ; the election

1 88 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

of Polk was a decision in the affirmative. The desire of the South to in-
crease southern territory, and the more general wish of the people of other
parts of the country to enlarge the national domain, were strongly re-
inforced by the fear that Texas, if left unannexed, might fall into English
or other unfriendly possession ; and the popular interest in this question
overbore all other considerations. The election became, as I have said, a
plebiscitum, to decide whether or not an imperial domain should be added
to the territory of the Republic, and; upon that issue chiefly, Polk was
chosen President by a considerable electoral majority. The will of the
people was so distinctly expressed in favor of annexation, that Congress
passed the measure without waiting for the new President's inauguration.
During his term the war with Mexico, which had been foreseen as a neces-
sary consequence, ensued, and Polk conducted that and the other affairs
of the country with vigor and success in administration.

We now encounter another of those anomalies of which our political his-
tory is full. The Mexican war had been a Democratic measure, and the
Whigs had bitterly denounced it as such. It had added an imperial pos-
session of untold value to the country's domain, and in its course had given
additional luster to American arms. In the natural order of events the
glory and the gain should have inured to the benefit of the Democratic
party which had brought about the war in opposition to the Whigs. But
the Whigs quickly seized upon the results and turned them to their own
advantage. They selected the chief heroes of the struggle for their presi-
dential candidates in the next two elections, and in the first of them they
won by virtue of the popularity of the war which they had so bitterly de-
nounced as a wicked measure of their opponents.

In Taylor's case, at least, if not in Scott's, their choice was determined
almost solely by the fact of his great prominence in that war and his con-
sequent popularity. He was not in any sense a Whig leader. It was even
doubtful, at first, whether he was a Whig at all, and it was necessary to
ask him in order to find out. He cared so little for politics that he had
not voted for forty years, and hence had never voted for any Whig can-
didate, as that party was then less than forty years old. In declaring his
allegiance to the party that proposed him for the chief magistracy of the
country he was careful to qualify his profession of faith by saying that he
was " a Whig, but not an ultra Whig." Certainly he had not been ultra in
his support of his party, and there was a good deal of dissatisfaction
among the Whig leaders when he was nominated. They had among their
number some of the foremost statesmen in the country, including both
Clay and Webster, while Taylor was not a statesman at all. Webster

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

189

^^<£^^^

1849.

called him an " ignorant frontier colonel/' which was not altogether a cor-
rect characterization, for he was not a colonel, but a major-general, whose
rank had been fairly won by good work in his profession. But he was
certainly ignorant. He knew nothing of civil affairs, and had received a
very meager education in his youth. He was a frontiersman and a soldier,
and nothing else. He had shrewdness and ability, but his mind had been
trained only in military affairs.

Taylor had, however, precisely the qualities which had won popular
favor for Jackson and Harrison. He was a man of the people. His life

190 OUR TWENTY- ONE PRESIDENTS

had been adventurous and dramatic. He had won the admiring nick-
name of " Old Rough and Ready," as Jackson had that of " Old Hickory."
His military achievements had been remarkable, and of a kind to arouse
popular admiration. As the hero of Palo Alto and Buena Vista, he
brought to the service of the Whigs the glory of a war which they had op-
posed, and helped them to win by means of that very enthusiasm for con-
quest which had overthrown them four years before. His nomination,
like that of Harrison, was founded exclusively upon considerations of
availability, and his election was due to the fervor of popular admiration
for the man and his exploits of arms rather than to popular convictions
with respect to questions of national policy. Such questions, indeed,
scarcely entered into the campaign at all, and if they had done so, Taylor
knew very little concerning them. He expressed serious doubt of his own
fitness to deal with civil affairs, and the statesmen of his party shared his
doubts very sincerely. But his name was a watchword among the people.
He represented personal prowess, and — more important still — striking
success in arms ; and these, as two previous elections had shown, were the
chief subjects of popular admiration. Those very deficiencies of education
and of experience in civil affairs which excited doubt in the minds of the
judicious, commended the candidate to the favor of the people. They
liked him the better because he was a plain man, unfamiliar with political
life and untrained in the schools. In calling him " Old Rough and Ready,"
they admiringly emphasized the roughness quite as much as the readiness.
His war-horse was more talked about than his political principles. A men-
tion of " Old Whitey " in a speech called forth more applause than any
exposition of Whig doctrines could. It was a time of wild enthusiasm for
the glorification of a popular hero. Taylor had battled with the Indians
in hand-to-hand conflicts. He had conquered the Rio Grande valley. He
had overthrown Mexican armies outnumbering his own three to one. The
American name was exalted in him, and the common people, especially,
were represented in his person and character. For these things they meant
to make him president. They crowned themselves with " Buena Vista "
hats and honored their hero with their votes, knowing and caring little
about the questions on which the two great political parties were at vari-
ance. Their patriotism found more natural expression in the elevation of
a man who had done so much to exalt the country's name than it could
have found in efforts to promote one or another policy in the conduct of
affairs ; and it cannot be doubted that there is a certain salt of sincerity in
such expressions of patriotism which is by no means to be despised as a
factor of safety in a Republic. The love of country which takes this con-

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

I91

1849-1853.

\From an engraving by H. Wright Smith.]

I92 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

crete, personal form, is not very thoughtful or very judicious ; but it is
sound and desperately in earnest, and it is a spirit which may be depended
upon to serve the nation faithfully in times of stress. It makes of the
Republic a goddess to be worshiped, and of the people willing sacrifices,
ready, if need be, to suffer a glad martyrdom in defense of the flag. It
does not discriminate nicely with respect to measures or the personal
qualifications of men ; but it exalts patriotism as the first of virtues, and
stimulates devotion to the Republic by rewarding it unstintedly.

Mr. Fillmore, who, as vice-president, succeeded to the presidency on the
death of Taylor, was also a man of the people, but in a different sense.
Born of poor parents, he received a very meager education, and early
began to support himself by manual labor. But his advancement came to
him by virtue of personal effort for improvement. He supplied the defi-
ciencies of his early training by later study and by association with men of
education. He acquired a thorough knowledge of the law, and won dis-
tinction at the bar. In politics his success was achieved by earnest work
in the direction of statesmanship, and it was as a statesman that he
received the nomination for vice-president.

His political course presented some contradictions, which appear to
have resulted from his sincerity in following his convictions, even when
these suffered change and involved inconsistency. He did not share the
Whig views respecting the old National Bank, but he once put forth a sug-
gestion of his own for a national banking system not unlike that which is
now in existence. In Congress he was early numbered among anti-slavery
men ; he supported John Quincy Adams in the celebrated controversy
respecting the right of petition ; he advocated the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and the suppression of the slave trade among the
states ; and he opposed the annexation of Texas except under conditions
similar to those that were afterward embodied in the Wilmot Proviso. Yet
as president he approved the Compromise measures of 1850, and lost what-
ever chance he had for the nomination of his party in the next election by
signing and seeking to enforce the Fugitive Slave Law. After the ques-
tions growing out of slavery had become the chief subjects of dispute in
national politics, he accepted a nomination for the presidency at the hands
of those of his party associates who refused to follow the main body into
the new Republican organization.

In the election of 1852 both parties had difficulty in choosing their
candidates, and both in the end passed their foremost statesmen by to
nominate men of less prominence in politics. The Democratic convention
was divided between Buchanan, Marcy, Cass, Douglas, Dickinson and

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

193

-^5lg^g^

[From an engraving

1853-1857.

by H. Wright Smith.}

194 0UR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

other leaders, but no one of them could win the necessary number of
votes. It was only after thirty-five ballotings had resulted in nothing that
the Virginia delegates suggested Franklin Pierce as a compromise candi-
date, and he was not nominated until the forty-ninth balloting was
reached.

The Whig convention had still greater difficulty, and after fifty-two bal-
lotings nominated General Scott.

Pierce was almost unknown to the country. He had served creditably
in both houses of Congress, but had made no national reputation. He had
also fought well as a brigadier-general of volunteers in the Mexican war,
but neither his rank nor his services there had been of a kind to make him
a popular hero. The great majority of the people had never heard of him
in any capacity. So little was he known, indeed, that his name was at first
variously printed at the head of the columns of his own party journals,
appearing sometimes as " Frank Pierce," sometimes as " Franklin O.
Pierce," and sometimes correctly. At a loss for something to say about
him, one editor resorted to a sort of fortune-telling, and predicted Pierce's
election to be the fourteenth president because there were just fourteen
letters in his name, and because the letters " F. P." were the initials of
"fourteenth president " as well as of Franklin Pierce.

The Whigs, on the other hand, by their nomination of the remaining
hero of the Mexican war appealed again to the popular spirit which had
served them so well in 1848. Scott had the advantage, too, of a brilliant
earlier reputation won at Lundy's Lane.

So far, the advantage seemed to lie with the Whigs ; but the fervor of
the war spirit was spent, or, to put the matter more accurately, other sub-
jects of strenuous interest occupied the attention of the people. The slav-
ery question, which had so seriously disturbed the country during Taylor's
and Fillmore's administrations, was felt to be the most menacing thing that
the future held in store for us, and throughout the land there was an eager
desire to set it forever at rest if that might be. A new party had arisen
whose purpose was agitation, and whose cardinal doctrine was that of ac-
tive opposition to the extension of slavery ; and although this new party's
strength was still comparatively insignificant, its existence aroused the
people to a sense of danger and increased their eagerness to put the whole
subject out of politics by the emphatic declaration of their will that the
Compromise measures of 1850 should be deemed a final settlement of that
question.

In adopting their platforms, the two parties pronounced in favor of that
course with equal emphasis. But the Democratic declaration of intention

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

££b%^

2,£?>?Z^Z<7t

1857-1861.

[From an engraving by H. Wright Smith. ]

I96 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

to " resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation
of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be
made," expressed the general if not the universal opinion of the party ;
and the candidate chosen was in the fullest accord with the doctrine set
forth. The Whig resolutions to the same effect were equally strong, but
were by no means equally representative of party sentiment. They were
adopted by the convention, but there was a stormy minority in that body
which voted against the declaration. Moreover, seventy of the delegates
from northern states, who voted against the measure, were the active
supporters of Scott for the nomination, in opposition to Webster, Fillmore,
and other Whig leaders, and so his nomination was understood to be, in a
sense, the triumph of that part of the Whig party — and it was a consider-
able part — which refused to be bound by the act of the majority and
declined to regard the resolutions embodied in the platform as a true
expression of Whig doctrine.

The effect of ali this was to place the Democratic party and candidate
before the people as the representatives of the popular wish for peace on
this question, and to give to Pierce's election somewhat the character of a
popular decision against the further agitation of a subject which gravely
threatened the future of the country. The Democrats were united in this
purpose, while the Whigs were divided and were supporting a candidate
whose nomination had been sought by that part of the party which refused
to give a pledge against agitation.

The election showed how general the desire was to remove the subject
of slavery from politics, and to avoid disturbing the compromise already
made. Pierce received 254 electoral votes, and Scott but 42. Moreover,
two of the four states which alone voted for Scott were southern — namely
Kentucky and Tennessee- — and it is obvious that for their votes he was
indebted to the general strength of the Whig party within their borders,
and not to any sympathy existing there with those Whigs in the north
who refused to accept the declaration of the convention as binding upon
the party.

The election that made Pierce president was the last national contest
in which the Whig party had an active share. It had never succeeded in
breaking the power of its opponents. Twice, indeed, its candidates had
been elected to the presidency ; but in both cases the success was due, as
we have seen, to special circumstances and to the personal popularity and
military repute of the candidates. Moreover, both the presidents elected
by the Whigs died in office, the one within a month, the other a little
more than a year after his inauguration. In the first case, the succeeding

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

197

1861-1865.

{From an engraving by H. Wright Smith.]

198 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

vice-president, by acting with the Democrats, deprived the party of the
fruits of its victory ; in the other, the course of the vice-president, after
his accession to the chief-magistracy, was offensive to a large minority of
the party. Thus, during the whole period of its existence, the Whig
organization had held control of the executive office for only four years,
and then in a way displeasing to many of the Whigs.

This want of success doubtless contributed to the party's decay ; but a
more active cause was at work to that end. The election of Pierce did
not settle the slavery question. The agitation which it was intended to
suppress not only continued, but increased in violence and stress. In con-
nection with the territories, the relations of the country to slavery became
the subject of paramount and almost exclusive interest. Men who had
hoped and labored to remove the question from politics were forced to
take sides upon it, to join actively in its agitation, and to determine their
party relations by that single test.

The insignificant Free Soil party of 1852 had become the Republican
party in 1856, and it was then the only real contestant of Democratic
supremacy in national affairs. It had destroyed the Whig party, by draw-
ing to itself the anti-slavery element and driving the pro-slavery Whigs
into the camp of their ancient enemies.

The Republicans nominated Fremont, because of his supposed avail-
ability, in preference to any one of its statesmen of recognized political
ability, of whom there were many in the party of no little distinction in
national politics.

The Democrats, for the first time in many years, nominated one of
their representative leaders, Mr. Buchanan. A third party, consisting
mainly of old Whigs who were unwilling either to follow their former
associates in supporting the Republican candidate, or to unite with the
Democrats, nominated Mr. Fillmore.

The fact that questions relating to slavery were almost the only issues
of the campaign, gave to party divisions a much more distinctly geograph-
ical character than they had ever before assumed. Both candidates for
the presidency were citizens of Northern States, it is true ; but with Mr.
Buchanan the Democrats had nominated a Southerner for Vice-President,
while both of the Republican candidates were from the North. More-
over, while the Democratic candidate relied upon the South for the greater
part of his strength, the Republicans had neither support nor the hope of
support in that quarter. As if to emphasize this dangerous point still
more strongly, Mr. Buchanan's nomination was secured in opposition to
the wish of Mr. Douglas's friends by the activity of a prominent South-

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

1865-1869.

\From an engraving by H. Wright Smith.']

200 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

erner in the convention. It was thus, in a sense, the South that nomi-
nated him.

In the election, Buchanan received the electoral votes of five Northern
States and of every Southern State except Maryland, which voted for
Fillmore. Fremont carried the rest of the Northern States, receiving 114
electoral votes, against 174 for Buchanan and 8 for Fillmore.

Buchanan had been one of the most prominent Democratic leaders for a
long period. He was held in high respect by his associates, and had long
been regarded as a probable candidate for the Presidency. In early life he
had been a Federalist, but, in common with the great majority of the ad-
herents of that party, he changed his political relations after the war of
1 8 12, in which he served as a volunteer. From that time until his death —
more than half a century later — he remained a Democrat, and was nearly
always in public life. He served five terms in the House of Representa-
tives ; was sent as Minister to Russia by Jackson ; was elected to the Senate
in 1833, and continued a Senator until 1844, when he left the Senate to
accept the office of Secretary of State under Polk ; he was Minister to
England under Pierce, and finally became president. Next to Harrison, he
was the oldest of the presidents at the time of his election.

The political history of Mr. Buchanan's administration is that of the
continued growth of the excitement over the slavery question. The Dred
Scott decision and the Harper's Ferry raid greatly intensified the feeling
upon both sides, and there was no longer a hope, even in the minds of the
most hopeful, of avoiding a direct political conflict upon this single issue.
The Democratic party itself could no longer maintain its unity. It was
divided into two parts, representing radically different policies, each of
which nominated its own candidate for the succession, while a part of
what would otherwise have been its strength was drawn off by still another
nomination — that of Mr. Bell — which was made in the hope that it might
serve as a means of reuniting the opposition to the Republican party.
That party, notwithstanding its rapid growth in numbers, had not yet
secured the allegiance of a majority of the people. In the election there
were 4,645,390 votes cast, of which Mr. Lincoln received only 1,857,610,
while the votes against him numbered 2,787,780, divided among the other
three candidates. His electoral majority, however, was the decisive one
of 180 against 123. The division between the two sections was sharply
drawn ; the electoral votes of every free State were cast for Mr. Lincoln ;
those of every slave State against him.

The campaign which resulted in this way has sometimes been likened
to that in which Harrison was elected, but the resemblance is rather

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

20 1

1877-

[From an engrav.

ng by H. Wright Smithy

Vol. XL— No. 3— 14

202

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

1877-1881.

[From an engraving by H. Wright Smith.]

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 203

fancied than real. The humble plainness of Mr. Lincoln's early life on the
frontier was somewhat talked about during the canvass, but the election
turned upon a great question of national politics, in which every voter on
both sides was deeply and even passionately interested. Mr. Lincoln's
early experiences were accidents, merely, in his career. He was not
nominated because of them, nor were they factors in his election. To dis-
cover a resemblance between the two campaigns is to trifle with fancies,
losing sight of the deeply significant facts of history.

Mr. Lincoln had grown up in the West when the West was new, and, in
common with all others so placed, he had been engaged in youth and early
manhood in various occupations involving hard manual labor. His educa-
tion was meager only as that of his neighbors was, and he repaired its
deficiencies by every means in his power. Long before his nomination
for the presidency he was prominent at the bar of a State where the law-
yers were men of learning in their profession, and where something more
than untrained ability was requisite to such success as he had achieved.
He had made his mark in politics, too, and, especially in his contests with
Douglas, had won recognition as a man of large capacity in statesmanship.
It was as a statesman of known ability, and as one of the foremost repre-
sentatives of his party's principles that he was nominated ; certainly the
homely surroundings of his boyhood and the rude labors of his early
manhood had nothing whatever to do with the result. It was not the
rail-splitter nor the flat-boatman that was nominated, but the states-
man who had met Douglas in debate and had aptly formulated the doc-
trines of the Republicans in phrases which had become the party's watch-
words. Neither was it as a compromise candidate, too obscure to have
excited the enmity of factions, that he received the nomination. On the
first ballot in convention his vote stood second only to that of Seward.
On the second ballot the two leaders received almost an equal number of
votes, and on the third Lincoln was nominated.

It is necessary to mention these facts, because in the popular under-
standing of the matter, and still more in the foreign conception of it, his-
toric truth is perverted and the significance of historic facts is misinter-
preted.

Mr. Lincoln's administration exactly covered the period of the civil
war, and with its history we have nothing to do in this particular connec-
tion. The conflict was substantially at an end when President Lincoln fell
by the hand of an assassin, creeping stealthily from behind, while sitting
with his family and friends in his box at the theater, on the evening of the
fourteenth of April, 1865.

204 OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

With the accession of Johnson in 1865, we reach the end of what may
be called the historical period of American politics. The civil war over-
turned the old order of things, and reconstituted the republic upon a new
basis. All that has since occurred in public affairs belongs to the politics
of the present, with which it is not yet time to deal historically. In writ-
ing of the presidents who have succeeded Mr. Lincoln, therefore, we must
confine our attention strictly to a brief mention of matters of biograph-
ical interest unconnected with the political events of their several elections
and the conduct of their administrations.

Several of the presidents began life with meager educational advantages,
but President Johnson alone began with none at all. He was not taught
even to read, but was earning his living as a tailor's apprentice when the
desire to master that art first seized him. It was not until after his mar-
riage that he took his first lessons in writing and the elements of arithmetic,
his wife being his teacher. He seems always to have been interested in
the affairs of state and to have relished debate and public oratory. It was
from hearing another read the oratorical selections in the " American
Speaker " that he first caught the desire to read, and when he was living
in Greenville, Tennessee, in a house only ten feet square, which served the
double purpose of home and shop, he was an active member of a local
debating society. A little later he took part in an election, and was made
alderman, and then mayor. He was a presidential elector in 1840, and can-
vassed a large part of the State, meeting upon the stump several of the lead-
ing Whig orators. From that time forward he became steadily more prom-
inent in politics, serving in the legislature, in both houses of Congress, and
as governor of Tennessee — some four years — before the war. He opposed
secession, and was active in the service of the Union throughout the war.
Mr. Lincoln appointed him military governor of Tennessee, and in 1864 he
was elected vice-president. He was a man of robust intellect, great te-
nacity of purpose, and unbounded courage. His industry and his quickness
of perception enabled him, without much of systematic study, to make good
his lack of education, especially in those directions in which his ambition
created the need of information.

Of the four presidents who have held office since Johnson's term ended
— viz., Grant, Hayes, Garfield and Arthur — General Grant is the only one
whose election was the direct result of his military achievements. When
the army of General Lee surrendered to him, his ultimate elevation to the
highest office in the nation depended solely upon his willingness to accept
it. He alone of the four was educated as a soldier, but all four were well
educated in youth.

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

205

{From the original photograph^

2o6

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS

1881-1885.
[From a late photograph bv C. M. Bell, Washington, D. C]

OUR TWENTY-ONE PRESIDENTS 207

Three of these are living, and for the other the country has scarcely yet
put off its mourning. To write of their public life now, would be in-
congruous in a magazine of the character of this. Their portraits have a
proper place in our gallery, but the events of their lives, however interest-
ing to the world, have not yet become history.

t£^>^^2ut^

[The reader will be interested in learning that the eight uniform portraits which accompany
Mr. Eggleston's article, after engravings by H. Wright Smith, were never before published. The
steel plates, from which only a few prints had been made, were destroyed in the Boston fire. A se-
ries of nineteen Presidential Portraits — Washington to Hayes — had been completed for a magnifi-
cent volume containing Biographical Sketches and an Introductory Essay by John Fiske, A.M.,
LL.B., Assistant Librarian of Harvard University, author of " Myths and Myth-Makers," " Out-
lines of Cosmic Philosophy," and other works, and was to have been shortly issued from the press
of Elisha F. Thayer & Co., but for the calamity above mentioned. " No pains have been spared,"
wrote the author in his Introductory Essay, " to secure a perfect likeness of each President, or to
have the work performed in the highest style of the art. The engravings have all been executed
by H. Wright Smith, who is admitted to be without an equal in his profession ; and a single hand
gives unity as well as thoroughness to the work. The likenesses have in every case been taken
from the best portraits — by Stuart, Healy, and other eminent artists — in possession of friends or of
public bodies, and their perfect correctness attested by the ablest authorities. ... To the vis-
itor at Edinburgh there is nothing more interesting, even in that grandest and most picturesque of
cities, than the long array of portraits of Scottish Kings which adorn the walls of one of the vener-
able rooms in Holyrood Palace. Nor in a journey through France is one likely to meet with any
thing more impressive than the marble group of national heroes — the doughty Du Guesclin, the
peerless Bayard, the generous Lannes, and a score of others — who stand as perpetual sentinels,
watchful of their country's fortunes, in the court of the great palace at Versailles. It is a good
thing to have .the past thus made real to us and kept before us, and to become familiar with the
faces of the men who have been associated, in one way or another, with the labors and struggles
through which our modern civilization has been wrought. In a certain true sense the faces and
characters of our Presidents are more intimately correlated with some of the phases of national life
than in the case of hereditary sovereigns such as those whose portraits are to be seen in Holyrood ;
and this series illustrates in many ways the changes that have come over our social life since the
time of the Revolution. Our own country has no Versailles or Holyrood, but there is no reason
why a national portrait gallery in book form, may not be a valued companion at every fireside in
the land." — Editor.]

THE BARONY OF NAZARETH*

In the heart of Northampton County, one of the original counties of
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, there is a charming tract of rolling
country, rich in springs and watercourses, and in grain-growing capacities,
consisting of five thousand acres. This tract once formed " The Barony of
Nazareth."

The story of all the formalities of the old " Court Baron," with its pecul-
iar dispensation of domestic justice, the record of all the ceremonious
services which the tenants owed by reason of their feudal tenure to the
Lord or Lady of the Barony, all these golden threads of history's romance
have no monument save in the frail recollections of memory, no means of
reaching future ages except through the indistinctness of tradition.

Lady Letitia, the daughter of " William Penn, of Worminghurst, in the
County of Sussex, Eng.," was the first ruler of the Barony. From the
grantor she had the privilege of holding " Court Baron" and views of frank
pledge for the conservation of the peace. It was held in trust for her sole
use and behoot by the good friend of her father, Sir John Fagg. But her
title to the Barony became more secure by the deed, dated the twenty-fifth
day of September, a.d. 1731, when her half brothers, John Penn, Thomas
Penn, and Richard Penn, released to her all their rights, title, and interest
in the Barony. However, there was a consideration in this deed which
called for the yearly payment of One Red Rose by the Lady Letitia to
the grantors. I have before me, as I write, a copy of that deed, from which
I quote the following: " Released and Confirmed unto the said Letitia
Aubrey, her heirs and assigns for evermore — but TO BE H OLDEN of John
Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, their heirs and assigns, in free and
common socage, as of the seigniory of Windsor, on YIELDING AND PAYING
therefor to the said John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, their
heirs and assigns, ' One Red Rose ' on the twenty-fourth day of June
yearly, if the same shall be demanded, in full for all SERVICES, CUSTOMS,
and Rents."

Although there is no positive or reliable record of the manner of the
payment of this One Red Rose, still tradition gives us a pleasing account
of the picturesque formalities observed on the 24th day of June, when the

* The author gathered the facts for this article from the papers of the late Maurice C. Jones,
of Bethlehem, Pa.

THE BARONY OF NAZARETH 209

payment of this rent fell due ; but the account is of such an unreliable
nature, that only the poet's pen would be privileged to preserve it.

The old customs of the Barony were of not a long life, for in the sum-
mer of 1 741 the tract was sold to the Moravians. The Moravian Church is
well known by its early and noble work in the widely distant centers in
Greenland, Labrador, Canada, West Indies, Australia ; in fact, its ministers
have shown almost the heroic perseverance and wonderful fortitude of the
Catholic missionaries in carrying the word of God to distant lands. There
is many a place in America which founds its prosperity of to-day on the
industry and economy of the. Moravians of the forgotten past. Many fields
of rich soil have been rescued from the overgrowing forests by the Mora-
vian forefathers, and through their toil many a wilderness has been made
to blossom as the rose. The American Moravian Church is an integral
part of the Moravian Unity, whose organic center is at Herrnhut, Saxony.
It was this Church that purchased the Barony and colonized the Borough
of Nazareth, situated about the center of the large tract of land. They
lived here somewhat after the manner of the primitive Christians — in an
Economy. Happy years and halcyon days rolled on, until 175 1, when
orders came from the head Church in Saxony to lay out a village within the
limits of this princely domain, like unto the Moravian villages of the old
country. This village was accordingly laid out by the Bishop so delegated,
preparations were made for the erection of dwellings, and the name of
Gnadenstadt was given to this projected town. Thither the inhabitants of
Nazareth were requested to go, but they could not be prevailed upon to
exchange the poetry of an Economy for the prose life and restrictions of a
municipium. The Economy which had been established in the Barony had
no communistic movements. The aggrandizement of things temporal
either for the individual or for the quasi-corporation, was utterly foreign to
its design and spirit ; the support of a Gospel ministry and missions were
its sole aims. Although the surrender of personal property into a common
treasury was no unusual occurrence, still it was not a requirement for admis-
sion into the Economy. The artisans and husbandmen contributed their
individual labor for the common good, and the necessaries of life were sup-
plied to them in return. The mutual obligation ended here. To aid the
work of the Moravian Church was the object of the Economy, and when
the spirit which animated its founders began to decline, it ceased being of
help to the Church, and soon therefore was dissolved, in the year 1762.

Previous to this, however, and in accordance with the orders from the
Mother Church in Saxony, a large frame caravansary was built in the
Barony. It stood, like a beacon-light, on the very confines of barbarism.

2IO THE BARONY OF NAZARETH

Its presence was hailed with delight by the horsemen and packers journey-
ing along the king's highway to the settlements that dotted both shores of
the Delaware beyond. Such rest did this ancient caravansary give from
the toils of the way, such refreshment to the weary traveler, that it grew
in great favor, and its achievements were heralded far and near. A noble
inn it was, and wore, as it was entitled to wear, a coat-of-arms, which con-
sisted of a full-blown scarlet rose. And hence the inn was known as " Die
Rose." This floral emblem was not bestowed on the lonely hospice because
of its resemblance to the queen of flowers, amidst the scrub oaks of the
surrounding wilderness; it was commemorative of the rent of One Red
Rose, due and payable on the 24th day of every June for all services, cus-
toms, and rents, in accordance with the provisions of the deed to Lady
Letitia.

It is duly recorded in the archives of the Moravian Church that on the
night of the 18th of November, A.D. 1755, the Barony was shaken to its
foundations, and, although the sky overhead was star-lit, still an awful rush-
ing of the wind was experienced, and the distant sound as of booming
cannons was heard ; this pandemonium was at its height, when lo ! the doors
of The Rose swung on their hinges and stood open, and the sleepers at the
inn were rocked in their beds like mariners in hammocks at sea. It will be
remembered that it was during the first part of this very month of Novem-
ber sixty thousand persons perished violently in the city of Lisbon, the
result of that frightful Lisbon earthquake. Was there a connection between
the Lisbon earthquake and those frightful occurrences in the Barony of
Nazareth, although unlike in degree, still nearly synchronous and similar in
character ? I leave the question to the physicist.

This was the first incident to disturb the peaceful harmony of the Baro-
ny, and it was an ominous foreboding of near calamities, for word was
brought within a week therefrom of the Indian surprise and massacre on
the Mahoning, and on the evening of the seventh day sixty or seventy men,
women, and children, terrified beyond measure, came from the wilderness
lying north of the Barony, clamorous for protection from the murdering
Indians. Such was the beginning of a precipitate evacuation of the fron-
tiers, and ere long the Barony was filled with refugees, who formed a pro-
miscuous assemblage of men of diverse nationalities, creeds, and tongues.
The Indian troubles of the frontiers changed the Barony into a place of
refuge, and the dangerousness of the times gave it a martial air. Grain
continued, however, to be raised, and the trees hung full of fruit. But this
ripening was in lawless times, and positive means appear to have been taken
to stop the depredations committed on these Hesperian gardens, for we

THE BARONY OF NAZARETH 211

find the following caution, dated September, 1757: "This is to notify whom
it may concern, that, in these uncertain times, the watch will set their dogs
on, or, if need be, fire upon, all persons, whether white or Indian, who shall
be found trespassing in the orchards at Nazareth." It does not appear by
what authority this ordinance was put up.

There is a waif of Provincial history, which is deserving of attention,
bearing upon the time of which I write. In September, 1757, while Joseph
Keller was assisting his neighbor in plowing, three Indians surprised his
farm-house, situated in the northern part of the Barony, and carried off his
wife and two little boys. This outrage being communicated to Tadens-
pundt, the Delaware king, he immediately despatched three of his Indians
and two whites to Keller's, to ascertain whether any of his subjects had
been concerned in the outrage. The records I have 'do not show the result
of this embassy; it demonstrates, however, the kindly feeling existing
between the King of the Delawares and the Moravians. After 1757 to a
comparative late date, the Barony enjoyed peace.

In 1783, The Rose was plucked from its ancestral stem, for it was sold
by the Moravian Society to Dorst Alleman, but I find before it had faded
entirely, it was honored by a week's visit of Governor John Penn, who came
hither no doubt to relax his mind from the cares of state, by shooting
grouse on the neighboring barrens. The description of the Governor,
which we have in our history of Pennsylvania, tells us that he " was in per-
son of the middle size, reserved in manners, and very near-sighted" from
which I infer that the grouse suffered but little from his attacks.

From 1830, large and frequent sales of lots and tracts of land have been
made by the Moravian Society from the larger tract once comprising the
Barony of Nazareth. These sales and the rough and ever-active hand of
time have almost obliterated the courses of the old Barony. The old Red
Rose, once the pride of the Barony, has long since ceased to bloom — even
its withered leaves have been scattered by the storms of commerce.

The Moravian Society still own a small portion of the old Barony, but
most of the old landmarks have been laid low by the iron hand of ruthless
corporations. In the fierce flood of the coal and iron trade which sweeps
down the Lehigh Valley, through Northampton County, the romantic his-
torical facts which cluster around this section of the country are almost
swept away. It is a pleasure, therefore, to chronicle them, even briefly,
ere they are forgotten.

February, 1884.

RUFUS KING AND THE DUEL BETWEEN GEN. HAMILTON

AND COL. BURR

Among the interesting and readable books which have recently been
published is the autobiography of Charles Biddle, covering a period from the
middle of the last to the first quarter of the present century. He was of
an influential family in Philadelphia, that has furnished many men of note
to the country, and was himself the immediate ancestor of those of the
name who have during the last fifty years been prominent in public affairs.
He was a man of decided character, straightforward and manly, warm in his
friendships, but stern in action toward those who crossed his purposes.
Among the public men of his time whom he held in high regard was Aaron
Burr — a fact clearly evinced in this autobiography — while, on the other
hand, he had few kind words to say of Burr's political opponent, Alexander
Hamilton, except as to his great abilities. After giving some account of
the duel which took place between these two, and which resulted in the
death of Hamilton, Biddle writes : * " If General Hamilton had not opposed
Colonel Burr I have very little doubt he would have been elected Governor
of New York, and if he had it would have been a fortunate circumstance
for the country, as well as for themselves and their families. In this
unfortunate affair Mr. Rufus King was blamed, I think deservedly, for
not endeavoring to prevent this fatal duel. He is the moderate, judicious
friend General Hamilton alluded to in the paper enclosed in his will."

It must be remembered that this was not written at the period of the
occurrence of that sad event, but some years afterward, when to a certain
extent time had softened bitter feelings, and it therefore manifests that in
the minds of some well-meaning men there had been and then was existing
an impression such as that recorded here, in reference to the power of
Rufus King to have prevented the duel — that he did not exert that influence
with General Hamilton, and that he suffered in the minds of honorable
men in consequence.

As this is, I believe, the first time in which this has been publicly
charged in a work of acknowledged character, it seems but right and fitting
that so erroneous a statement should be met at once and corrected. That
Rufus King was the warm and faithful friend of Gen. Hamilton, and that
he prized too highly the services and worth of that distinguished man to

* Autobiography of Charles Biddle, p. 309. Philadelphia, 1883.

RUFUS KING AND THE HAMILTON AND BURR DUEL 213

leave unused any means in his power, short of dishonor, to avert the
calamity which he anticipated as the possible result of a hostile meeting,
was well known, as was also the fact that Gen. Hamilton had counseled with
him. The result of that interview has only been recorded in the paper left
by Gen. Hamilton. Happily among the papers of Rufus King is a state-
ment in his handwriting and signed by him, which will be found below, giv-
ing his account of his agency in the matter, and showing how shocked he
was that the opinion existed at that time, 1819 — and of which he seems
never before to have heard — that he might have prevented the duel. The
letters are as follows :

"Jamaica L. I. April 2 1819
Dear Sir

To my surprise and regret I have been informed that Doctor Mason*
in a late conversation at a dinner Table, stated in reference to the Duel be-
tween Gen1 Hamilton and Col. Burr, in which the former was mortally
wounded, that it was in my power to have prevented the Duel and that
evidence of this Fact could be produced ; a statement which had the effect
of creating the belief that I approved of, and promoted the Duel.

I request that you will take an early opportunity of calling on Doctor
Mason, and in my behalf, assuring him that the reverse of the alleged Fact
is the Truth ; and that so far from approving and promoting the Duel, I
disapproved of it and endeavoured to prevail on General Hamilton not to
meet Col. Burr.

Ask Doctor Mason to furnish you with the evidence to which he referred,
and upon which he thought himself justified in making the foregoing state-
ment ; say to him moreover on my part, that I willingly believe, after
receiving this communication, that he will take greater pleasure in correct-
ing, than he could have experienced in stating a charge, which is so wholly
unfounded. With affectionate regards

I am faithfully yours

Rufus King"
Mr Charles King

On the margin of the rough copy of this letter are the following remarks,
evidently instructions by which his son, Mr. Charles King, was to be guided
in his conversation with Dr. Mason :

" Remark Mr Bogert f gave me this information wh he recd from a Gen-

* John Mitchell Mason, D.D.

f Cornelius J. Bogert, a friend and neighbor at Jamaica.

214 RUFUS KING AND THE HAMILTON AND BURR DUEL

tleman present at this dinner, who was impressed by Dr M's statement
that I encouraged the Duel. Mr Bogert more than once conferred with
this person in order accurately to understand the tenor of Df M's charge
and the impression upon the person in question. Mr. Bogert has seen and
approved of this letter as correct in its recital of wh. was communicated
to him. R. K."

On the reverse side of the letter above quoted and in the handwriting
of Charles King is the following statement :

I received this letter on the 5th April, and in the course of that day
called at Df Mason's house, and was informed by Mfs Mason that the Dr
was in the country arranging his library. Being engaged on the 6* I
deferred repeating the call 'till this afternoon (the 7*), when I saw Dr
Mason, and informing him that I called on the part of my father, who had
heard a report which was very unpleasant to him, I presented him with this
letter as the best mode of explaining the object of my visit. He read it
attentively and returned it to me with the observation, " that there was no
truth at all in the report to which it referred." He then went on to explain
that at the dinner table of Mfs Richards, Mf H. W. Warner, alluding to
the duel of Gen1 Hamilton & Col. Burr, mentioned Mf Pendleton as the
calm and judicious friend, to whom Gen! Hamilton referred, as having taken
his advice, previous to the duel. Dr Mason remarked hereupon that he
understood that friend, to be Mf King — but that this remark was unaccom-
panied with any other or any comment. That Mr Warner had within a
day or two called upon him in much agitation, that they had talked over
this subject, and Mf Warner had left him prepared to give Mf Bogert such
an explanation of what really passed at the dinner already alluded to,
as would do away the unjust inferences that appeared to have v been
drawn from it. I expressed the pleasure I felt at this statement and then
entered into a detail of what really took place between my father and
Gen! Hamilton at their interview on the subject of this unfortunate duel,
specifying particularly, that the only point upon which Gen! Hamilton
asked my father's opinion was whether he, Gen! Hamilton, was bound
to give a definite answer to Burr's inquiry as to whether he, Hamilton, had
at any time or in any place expressed opinions unfavorable or derogatory
to Col. Burr. To which he answered decidedly No — That if Mf Burr would
specify any particular fact, then and then only it would be proper for Gen!
Hamilton to deny or affirm it ; That such should be the tenor of Gen! Ham-
ilton's reply to Burr : That preparatory to and during the discussion of this
question, the main one arose of whether Gen. Hamilton should under any

RUFUS KING AND THE HAMILTON AND BURR DUEL 21 5

circumstances accept a challenge from Mf Burr arose, and that my father
decidedly advised that he should not. But that Gen! Hamilton having
stated that his mind was made up on this subject, as also to throw away his
fire, if they should meet, my father then endeavored to prove to him, that
if he, Mf H., would persist in fighting, he owed it to his family k the
rights of self defence, to fire at his antagonist. Dr Mason replyed, that
these circumstances were new to him ; but that the letter I had then shown
to him, communicated what he did not know, but what he was rejoiced to
find, that my father dissuaded Genf Hamilton from fighting — as his letter
stated he did. I hereupon rose to take my leave, expressing the pleasure I
felt, that a report which could not but be disagreeable to my father, k
unjust to Dr. Mason, had been so satisfactorily explained ; to which Df
Mason rejoined that he was also well pleased at it, and that no man in the
country would rejoice more than himself to see my father occupying that
station in the country which was justly due to him.

I immediately returned home (about J^ past 60. elk P.M.) and committed
the result of this interview to writing.

Wednesday Evg Jih April 18 19. Chas King "

The above letters would suffice to show that at the solemn moment
when friendship could speak with such powerful voice Rufus King was
not wanting in the advice he gave, and should put an end to any repetition
of a calumny to which he should never have been exposed. But as I have
in my possession some other letters bearing upon the duel, I have thought
their publication might be of interest in this connection.

In Gen. Hamilton's letter to Sedgwick, July 10, 1804, speaking of the
" Dismemberment of our Empire'" (then talked of) as a sacrifice without
countervailing good, he says at the close : " King is on his way to Boston,
where you may chance to see him and learn from himself his sentiments."
This will account for the fact of Mr. K.'s being absent from New York,
when the duel took place.

" Wednesday 11th July
My dear Sir

This morn'g we were all alarmed at a report of Col. Hamilton's being
killed in a duel with Col. Burr. Knowing that such a report would interest
you, I seize the present opportunity to say 'A meeting took place between
those gentlemen this morn'g, the cause said to be political, the consequence
a wound (supposed to be mortal) on Col. Hamilton. He received the shot
of his antagonist, it is said with the determination of not returning the first

2l6 RUFUS KING AND THE HAMILTON AND BURR DUEL

fire. He was brought to My Bayard's at Greenwich, where Mr Low &
I were at 12 o'clock. He was still alive, but I conceive there is nothing
further than a possibility of his recovery. We have not heard of him since
that time. A general sense of regret prevails. We have nothing else since
your departure.

Rufus King Esq. With esteem yours &c &c

Hartford Connecticut. Wr° Wallace."

" New York July 1804
My dear Sir Thursday 8 o'clock A.M.

Before you receive this our dear and excellent friend Hamilton will be
no more. He and Col. Burr met yesterday morning at 7 o'clock on the
Jersey shore. Gen! H. persisted in the resolution he had taken before you
left us to receive and not return the first shot. Unhappily Mr Burr's first
shot was fatal. It passed between the two lower ribs of the right side and
lodged near the spine, and in its passage, the surgeons say, must have
passed through the lungs or the liver. He was brought over to Mr Bay-
ard's, where he continues. I have just left him and the Doctors say he
cannot outlive this day.

I have not time now to communicate any of the reflections that crowd
upon my mind on this most extensive public and private calamity. It
has occasioned a strong public Sensation, which will be much increased
when he is dead.

I am, my dear Sir with esteem

Rufus King Esq Your obedient Servant

Boston. Nath! Pendleton."

It will be remarked, that Mr. Pendleton in this letter makes the state-
ment, which was denied by Col. Burr's friends, that " Gen. H. persisted in
the resolution he had taken before you left us to receive and not return
the first shot." In addition to these there is the rough draft of a letter
written to Gen. Clarkson, relative to a conversation with him before the
duel took place. It is in Rufus King's hand-writing and signed by him.

" Waltham near Boston
My dear Sir August 24 1804

I lose no time in replying to your letter of the 20 which I rec? last
evening ; considering the reserve that I have observed upon this subject of
national affliction, I am truly surprised that any such Rumour as that you
mention sh? have got into circulation upon my authority. No person can be

RUFUS KING AND THE HAMILTON AND BURR DUEL 2\J

justified by any observation that you ever made to me, or that I ever made
to another, in reporting that you had given an opinion that a duel between
our lamented friend & Col. Burr was unavoidable.

It was not until the challenge had been given and accepted, that I men-
tioned the affair to you, and that under injunction of secrecy, knowing our
friend's determination to be passive. My mind was agitated with strong
forebodings of wh. has happened, and tho' the correspondence was closed
by an agreement of the parties to meet each other, I nevertheless mentioned
the subject to you and asked if you could perceive any mode of interfer-
ence. Yr. answer, expressive of much sorrow, was in the negative. I did,
however, not infer from this answer that in yr. opinion our friend might
not have declined a meeting with Col. Burr, but merely by the acceptance
of his adversary's challenge, that the interference of third persons was pre

eluded.

With Sentiments of Respect & Esteem

Gen. Clarkson. Signed R. King.'*

On the back of this copy of a letter is part of another, which was either
sent or proposed to be sent to some intimate correspondent. It is in these
words :

" You cannot, my dear Sir, hold in greater abhorrence than I do the
Practice of Duelling. Our lamented friend was not unacquainted with my
opinions on this subject, but with the most sagacious and discriminating
mind that I ever knew, he had laid certain rules for the government of him-
self upon the subj. of duels, the fallacy of wh. w? not fail to be seen-
by any man of ordinary understanding, and with these guides, it is my de
liberate opinion, that he could not have avoided a meeting with Col. Burr,
had he even declined the first challenge."

On the same page is one other remark in the hand writing of R. K., as
follows :

" I regard it as a violation of our civil, our moral, and our religious duty :
I go farther, and do not consider it as even * proof of courage.' "

With these corroborative evidences of the views and feelings of Rufus
King on the subject of dueling, and especially of his agency in this particu-
lar case, there can be no doubt that he has been unjustly charged with
withholding his influence to prevent the occurrence of the duel.
Andalusia, Penn., FcVy u, 1884.

Vol. XL-No. 3.-i5 C * " ^ y4

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT*

WITH PEDIGREE

MATTHEW, the eldest child of John and Hannah (Lee) Griswold, was
born Mar. 25, 1714; married, Nov. 10, 1743, Ursula, daughter of Gov.
Roger Wolcott,f of Windsor, Conn.; and died April 28, 1799. She
died Apr. 5, 1788. He is usually distinguished as Governor Matthew
Griswold, from the last public office which he held. What preparation he
had for public life other than his own native ability, and the prestige of
family, we are not told. So early as 1739 his " loyalty, courage, and good
conduct " were rewarded by Governor Talcott with the appointment of
Captain to the South Train Band of Lyme; and in 1766 Governor Pitkin
made him Major of the Third Regiment of Horse and Foot in the service
of the Colony. But long before this latter date he had become devoted
to civil affairs, more especially to such as involved applications of law to
private interests ; in respect to which he acquired an extensive reputation,
and was consulted from distant places. He appears to have been counsel
for John Winthrop of New London, son of the last Governor Winthrop,
in a suit brought by him against the Colony for services of his ancestors
and moneys due to them. % In 175 1 he was chosen a Representative to the
General Assembly; § in 1757, as " Matthew Griswold, Esq., of Lyme," he
was appointed by the Colonial Government to " sue for, levy and recover "
debts, " in the name, behalf and for the use of the Governor and Com-
pany; " in 1759 he was elected to the Council of the Governor. ] He was
again a member of the Council in 1765, when Fitch was Governor, whose
councillors were summoned to administer to him an oath to support the
requirements of the Stamp Act. An historian has described the scene in
glowing words, and tells us that Matthew Griswold was one of those who
followed the lead of Trumbull in refusing to " witness a ceremony which
so degraded liberty, and degraded the Colony," and retired from the coun-
cil-chamber. T To February 11 of this year belongs a letter from Jared

f Memorial of Henry Wolcott . . . ut supra, p. 77.

% I derive this fact from a manuscript letter of Dr. Benjamin Trumbull of North Haven to
the Governor, dated Oct. 28, 1793. Comp. Trumbull's Hist, of Connecticut . . . New Haven,
1818, ii. 54-55.

§ Hollister's Hist, of Conn., ut supra, ii. 640. | Id., ibid.

1 Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Senr. ... By I. M. Stuart. Boston, 1859, pp. 85-92.

* Copyright, 1884, by Edward Elbridge Salisbury.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 219

Ingersoll, then in London, preserved among the family-papers, in which,
after reporting the purchase of some law-books, he says :

" The very interesting Stamp Bill for taming Americans passed the House of Com-
mons last Wednesday. I was present and heard all the Debate, Some of which was truly
Noble, and the whole very Entertaining, at the same time Very Affecting-, Especially to
an American."

In 1766, Jonathan Trumbull being Chief Justice, he was made a Judge
of the Superior Court of Connecticut. On the death of Governor Pitkin,
in 1769, when Trumbull became Governor, he took the highest seat on the
bench as Chief Justice, which office he held during fifteen years. Mean-
while for thirteen of those years — from 1 77 1 till 1784 — he was Deputy-
Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, of the Colony and newly formed State.
In 1770 he was chosen one of the Commissioners for Propagating the Gos.
pel in -New England and parts adjacent in America, Andrew Oliver, of
Boston, being the Secretary. The very efficient Council of Safety, formed
in 1775 to aid the Governor through the struggles of the Revolution,
whenever the Legislature should not be sitting, was headed by him from
the first. The list of original members is given thus : " Matthew Griswold,
William Pitkin, Roger Sherman, Abraham Davenport, William Williams,
Titus Hosmer, Benjamin Payne, Gen. James Wadsworth, Benjamin Hun-
tington, William Hillhouse, Thaddeus Burr, Nathaniel Wales, Jr., Daniel
Sherman and Andrew Adams."* From 1784 to 1786 he was the Chief
Magistrate of Connecticut, taking part, as such, in establishing the so-
called continental policy in the State, by conceding to Congress the power
of impost — an all-important first step in the formation of a National Govern-
ment. His elevation to the chief magistracy is thus spoken of by the
author of the Life of Jonathan Trumbull :

"■ But he [Trumbull] persisted in declining the proposed office, and the people there-
fore, found another candidate for the gubernatorial chair in Honorable Matthew Griswold,
a gentleman who now, for thirteen consecutive years, side by side with the veteran Trum-
bull, of his political faith, like him of tried conduct, high-minded and patriotic, had occupied
the post of Lieutenant Governor of the State." f

In 1788 he presided over the Convention for the Ratification of the
Constitution of the United States, to which, as Bancroft says in his latest
historical work, " were chosen the retired and the present highest officers
of its [the State's] Government, the judges of its courts, 'ministers of the
Gospel/ and nearly sixty who had fought for independence." :£

* Life of Jonathan Trumbull, Senr. . . . By I. M. Stuart. Boston, 1859, p. 203, note.
\ Id., p. 641.

X History of the Formation of the Constitution of the United States of America. By George
Bancroft. New York, 1882, ii. 256 ; and comp. Hollister's Hist, of Conn., ut supra, ii. 456-62.

220 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

The foregoing sketch may be properly supplemented by extracts from
Governor Griswold's correspondence — letters both to him and from him —
which will serve to set him in fuller light, while at the same time they
bring some of the great public events of his time more vividly before us,
thus grouped, as it were, around an individual life. I first give, nearly
entire, so far as its tattered condition allows, a significant letter from
Roger Sherman, dated January n, 1766:

"Sir,

" I hope you will excuse the freedom which I take of mentioning, for your consideration,
some things which appear to me a little extraordinary, and which I fear (if persisted in)
may be prejudicial to the Interests of the Colony — more especially the late practice of
great numbers of people Assembling and Assuming a kind of Legislative Authority, pass-
ing & publishing resolves &c. — will not the frequent Assembling such large Bodies of
people, without any Laws to regulate or Govern their proceedings, tend to weaken the
Authority of the Government, and naturally possess the minds of the people with such
lax notions of Civil Authority as may lead to such disorders & confusions as will not be
easily suppress'd or reformed ? especially in such a popular Government as ours, for the
well ordering of which good rules, and a wise, Steady Administration are necessary. — I
esteem our present form of Government to be one of the happiest & best in the world :
it secures the civil & religious rights and privileges of the people, and by a due adminis-
tration has the best tendency to preserve and promote publick virtue, which is absolutely
necessary to publick happiness. . . .There are doubtless some who envy us the enjoyment
of these . . . privileges, and would be glad of any plausible excuse to deprive ....
therefore behoove ... to conduct with prudence and caution at this critical juncture,
when Arbitrary principles & measures, with regard to the colonies, are so much in vogue ;
and is it not of great importance that peace & harmony be preserved & promoted among
ourselves ; and that everything which may tend to weaken publick Government, or give
the enemies of our happy constitution any advantage against us, be carefully avoided ? I
have no doubt of the upright intentions of those gentlemen who have promoted the late
meetings in several parts of Colony, which I suppose were principally Intended to concert
measures to prevent the Introduction of the Stampt papers, and not in the least to oppose
the Laws or authority of the Government ; but is there not danger of proceeding too far, in
such measures, so as to involve the people in divisions and animosities among themselves,
and . . . endanger our Charter-privileges ? May not . . . being informed of these things
view them in such a light . . . our present Democratical State of Government will not be
Sufficient to Secure the people from falling into a State of Anarchy, and therefore deter-
mine a change to be necessary for that end, especially if they should have a previous Dis-
position for such a change ? — Perhaps the continuing Such Assemblies will now be thought
needless, as Mr Ingersoll has this week declared under Oath that he will not execute the
office of Distributor of Stamps in this Colony, which declaration is published in the New
Haven Gazette. I hope we shall now have his influence & Assistance in endeavoring to
get rid of the Stamp Duties. . . .

" I hear one piece of News from the East which a little Surprizes me, that is, the pub-
lication of some exceptionable passages extracted from Mr Ingersoll's letters, after all the
pains taken by the Sons of Liberty to prevent their being sent home to England. I was

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 221

glad when those letters were recalled, and that Mr. Ingersoll was free to retrench all those
passages which were thought likely to be of disservice to the Government, and to agree
for the future, during the present critical situation of affairs, not to write home anything
but what should be inspected & approved by persons that the people of the Government
would confide in ; but by means of the publication of those passages in the Newspapers
they will likely arrive in England near as soon as if the original Letters had been sent, and
perhaps will not appear in a more favourable point of light. —

" Sir, I hint these things for your consideration, being sensible that, from your situa-
tion, known abilities and interest in the Affections and esteem of the people, you will be
under the best advantage to advise & influence them to such a conduct as shall be most
likely to conduce to the publick Good of the Colony. I am, Sir, with great esteem, your
Obedient, Humble Serv*

Roger Sherman."
" New Haven, Jan. u, 1766."

The following letter is from the Rev. Stephen Johnson, " the sincere and
fervid pastor of the First Church of Lyme," who had left his parish in
May 1775, to serve as Chaplain to the Regiment of Col. Parsons, after-
wards present at the battle of Bunker Hill :

"Camp at Roxbury, 5th Octr. 1775.
" Hon'd Sir,

" Have not forgot our parting Conversation respecting writing to you — defer'd it a
while, waiting for something important — the time of the Circuit drew on, in which I
suppos'd the Conveyance would be lengthy & uncertain — but will defer no longer
— Several vessels bound to Boston with Valuable Cargoes have fallen into our hands
— one from New Providence, with Tortoise & fruit — one from Canada with Cattle, hogs,
sheep & Poultry — one from Europe of 300 Tuns in Portsmouth, with 2200 Barrels of flour
&c. — one that went out of Boston the Beginning of this week for wood &c : the Majority
of the hands, being in our Favor, Brought her into our Port — a Capt,a in her, who had
been taken & carried into Boston about ten weeks ago, informs : Gen'l Gage Recalled, &
this day to sail for Britain — Gen'l How succeeds, & was proclaimed Gov'r Last Tuesday
— Commands & Resides in Boston — Clinton on Bunker's Hill : a Disserter had informed
that Gen'l Burgoin was gone to Congress in Philadelphia — this Captu was inquired of
about it, who says some in Boston affirmed it, others denyed it — all he Could say was that
he used to see him often, but had not seen him for three days, &c. — he further says, 3 men
of war, one of 64 guns, were going out, 2 or 3 mortars were put on board, and that it was
said 2 Regiments were to go on board them, of which 49th Reg1 was one — their destination
a secret. Some suppose they are to make attacks on Seaports nigh us — some that they
are going to Philadelphia — others to Charlestown, South Carolina — others to Ouebeck,
&c ; if Burgone is gone to Philadelphia, I fear an insiduous purpose, am more afraid of
their gaining some important advantage against us by art & Corruption than by their
arms ; perhaps the Colonies will find it expedient to Change their Delegates often to Con-
gress— this I believe sooner or later will be found a Measure highly important to the General
Safety and welfare — & that Strict probity & incorruptability, Joyn'd with some prudence
and Judgement, will be safer to trust to than more shining abilities, Joyn'd with an ambi-
tious, avaritious & designing turn of mind : the Camp more healthy — have lost by Sickness

222 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

but 6 men out of our Regiment. My Best Regards to your Honr & Mrs Griswold. Dear
Love to my Children — affectionate Regards to Friends and Parishoners. I am in haste

Affectionately Yours &c.

Stephen Johnson."

A few days later, in the same month, Deputy Gov. Griswold himself
wrote from Cambridge to Gov. Trumbull, as follows :

" Cambridge, 20th Oct. 1775.
k'Sir,

" I have to acquaint your Honr that an Express is arriv'd at Head Quarters from Ports-
mouth, Informing that on Monday last two or three Arm'd Vessels arriv'd at Falmouth in
Casco Bay from Boston (being part of the Ministerial Force — They were attended with
Sundry Transports all full of men), with orders to Destroy that and the Town of Ports-
mouth, in Case the Inhabitants Refus'd to Deliver up their Arms, give Hostages &c. —
That on a Truce the People gave up Eight Musquets, and had time till nine of the Clock
next Morning to Consider — That ye Post came away about half after Eight — Just about
nine he heard a heavy firing towards that place, Suppos'd the Terms were Rejected,
& that the Cruel orders were Carrying into Execution. Govr Cook also has advice from
Mr. Malebone, who was an Eye & Ear Witness (and is now here Present), that Capt"
Wallace has orders to do the same to the Towns in Rhode Island & Connec'", where any
arm'd Force appears to oppose the Ministerial Troops : what Precaution is Necessary to be
taken for the Protection of our Colony your Honr & the Hon'Us Gen'1 Assembly will Consider.
Some of our Connecticutt officers are very Desirous some further Provision might be made
for Those of the People in the army belonging to our Colony that are or may be Sick.

" It's Suppos'd not Expedient at present to Communicate any of the Matters Transacted
by the Com'tee &c. Conven'd here, without Special Leave.

" I am with great Respect
Your Honrs most obedient humble Serv'1

Matthw Griswold."

On the 27th of June, 1778, Gov. Griswold wrote a letter to Roger Sher-
man of which the following is an incomplete draft :

"Woodstock, June 27th, 1778.
" Sir,

" You have undoubtedly been advis'd of the Measures taken by the General Assembly
of this State Relative to the Paper Currency : That upon a Motion made in our lower
House of Assembly it was Resolv'd not to Suspend or Repeal the Act Regulating prices,
that a letter [be] sent by our Assembly to the other New England States, Remonstrating
against their Delaying to make provision for Regulating prices, accompanied by two Genn,
sent from our Assembly to Providence & Boston, to Enforce the Matter Contain'd in the
Letter : who Returning without Success, our Gen'i Assembly Directed an Address to
Congress, Requesting them to take up the Matter, and advise to Some Salutary Measures
to prevent the Threatening Mischief of Sinking the Credit of the paper Currency ; pointing
out in Some Measure the Dangerous Consequences to the army, and great advantage
Sharpers and Disafficted Persons might take to oppress the People and Embarras the
Common Cause : That, while the Copies were preparing, the Resolve of Congress came

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 223

to hand Advising a Repeal or Suspension of the Act ; which Induced the Assembly to sus-
pend it till the Rising of the Gen'l Assembly in Octr next, apprehending it wou'd not be in
the power of this State alone to Effect a Matter of that kind : That inconsequence of Such
Suspention the price of Indian Corn Started to about 10/ and 12/ pr bushell, and Wheat
is 18/ and 20/ pr bushell, and Some Demand more : Cattle and Sheep are sold, I believe*
between ^20. and ^30. pr cent, higher than Ever: Sharpers Siez'd the opportunity
before the People were advis'd of the Suspention, & bought Cattle and Sheep for near
^30. pr cent. Cheaper than ye same might have been sold for 3 or 4 Days afterwards— I
apprehend the Body of our People are much in fav'r of a Regulating act to Restrain the
Licentiousness of the People, but Despair of being able, alone, to carry such a Measure
into Execution ; That they wou'd have been greatly Dissatisfied with the Conduct of our
Assembly in the Suspention, had it not been for the Resolve of Congress Relative thereto,
but now acquiesce in what the Assembly did : — The Avertion many of our People have to
Receive the Bills for outstanding Debts, or Indeed to have any Concern with them, has, I
apprehend, Reduc'd their Creditt to a lower State here than it was ever before, Tho' it
seems the Demand for the Bills to pay Taxes, & the prospect of their final Redemption
with Silver and Gold, may prevent their sinking much lower. — I Imagine our People will
very much go into a Gen1 Barter to carry on their private affairs — what the Consequence
will be I know not, — hope the Congress will Devise some proper Measures to Support the
Army. — Our Gen'1 Assembly have laid 1/ Tax on the List of 1777, to be paid ye Ist Sepr
next, and also Directed the Treasurer to borrow one hundred Thousand pounds on Loan ;
but that will not be an adequate Supply of the Treasury.

"Our People are pursuing their Husbandry with great Zeal and vigour. The Fruits of
the Earth at present appear in a flourishing State, afford a hopeful prospect of Supplies for
the Current year. — The Military preparations go on Slow. The Six Battallions order'd to
be Rais'd for Defence are Reduced to two, Tho' I believe, if the State Sho'd be Immedi-
ately Invaded, the People would Run to arms with Spirit and vigour.

"These Threatening overtures call aloud for Reformation — the Event is known to
him alone who Sitts at the helm, and ContrOuls all Events with Infinite Power & Unerring
Wisdom."

The following letter was written by Deputy Gov. Griswold to Gov.
Trumbull :

"Lyme, August 3d, 1779.
" Sir,

"Intelligence is Just Rec'd that I apprehend may be Relied on, that the Enemy are
preparing a large Fleet at New York, said to be Design'd on an Expedition Eastward :
That another lesser Fleet are now fitting out at Huntington : That a great Premium &
Wages are offered to such as will Inlist, with the whole of the Plunder they may take — as
this latter Fleet is principally mann'd with Tories, whose Rage and Malice seems to have
no bounds, it is Suppos'd their Design is to Ravage the Coast of this State ; it's Conjec-
tured that the large Fleet have New London for their object, while that in the Sound plun-
der & burn the Towns lying on the Seashore. Such an Armament must presume the
Enemy have some very Important object in view : what More Probable than to pursue the
above Plan, I submit. Upon the Present appearances, your Exilency and other Gen'n of
the Council will undoubtedly be of opinion that nessasary precaution ought to be taken to

224 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

prevent the bad Consequence of such an operation of the Enemy — would Recommend to
Consideration whether it wou'd not be adviseable Rather to Increase the Guards on the
Sea Coast, and that the Malitia on the Sea Shore sho'd not be drawn off to Distant places
in Case of Alarm : Perhaps the State are in great Danger from a Tory Fleet in the Sound :
Tho' their force is not sufficient to Conquer the State, yet, if the men were call'd off, the
Families & Property wou'd be Expos'd to be Ravag'd by a Number of Savage Mortals,
whose Tender Mercies are Cruelty : whether it wou'd not bee Expedient that Beacons be
provided to give Notice, and that the Malitia be arrang'd under their proper officers, with
Signals to Direct them where to Repair, and to Run to the Relief of the place attack'd:
That Immediate care be taken to provide a Competent Number of Cartridges, and Depos-
ited in the Most Convenient places : and that orders be Issu'd for a view of Arms once in
a few Days, that So they be Kept in Constant Repair. — I take the Freedom to mention
these Matters as Worthy of the greatest attention in this alarming Situation of affairs. —
Sho'd wait on your Excellency were it not for attending the Circuit.

' ' I am with great Respect & Esteem Your Excellencies Most obed'* Humble Serv4

Matthw Griswold "
" His Excy Gov. Trumbull. "

The next letter in the series selected for this paper is from Gov. Trum-
bull:

"Lebanon, Aug. 17, 1780.
" Gent.

" I inclose a Copy of the Doings of a Convention lately held in Boston, for your pe-
rusal, Consideration & opinion, and very especially with respect to the Embargoe.* I have
sent out for the attendance of all the Council of Safety on Wednesday the 23d of Augt
inst. with a particular view to take up & conclude upon that matter, and, as I presume your
Engagem*5 will not permit your attendance, wish your attention & opinion on that Subject
before the meeting : in an affair of so much Consequence I choose to act with all the ad-
vise & assistance which can be obtained.

" I am with Esteem & Consideration,
Gentlemen, your most Obed''
and very h'ble Servant

Jonth Trumbull."
" Honble Matthew Griswold,
Elipha Dyer & Wm Pitkin Esquires "

* One of the resolutions of this Convention was : "That it be recommended to the several
States that have Acts laying an Embargo on the Transportation of Articles by Land from one State
to another, to repeal them as being unnecessary, and tending rather to injure than serve the Com-
mon Cause we are engaged to support and maintain ; to continue Embargos on Provisions by Water,
and that particular Care be taken to prevent all illicit Trade with the Enemy." The Acts here
recommended to be repealed were intended to prevent scarcity, and keep down prices — their futility
had been perceived. But the attention of this Convention was not given solely, or chiefly, to eco-
nomical questions: "They urged the adoption of the Articles of Confederation," which is "re-
garded as the first public Expression of Opinion, by a deliberative Body, in Favor of such a Meas-
ure." See Proceedings of a Conv. of Delegates . . . held at Boston August 3-9, 1780 . . . By
Franklin B. Hough. Albany, 1867, pp. 43~44, & Preface p. v. ; and comp. Bancroft's Hist, of U.
States . , . Rev. ed., Boston, 1876, vi. 343.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 225

Next follows a letter from Samuel Huntington, touching an important
crisis in the campaign of the South, which was followed, within about seven
months, by the siege of Yorktown and the close of the war : *

"Philadelphia, March 5th, 1781.
" Gentlemen,

" My situation deprives me ot" the pleasure of communicating to you from time to
time many occurrencies to which Inclination would lead did time permit, f

" The situation of the Southern States hath been critical for some time ; after the bat-
tle at the Cowpens where Col. Tarlton was totally defeated, & upwards of five hundred of
his Corps made prisoners by Gen'l Morgan, Ld Cornwallis, enraged, as it seems, at that
Event, burnt and destroy'd his wagons and heavy baggage, & with his whole force, con-
sisting of about three thousand, pursued Gen'l Morgan, his first object being suppos'd to
be to retake the prisoners ; his pursuit was rapid for upwards of two hundred miles, until
he arriv'd on the Southern borders of Virginia. Gen'l Morgan, by his Activity & pru-
dence, with the assistance of a kind Providence, brought off his Troops & prisoners.

" This rapid movement of Cornwallis must have thrown the Country into consternation
through which he marched, and met with no resistance until he arriv'd at Dan river on
the borders of Virginia.

" Gen'l Greene, with his little army, consisting of but two thousand, was obliged to re-
treat over the river ; which was done without any loss of Troops or baggage.

" By a letter come to hand from Govr Jefferson, copy of which is enclos'd, it appears
that the malitia of the Country are rallied to that degree that Cornwallis is retreating, in
his turn, towards Hillsborough, North Carolina, & Gen'l Greene in pursuit of him.

"The army under Cornwallis are such a distance from the protection of their shipping,
nothing seems wanting but the spirited exertions of the Country in aid of Gen'l Greene to
make them all prisoners ; but we must wait tho' with anxiety to know the Event.

" I have the Honour to be with the highest respect Your Humble Serv*

Sam : Huntington."
" T .e Honbie

Judges of the Supr Court in Connecticutt. "

The next two letters which I give are from Roger Sherman:

"Philadelphia, Aug. 14th, 1781.
" Sir,

" A ship arrived here last Sabbath day from Cadiz, and brought Letters from our Min-
ister and his Secretary at the Court of Spain : they mention that about 8000 Trooos are
ready to Embark on a Secret expedition, and confirm the accounts we have had from the
London Papers of the resignation of Mr. Neckar, Financier of France, Occasioned by some
Discontent. — The President received a Letter last Saturday from Gen'l Green, dated July
l7th, giving account of the operations of his Army for about a month — he mentions
the evacuation of Ninety Six by the Enemy, that they retired to Orangeburgh, about 80

* Comp. History of the United States of America. By Richard Hildreth. New York, 1S56,
iii. 343-48 ; and Bancroft's United States . . . Rev. ed., ut supra, vi. 380-94.
\ The writer was at this time a Member of Congress.

226 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

miles from Charlestown ; that they also occupied a Post at Monk's Corner, about 26 miles
from Charlestown ; that they have no Post in Georgia except Savannah ; that Georgia has
resumed civil Government ; That a party of our men took three waggons & stores
from the Enemy on a march from Charlestown toward Orangeburgh — that Col. Lee had
taken a party of horse consisting of one Captain, one Lt & one Cornet, and 45 privates,
with their horses and Accoutrements. It is expected that civil Government will soon be
re-established in South Carolina. Mr. Jay wrote that he expected a Safe conveyance in
about a fortnight from the time he wrote (May 29/), when he should send a long letter — I
enclose a Copy of resolutions respecting the State of Vermont, which will prepare the way
for a settlement of that controversy, they passed very unanimously. —

" The enclosed papers contain the news of the day. . . . Should be glad to be informed
whether any provision of money is made for support of Government, I have about ;£ioo.
due for service in the Supr Court which I should be glad to receive. — I wrote some time
ago to the Govr & Council of Safety for some money to be sent to bear my expences here :
if 1 don't have some soon, I shall be totally destitute , it is very expensive living here, and
no money can be obtained but from the State. There are many refugees here from South
Carolina & Georgia, lately redeemed from Captivity: Congress have recommended a loan
& a Contribution for their relief.

" I am, Sir, with great Regard

Your Honor's obedient & humble servant

Roger Sherman."

" The honorable

Mathew Griswold, Esqr. "

" New Haven, July 12th, 1784.
" Sir,

" I received your Excellency's Letter of the 6th Instant, with the papers inclosed. The
public service requires that the men should be furnished as soon as possible to take pos-
session of the western Posts, which are expected soon to be evacuated by the British Gar-
risons, as also to Aid the Commissioners in treating with the Indians. The Secretary in
the war office ought to have Informed Your Excellency what number & kinds of officers
besides the Major are to be furnished by this State ; as the States are not to be at any
expence in raising the men, I should think it would be most for the Interest of this State
that your Excellency, with such advice as you may think proper to take, should appoint
the officers, & order the men to be inlisted. I should think it would be well for your
Excellency to take the opinion of the Hon. Oliver Wolcot who is one of the Commissioners
to treat with the Indians : there seems to be a defect in the Laws as to the powers of the
Supreme Executive authority in the State, or they are not sufficiently explicit in all cases.

" I have no doubt but that the Assembly would have desired your Excellency to have
executed this requi'sion if they had known it would have been made.

" Your Excellency will be best able to Judge what will be expedient.

" I am with Great respect

Your Excellency's humble Servant

Roger Sherman."
" His Excellency Governor Griswold ''

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 227

I give one more of Governor Griswold's own letters :

"Lyme, August i, 1784
"Sir,

" I understand that our Delagate is Detain 'd from Congress only for want of money:
how far the want of Representation in that Important Body may affect the Interest &
Safety of this State I know not — it is Certainly a very Dangerous Threatening Situation
for this State to be in — I Inform'd you before that the Assembly had order'd Drafts to be
made on the Sheriffs for that purpose, that those Drafts were made accordingly, and Di-
rected you to lay by the first money for that use you cou'd Collect. I now Repeat the
same Requisition in the Most Pressing manner, & Desire you will push the Collection
with all Possible Dispatch, till you receive your part of the ^200 ; and what money, more
or less, you can obtain send forthwith to Stephen M. Mitchel, Esqr at Weathersfield, who
has the order, and is appointed one of the Delagates — It's but a small sum that is Required
of Each of the Sheriffs — The Delay may be more Injurious than ten times the value of the
Money —

" From S'r your most obedient
humble Servt
" Elijah Abel Esq " Matthw Griswold "

The last letter to be given here, from Oliver Wolcott, Governor Gris-
wold's brother-in-law,, though partly private, closes this series appropri-
ately, by its reference to the retirement of the governor from public life :

" Litchfield, Novr 22d 1788
"Sir,

" Your Excellency's Favour inclosing Mr Worthington's Sermon on the Death of my
Sister has been recd The Object of this Sermon (without Partiality) rnost certainly
deserved all the Eulogium which the Preacher has bestowed upon her personal Virtues. —
By her Death I am sensible you have lost a most Valuable Companion, and her other
Relations and Acquaintance, a Person who was most dear to them.

" But such is the Will of God, and it becomes us to Acquiesce in the Divine Dispensa-
tion. May we be prepared to meet her in that State of Happiness which will admit of no
Separation ! — All our Injoyments are fleeting and insecure, that which you mentioned
relative to your discontinuance in publick Office evinces the Truth of the Observation. —
But this event, tho' disagreable, was not effected by false and insiduous Insinuations to the
Injury of your moral Character (which others have most unjustly supposed), but from an
Apprehension that your want of Health would render the office very burdensome to your-
self, and less beneficial to the State, than your former Administration had been, however
ill-founded this Opinion might be. Yet the Consciousness of your own Integrity, and the
Universal Opinion of the State in this respect, must render the event far less disagreable
than it would otherwise have been .—That you may finally be Approved of by that Being

who cannot err isgthe Devout wish of, Sir,

Your most obed* humble

Serv*

Oliver Wolcott."
" Mrs. Wolcott presents

to you her sincere Respects."

228 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

Other letters have been preserved, from William Samuel Johnson,
Col. William Ledyard, Roger Sherman, Stephen Mix Mitchell, Charles
Thomson (Secretary of Congress), Oliver Wolcott, Samuel Huntington,
Governor Treadwell, Jonathan Sturgis, James Wadsworth and Erastus
Wolcott.

Here we pause to speak of Lyme and its position and influence in Revo-
lutionary times. It was on the great route between Boston and New
York. Old men still remember the heavily laden coaches, as their horses
dashed up to the door of the old Parsons Tavern, which stood unfenced
upon the wide, open green, horns blowing, dogs barking, boys running,
neighbors gathering, while the passengers descended. Many persons of
note trod " the dry, smooth-shaven green," and shook off the dust of travel.
The landlord, Marshfield Parsons, had not removed to Newburyport with
his father, the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, and his Griswold mother. His
tavern and the ball-room over the back part of it were the resort of the
neighbors for all assemblies, social and political. For religious purposes
they climbed to the site of the meeting-house on the Meeting-House Hills.
Near the green lived the pastor, Rev. Stephen Johnson, son of Mr. Na-
thaniel Johnson and Sarah Ogden, his wife, of Newark, N. J. The spirit
of " good old John Ogden," the pioneer, seemed to have descended to him,
and in this small, quiet village he had " scented the battle afar off," and
ten years before the Revolution had published and disseminated fiery
articles in opposition to the Stamp Act, which led to the banding together of
the Sons of Liberty. Bancroft says : " Thus the Calvinist ministers nursed
the flame of piety and of civil freedom. Of that venerable band, none did
better service than the American-born Stephen Johnson, pastor of the First
Church of Lyme." * Doubtless his zeal was increased by the ardor of his
next neighbor, Mr. John McCurdy, a Scotch-Irish gentleman who had lived to
early manhood amid the oppressions of the English Government in Ireland,
and who eagerly assumed the expense of the publication and dissemination
of the incendiary papers. Young Samuel H olden Parsons had been brought
up under Johnson's teachings. When he led his command to Bunker Hill,
Mr. Johnson, the spirit of " the church militant " stirring within him, left
his pulpit, and accompanied Parsons's regiment as Chaplain. Matthew
Griswold, under the same influences, fulfilled the patriotic duties of his life-
time. All these men were in constant communication, persdnal and by let-
ter, with the leading men of the period. To them others would come. No

* History of the United States of America . . By George Bancroft. The Author's last
Revision. New York, 1883, iii. 141.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 229

doubt many political meetings, both proposed and accidental, were con-
vened on the arrival of the coach.

In other parts of the town lived Dr. John Noyes, a distinguished sur-
geon in the Revolutionary army, whose wife was a granddaughter of the
first governor Wolcott of Connecticut, and a niece of Mrs. Gov. Matthew
Griswold ; Col. David Fithin Sill ; Col. Samuel Selden ; and other brave
officers and soldiers of the Revolution, among whom was Capt. Ezra Lee,
who was selected by Gen. Parsons, under directions from Washington, for
the daring attempt, which proved unsuccessful, to blow up a British man-
of-war in the harbor of New York.

When on the 9th of April, 1776, Gen. Washington slept at the house of
Mr. McCurdy,* as he traveled from Boston to New York, after taking com-
mand of the American army, all the prominent men within reach gathered
to take counsel with him. Again, when on the 27th of July, 1778, the
young Gen. Lafayette marched through Lyme with his troops, and staid at
the house of Mr. McCurdy on the green, f while they rested in a field nearly

* This house, built early in the eighteenth century, still stands in good condition, and is occu-
pied by Judge Charles Johnson McCurdy, of the third generation of its occupants of the family.
When, in 1824, General Lafayette made his triumphal journey through the country, he and his
party breakfasted with Mr. Richard McCurdy of the second generation.

f The Professor of American History in Yale College, Professor Dexter, has favored me with
the following notes :

" General Washington set out from Cambridge for New York Thursday, April 4, 1776.

" His first recorded stopping-place is Providence, which he left on Sunday, April 7.

"At Norwich, Governor Trumbull met him by appointment, and dined with him ; and ' in the
evening' (i.e. Monday afternoon, it would seem) the General started for New London [where he
passed one night only, and breakfasted, as is known, on Tuesday at Caulkins's tavern, between New
London and Lyme].

" The next fixed date is his arrival in New Haven on Thursday morning, April n (according
to the New Haven newspaper of the next week) ; and after a few hours' tarry he pushed on
towards New York, which he entered on Saturday.

" If tradition is good for anything, it can certainly be relied on to prove that General Washing-
ton slept in Lyme on Tuesday night, April 9th. He was accompanied by General Gates and other
officers. Mrs. Washington came by way of Hartford, a few days later."

" In reply to your inquiry . . I send the following extract from the Diary kept at New Haven
by President Stiles :

" * 1778, July 26. Lord's Day. The 2 Brigades &c. lodged at Milford last night & travelled
hither with their Baggage this Morning . . The Troops began to enter the Town a little before
vii o'clock . .

"'At ix the Marquis de la Fayette, aet. 22, and Gen. Varnum, with Col. Sherburn &
Col. Fleury visited me . . At iv P. M., just at the finishing of meetings, the whole Corps began
their March and left the Town by iv| ; at which Time the Marquis & his suite came up to Dr
Daggett & myself just from Chapel, & took Leave. They proceed by 2 Roads, Gen. Varnum's &
Col. Thilips's via Middletown, Hartford, &c, Gen. Glover's (in which the Marquis) via Seaside.'

230 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

opposite, all the surrounding country poured forth its inhabitants to do
him honor.

In this connection it may not be amiss to mention that, about the year
1753, Benjamin Franklin, having then been appointed joint Postmaster-Gen-
eral for the colonies, and making a journey into New England on that busi-
ness,* passed through Lyme in his chaise, measuring distances (as is said by
some mechanical contrivance connected with the revolution of his wheels),
at which mile-stones were set up by men who followed after him. One
of those stones may still be seen on the Meeting-House Hills.

On his retirement from public life in 1788 Gov. Griswold devoted much
time to farming operations, which indeed seem to have always interested
him. Prof. Dexter has kindly called my attention to the following curious
entries in the manuscript " Itinerary " of a journey from New London to
New Haven in October, 1790, by Pres. Stiles:

" Govr Griswold now set. 76, born at Lyme i7io,f fitted for College, settled a Farmer:
studied law proprio Marte, bo't him the first considera1 Law Library in Connect1, took
Att° oath & began practice 1743 — a great Reader of Law.

"Has a fine Library of well chosen Books, 140 Fol. & 400 other Volumes, or about 550
Volumes, now left in his Study, besides a part of his Librv given to his Son in Norwich —
about 200 Law Books, the rest Histy & Divinity.

" On leaving the chair of Govr he went to Farming. He has a Farm of 400 acres,
stock 100 Head of Cattle, cuts 100 Loads Hay, Eng. besides Salt, 22 acres Indn corn & 80
Bushs Wheat & 400 Bushs oats Raised this year. Hires 6 or 7 men; 38 & 40 cows, Dairy
3m.lb cheese, 4oolb Butter Fall Sales. In perfect Health of Body & Mind. Lame yet vig-
orous. Cart^ 400 Loads Dung, sea weed &c, last year. At close of Gov1* had 40 Head
Cattle & cut 40 or 50 Loads Hay only. Has 50 acres Salt Marsh ; 18 or 20 stacks Hay
now round his Barn, 3 or 4 Tons each."

On a subsequent leaf is the following Memorandum :

" Govr Griswolds Farm Stock 1790
23 Hogs, 8 yoke Oxen, 17 Fat Cattle, 25 Cows, 3ooolb cheese, 4oolb Butter, 8ooolb Beef
sale or 17 Fat Cattle, 400 Bushs Oats, 500 do. Ind. corn, 100 Loads Eng. Hay, 80 do. salt
do., 5001'0 Flax, 45 Bushs Wheat, 120 do. Rye, 105 sheep."

The Griswold family- archives also contain a paper entitled " Remarks
on Liberty and the African Trade," by Governor Griswold, dated July Ist
1795, and apparently intended for publication. Domestic slaves appear to

" I suppose this fixes the date of Lafayette's visit at Lyme as Monday, July 27, 1778. I learn
from Sparks's Letters of Washington that Lafayette reached Providence on Wednesday, July 29."
* See Life of Benjamin Franklin. . . By Jared Sparks .... Boston, 1844, p. 174.
f A slip of the pen for 17 14 — the true date — as he gives his age as 76.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 23 1

have been owned in the Griswold family from the earliest times, as was
the case in most New England families of the higher class. But the
opportunity is a rare one to know by his own words, in a somewhat
lengthy argument, how the subject was viewed by one of the Revolution-
ary patriots of New England. There are several drafts of this paper, dif-
fering slightly ; I use that which seems the most finished. The whole
course of thought will be made clear by the following abstract and quota-
tions :

Man was created in absolute dependence upon the Almighty, and, for
his good, was originally placed under laws, obedience to which "fixes the
subject in the highest Liberty." But he willfully disobeyed, whereupon,
instead of exacting the full penalty, God allowed " fallen man to Incorpo-
rate into a state of Civil Government ... as the Circumstances of Each
Common Wealth sho'd Require ..." the power of the State being limited
to temporal rights and properties, exclusive of " matters of Conscience &
a Superintending Power . . ."

"So that upon the ground of Creation, Preservation and Redemption every man is Born
under the most Inviolable Subjection of obedience to the Divine Law and also under Sub-
jection to the Civil Laws of the Common Wealth where he happens to be, that are not Con-
trary to the Divine Law . . . Nothing is more injurious to Civil Society than using a Licen-
tious Liberty . . ."

Natural right to absolute liberty is a fallacy. a In regard to the African
Trade, to set the matter in its true light, it is necessary to Consider the
state of those People in their Native Country, constantly at war with one
another, and liable to be put to the sword by the victor . . ."

" The question arises whether Transporting those Captives from their Native Country
can be warrantable. Any suppos'd wrong must arise from one of two things : either from
a Tortious Entry into the Territories of a foreign State, trampling upon their Laws, Dis-
turbing the Peace ; or from Personal Wrong done to the Individuals Remov'd. In Regard
to the first, as the Captives, by the Laws of that Country, are made an Article of Com-
merce, to Enter for Trade cannot be Tortious ; Respecting the Latter, it's nessasary to
Compare the state of those Persons before and after their Removal ; "

being in their native country in heathenish darkness, and under despo-
tism, whereas in Connecticut they become

"plac'd under the Government of a master who is bound to Provide nessasaries suffi-
cient for their Comfort in Life, are Protected by Law from Cruelty and oppression, if abused
have their Remedy . . . against their own master . . .

" The notion of some that Slavery is worse thaji Death is a most Capital Error.
For, as a State of Trial & Probation for Happiness thro' an Endless Eternity is the greatest

232 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

favor that was ever Granted to a fallen Creature, as Death puts a final End to that State
of Trial, so Life must be of more Importance than any other Enjoyment can be in this
world . . .

" Those held in service may be Divided into five Classes : The aggressor in War
seems to take the first Rank : he, by taking a part in a Bloody War forfeits both Life
& Liberty together, may be slain ; as Liberty is only a part of the Forfeiture, the Captor,
by taking a part for the whole, does the Captive no Injustice : the Instance of the Gibeonites
is a voucher for" holding such to service ..." The next Class to be Considered is the In-
nocent Captives who have taken no active part in the war ... to purchase those Captives,
and bring them away, is to Save their lives, is a meritorious act, Entitules the Purchaser, by
the Laws of Salvage, to the Purchase-Money by the Labor of the Captive . . . The next
Class . . . those sold for Adultery or other Attrocious Crimes . . . there can be no Doubt
but they ought to be Punished," and by the Laws of Moses were punished even by death.
". . . The next class is those Kidnapped by Gangs of Private Robbers : . . many of those
Poor Children are bro't many hundred miles, and if they were Releas'd on the Sea Coast
there is no Chance they wou'd ever arrive at the places of their Nativity ... if the Pur-
chase was Refus'd, those Abandoned Villains who Committed the fact wou'd probably put
all to the Sword — what then sho'ld hinder the Laws of Salvage from taking place in such
case of Life & Death, but that the Purchaser ought to Step in, & Redeem the Poor
Prisoners, take the part of a kind Guardian to them, hold them in Reasonable service till
they have paid the Purchase-money, then Release them if they behave well? ... As to
those Born here, tho' some hold that the Son must be Considered in the likness of the
Father, that, if the Father be in Bondage, the Son must be so too . . . that seems carrying
the point too far ; but it seems those Children cannot be considered entituled to the Privi-
ledges of free Denizens, for, as the Father was an Alien, and that Disability not Remov'd,
the Son must be so too . . . Political Priviledges are Hereditary . . . Therefore, upon
the Ground of Debt, the Son may be Rightfully held till he has paid that Debt for his Sup-
port, Education, Schooling, etc. . . .

" By a Sovereign Act to set them all free at one blow, and Dissolve the Legal Right
of the Masters to their Service, which the Masters Purchased with their own money,
under the Sanction of the Law, wou'd be Rather using the Law as a Snare to Deceive
the People . . .

" The master ought to learn his servant to Read and understand the Bible . . . Sup-
ply him with the nessasaries of Life in a Reasonable Manner, in Sickness and health, speak
kindly to him, Encourage him in his Business, give him the Praise when he does well,
Chear his Spirits, but not with fondness or Familiarity; let him know his Proper Dis-
tance, at the same time give him Moral Evidence of Sensere Friendship, frown upon vice
. . . Govern him with a steady hand, not with Undue Severity . . . If those measures were
Properly Pursued, it wou'd be laying the ax at the Root of the Tree, and I sho'd hope for
better times . . .

" I am sensible that the Idea of being Commanded at the will of another is Disagree-
able to the feelings of the Humane mind under its Present Depravity: but that Impression
is merely Imaginary. . . . Those Servants in Connecticut under the care & Guardian-
ship of kind masters, and contented where they are well Provided for, without any care or
anxiety of their own, are some of the Happiest People in the State . . . but such is the
Misery of the fallen Race that many of them cannot bear Prosperity : Preferment, Wealth,
Respect and kindness Inflames their Pride and Haughtiness. ... I wish that every Per-

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 233

son was Possess'd of the Virtue, Industry and Prudence that Quallifies a Person for Free-
dom, and Proper Measures were taken to make all free ; But to set such free as ought to
be Restrain'd wou'd tend to sap the foundations of Civil Government. ... I wou'd Query
whether the same Principles which Induced the . . . Society [for emancipation] to under-
take to Relieve against the Tyranny & oppression of Cruel Masters does not Equally
oblidge to Endeavour, if Possible, to Relieve these Poor People against the Soul-Ruining
advise of some bad People, and also against the Excess of their own Misconduct. . . .

" I hope for wise Reasons the future Importation of Slaves into this State will be Effect-
ually Prevented — it seems the foundation for it is laid already. No Common Wealth can
hardly be more hurt than by bringing bad People into it, or making them .so that are in it
already. Some men of Sensibility seem to hold that holding those People in Service is one
of the Crying Sins of the Land, while others Congratulate them upon their Deliverance from
Heathenish Darkness : many appear Ignorant of the True Principles upon which natural
Liberty is founded, which can consist in Nothing Else than in a Spirit of Obedience to the
Divine Law . . . July 1st, 1795." ^

To the foregoing a few sentences should be added with respect to
Governor Griswold's personal character. I quote from a funeral sermon
preached on his death, by the Rev. Lathrop Rockwell of Lyme :

" In this, & in all the offices which he sustained, he distinguished himself as a faithful
servant of the public ; and the whole tenor of his conduct was happily designated with
fidelity, integrity, uprightness and a high regard for the good of his constituents.

"But, if we descend to the more private walks of life, and view his character as a
private citizen, we shall find the social sweetly blended with the Christian virtues. He
possessed a benevolent disposition, which rendered his deportment truly engaging in all
the domestic relations. Having a frank and open heart, he was sincere in all his
professions of friendship . . . He was truly hospitable, and abounded in acts of
charity"* . . .

Conspicuous as Governor Griswold became in public life, and accus-
tomed as he was from early days to express his opinions on important
subjects, he was yet naturally diffident and shy. He had some time desired
to marry a lady in Durham, Conn., of a family since distinguished in West-
ern New York. She, however, preferred to marry a physician, and kept
Matthew Griswold in waiting, ready to accept him in case the doctor did
not come forward. With some intimation of this state of affairs, and
aroused by it, Matthew Griswold at last pressed the lady for a decision.
She answered hesitatingly that she " wished for more time." " Madam,"
said he, rising with decision, " I give you your lifetime'' and withdrew.
She took her lifetime, and never married. Naturally diffident as he was,
and rendered by this discomfiture still more self-distrustful, he might

* A Sermon delivered at the funeral of his Excellency Matthew Griswold Esq ... By Lathrop
Rockwell . . . New London, 1802, pp. 14-15.
Vol. XI.-No. 3.-16

234 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

have never approached a lady again. His second cousin Ursula Wolcott
and he had exchanged visits at the houses of their parents from childhood,
till a confiding affection had grown up between them. His feelings were
understood, but not declared. Time passed ; it might be that he would take
his lifetime. At last, Ursula, with the resolution, energy and good sense
which characterized her, seeing the situation, rose to its control. Meeting
him about the house, she occasionally asked him : " What did you say,
cousin Matthew?" " Nothing," he answered. Finally, meeting him on
the stairs, she asked : " What did you say, cousin Matthew? " " Nothing,"
he answered. " It's time you did" said she. Then he did, and the result
was a long and happy marriage, in which his wife shared his anxieties,
counsels and successes, brought up a superior family of children, and
in his frequent absences, and when he was overburthened with cares, ad-
ministered the concerns of a large farm, and controlled a numerous house-
hold of negro servants and laborers.

The marriage of Ursula Wolcott and Matthew Griswold re-united two of
the leading families of Connecticut, by the new bond of a singular identity
of official position ; for the lady was both daughter, sister, wife, aunt, and,
as we shall presently see, mother, too, of a governor of the State. This
singular coincidence led a living descendant of hers* to discover the still
more remarkable fact that around the name of this lady could be grouped,
as all belonging in a sense to her family-circle, twelve Governors of States,
thirty-six high Judges (most of them distinct persons from any of the
governors), and many other eminent men. The particulars have been
briefly stated in a very interesting paper, which on every account deserves
a place in this memorial record:

" Family Circle
of
Mrs. Ursula (Wolcott) Griswold. f

" Ursula Wolcott was born in Windsor (now South Windsor), Connecticut, Oct. 30,
1724; married Matthew Griswold of Lyme, Connecticut, Nov. 11, 1743 ; and died April
5, 1788.

" I. Governors.

" 1. Roger Wolcott, her father, was Governor of Connecticut.

"2. Oliver Wolcott, Sen., her brother, was Governor of Connecticut ; also Signer of
the Declaration of Independence.

" 3. Oliver Wolcott, Jr., her nephew, was Governor of Connecticut ; also Secretary
of the Treasury under Washington.

* Mrs. Edward E. Salisbury.

f From New Engl. Hist, and Geneal. Register. Boston, 1879, xxxiii. 223-25, with additions.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 235

"4. Matthew Griswold, Sen., her husband, was Governor of Connecticut.

" 5. Roger Griswold, her son, was Governor of Connecticut ; also was offered by the
elder President Adams, but declined, the post of Secretary of War.

"6. William Wolcott Ellsworth, her first cousin's grandson, was Governor of Con-
necticut.

" 7. William Pitkin, 3d, her second cousin, was Governor of Connecticut.

" 8. William Woodbridge, her grandnephew through her husband, was Governor of
Michigan.

"9. Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., her third cousin through the Drakes, was Governor
of Connecticut.

" 10. Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., fourth cousin of her children, was Governor of Con-
necticut ; also Speaker of the United States House of Representatives ; also United States
Senator.

" n. Joseph Trumbull, her remoter cousin, was Governor of Connecticut.

" 12. Frederick IV. Pitkin, of the same Pitkin blood as herself, was lately Governor
of Colorado.

"II. Judges.

" 1. Roger Wolcott, her father (I. 1), was Judge of the Superior Court, Connecticut.

"2. Roger Wolcott, Jr., her brother, was Judge of the Superior Court, Connecticut.

" 3. Erastus Wolcott, her brother, was Judge of the Superior Court, Connecticut.

"4. Oliver Wolcott, her brother (I. 2), was Judge of the Court of Common Pleas,
Connecticut.

" 5. Oliver Wolcott, her nephew (I. 3), was Judge of the United States Circuit Court.

"6. Josiah Wolcott, her second cousin, was Judge of the Court of Common Pleas,
Massachusetts.

"7. Matthew Griswold, Sen., her husband (I. 4), was Chief Justice of Connecticut.

"8. Matthew Griswold, Jr., her son, was Judge of the Supreme Court, Connecticut.

"9. Roger Griswold, her son (I. 5), was Judge of the Supreme Court, Connecticut.

" 10. Oliver Ellsworth, who married her first cousin's daughter Abigail Wolcott, was
Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court ; also United States Senator ; also United
States Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of France.

"11. William Wolcott Ellsworth (I. 6), son of Abigail (Wolcott) Ellsworth, was Judge
of the Supreme Court, Connecticut.

" 12. Samuel Holden Parsons, her nephew through her husband, was appointed by
Washington the first Chief Justice of the Northwest Territory.

"13. Stephen Titus Hosmer, who married her grandniece Lucia Parsons, was Chief
Justice of Connecticut.

" 14. Thomas Scott Williams, who married Delia Ellsworth, granddaughter of
Abigail (Wolcott) Ellsworth, was Chief Justice of Connecticut.

"15. William Pitkin, 2d, first cousin of her father, was Judge of the Superior Court,
and Chief Justice of Connecticut.

"16. William Pitkin, 3d, her second cousin (I. 7), was Chief Justice of Connecticut.

" 17. William Pitkin, 4th, third cousin of her children, was Judge of the Supreme
Court, Connecticut.

" 18. Matthew Allyn, who married her second cousin Elizabeth Wolcott, was Judge
of the Superior Court, Connecticut.

236 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

" 19. Jonathan Trumbull, Sen., her third cousin (I. 9), was Chief Justice of Conn.

" 20. John Trumbull, of the same descent, was Judge of the Superior Court, Conn.

"21. James Lanman, who married her granddaughter Marian Chandler, was Judge
of the Supreme Court, Connecticut.

" 22. Lafayette S. Foster, who married her great-granddaughter Joanna Lanman, was
Judge of the Supreme Court, Connecticut ; also United States Senator, and Acting Vice-
President of the United States.

" 23. Nathaniel Pope, who married her grandniece Lucretia Backus, was Judge of the
United States Court of Illinois.

" 24. Henry T. Backus, her grandnephew, who married her grandniece Juliana Trum-
bull Woodbridge, was Judge of the United States Court of Arizona.

" 25. William Woodbridge, her grandnephew (I. 8), was Judge of the Supreme Court,
Michigan.

" 26. Ebenezer Lane, her grandson, who married her granddaughter Frances Gris-
wold, was Chief Justice of Ohio.

" 27. William Grisivold Lane, her great-grandson, who married her great-grand-
daughter Elizabeth Diodate Griswold, was Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, Ohio.

"28. Charles Johnson McCurdy, her great-grandson, was Judge of the Supreme
Court, Connecticut ; also United States Charge d'Affaires in Austria ; also Member of the
Peace Congress of 1861.

" 29. Sherlock J. Andrews, who married her great-granddaughter Ursula McCurdy
Allen, was Judge of the Superior Court, Ohio.

" 30. John Henry Bo alt, her great-grandson, was Judge of the Court of Common
Pleas, Nevada.

"31. Charles Allen, late Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Massachusetts, was of
the same Pitkin blood as herself.

" 32. Aaro7i Hackley, who married Sophia Griswold, her great-great-grand niece (a
descendant of her brother Oliver), was Judge of the Supreme Court of New York.

" 33- Josiah Hawes, descended from her brother Roger, was Circuit Judge, Michigan

" 34. Henry Baldwin, son of her second cousin Theodora Wolcott, was a Justice of
the United States Supreme Court.

"35. Henry Mats on Waite, Chief Justice of Connecticut, and

"36. Morrison Remick Waite, Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court,
descended from her own and her husband's ancestor Henry Wolcott, the first of the name
in this country, and from her husband's ancestor the first Matthew Griswold.

" Notes.

" Most of those above named as Governors and Judges held, also, other high offices.
All those mentioned as connected with Mrs. Griswold through her husband were also
related to her by Wolcott blood, her husband and herself having been second cousins.

" Dr. Trumbull, in his History of Connecticut, i. 227, note, says : ' Some of the [Wol-
cott] family have been Members of the Assembly, Judges of the Superior Court, or Magis-
trates, from the first settlement of the colony to this time— A.D. 1797— during the term of
more than a century and a half.' According to Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, LL.D., Gov.
William Pitkin ' belonged to a family in which the honors of office seemed to have become
hereditary. A Pitkin sat at the Council-board for three-quarters of a century, six or seven

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 237

years only excepted.' A similar remark might be applied to the public life of the Gris-
wolds and Trumbulls.

" Among the connections of Mrs. Griswold, not mentioned, have been many men emi-
nent in the learned professions, judges of other courts, members of both Houses of Con-
gress, eminent merchants, military officers of high rank, etc.

"Professor Simon Greenleaf, the distinguished professor of law in Harvard Univer-
sity, was her grandnephew through her husband. Mr. George Griffin, the eminent
lawyer of New York, and the famous Rev. Dr. Edward Dorr Griffin, were of the same
Wolcott and Griswold lineage as herself and her husband.

" Christopher P. Wolcott of Ohio, who was Attorney-General of Ohio, afterwards
Judge-Advocate-General, and died when Assistant Secretary of War, was her great-grand-
nephew.

" Lyman Trumbull, Justice of the Supreme Court, Illinois, also United States Senator,
is of the same Drake descent as the Trumbulls named in the lists.

" Gov. Roger Wolcott, Mrs. Griswold's father (I. 1), was Major-General in command of
the Connecticut troops in the expedition to Cape Breton, and in the siege and capture of
Louisburg, in 1745. Judge Erastus Wolcott (II. 3) and Gov. Oliver Wolcott (I. 2), her
brother, were Brigadier-Generals in the Revolution. Judge Parsons (II. 12) was Major-
General in the Revolution, and was a member of the Court Martial selected by Washing-
ton for the trial of Major Andre.

" Major • -General John Pope, U. S. A., son of Judge Pope (II. 23), was distinguished
in the late civil war ; as were many of her young descendants, one of whom, the heroic
Captain John Griswold, gave his life at Antietam.

" General James S. Wadsworth, of Geneseo, N. Y., killed in the battle of the Wilder-
ness, was descended from several branches of her Wolcott family. Gen. Wadsworth's sister
Elizabeth married the Hon. Charles Augustus Murray, son of the Earl of Dunmore.

"Her great-great-granddaughter Eleanora Lorillard, daughter of Lorillard Spencer and
of her great-granddaughter Sarah Griswold, is the wife of Prince Virginio Cenci of Vico-
varo, etc., Chamberlain to the reigning King of Italy. Princess Cenci is now one of the
Ladies of Honor to the Queen."

Governor Matthew Griswold and his wife both lie buried in the Duck
River Burying-Ground at Lyme.
The following are their epitaphs :

"This monument is erected to the memory of Matthew Griswold Esq., late Governor
of the State of Connecticut, who died on the 28th day of April in the year 1799— aged 85
years and 28 days.

" Sic transit gloria mundi."

" Sacred to the memory of Mrs. Ursula Griswold, the amiable consort of Matthew
Griswold Esq., late Governor of the State of Connecticut. She departed this life on the
Sth day of April, 1788, in the 64th year of her age."

Their children were :

1. JOHN (see next page).

238 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

2. Matthew, born April 17, 1760; graduated at Yale College in 1780-
who married, September 4, 1788, Lydia, daughter of Deacon Seth Ely of
Lyme; and, having settled in Lyme, died there, June 10, 1842, s. p. A
letter from his father to him while in college, now lying before me, is too
characteristic of the times to be left out of this record :

'* Lyme, Nov. 18th 1779.
" Dear Son,

"Thro' Divine Goodness wee are all in usual health — I have herewith Sent You a Thirty
Dollar bill to purchase a Ticket in the Continental Lottery in the Third Class : I suppose
they are to be had in New Haven of Deacon Austin; I wish you good Success with
it. If they are not to be had in New Haven, you wilt Enquire &* purchase one
Elsewhere — If there be no Chance to purchase one, lay up your Money, and keep it safe.
— I hope you will pursue your Studies with Dilligence & Industry — But above all keep Holy
the Sabbath Day & pay all Possible Regard to Religion : a vertuous Life is the only
Foundation upon which you can Depend to be Comfortable here <Sr» Happy in the
Coming World — the Joy of your Friends and a Blessing to the world.

" From your affectionate Father

Matthw Griswold "
" Matthw Griswold Junr"

He learnt the science and practice of law from his father; became, in
time, Chief Judge of the County Court of New London ; and some of the
men of later times most eminent in the legal profession studied law under
his direction, together with that of his more distinguished brother Roger,
including Judge James Gould, afterwards at the head of the famous law-
school of Litchfield, Conn., Chief Justice Henry Matson Waite and Judge
Hungerford.

&&K*

THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF LONG ISLAND

Long Island, at least its central and eastern parts, has been slow to
share in the general prosperity of the State at large. Its development,
until late years, has been by fits and starts, never advancing much at a
time. The natural advantages of Long Island — fine climate, picturesque
scenery, and a fertile and varied soil — for a long while were not appre-
ciated by the people as means to an end. While other parts of the State
became active and prosperous, Long Island stood still. Its inhabitants
lived in the same quiet way as their ancestors, caring little for any change
or closer union with the outside world.

The story of the settlement and early government of Long Island,
particularly of Suffolk County, is a curious one. A succession of political
events took place in the latter half of the 17th century, far-reaching in
their effects upon the future of Long Island. These events, with other cir-
cumstances, gave rise to certain characteristics in the people, namely, an
indifference to the rest of the colony, a disposition to live to themselves,
and a lack of energy in furthering their own interests. To a considerable
extent, these traits were handed down to their descendants. But the
present generation are shaking off the mental peculiarities of the old
Long Islanders, sensible of what they ought to do to promote the general
welfare, and of the right steps to be taken.

It cannot be certainly said who discovered Long Island. Cabot and
Verrazano, in their voyages along the eastern coast of North America,
may have seen it ; it is known that Hudson landed on Coney Island. But
it was a terra incognita until Adriaen Block, in a little craft called the
Restless, built at New Amsterdam, sailed along its whole length in 1614,
and found that it really was an island. The Dutch West India Trading
Company, under whose control New Netherland was placed by the
States General, soon afterward published a map on which the position
and size of Long Island seem to have been accurately determined. Its
present and prospective value quickly became known, and settlements
were made on its western end. A Dutch traveler, in 1640, speaks
of Long Island as the " Crown of the Netherlands." The settlements
stretched as far east as Oyster Bay, in what was later called by the English
Queens County, and these were chiefly English communities. To the
eastward were also several, the first of which was established on Gardi-

24O THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF LONG ISLAND

ner's Island, in 1639, by Lion Gardiner, who was indeed the first English
settler within the bounds of what is now New York State.

Charles I granted the whole of Long Island to the Earl of Stirling;
and this grant was confirmed by the Plymouth Company, which claimed
under a patent from James I all the land between 400 and 480 north lati-
tude, and from " sea to sea." Lord Stirling, in 1639, granted that part of
the island lying easterly of the Peconic river to Edward Howell, Daniel
How, and job Sayer, in trust for themselves and associates. Lord Stir-
ling's heir surrendered the grant of Long Island, and it was afterward
included in the patent of the Duke of York, in 1664. For several years
after the abandonment of the grant, no power claimed eastern Long
Island. The New Englanders had made settlements at Southold, East
Hampton, and South Hampton, and other places, which were independ-
ent, and had undisputed control over their own affairs. The English
pushed themselves close up to the Dutch on the west, and, as a matter of
course, there were bitter disputes between the people of the border settle-
ments. East Hampton, South Hampton, Brook Haven, and Huntington
soon applied to be annexed to the colonies of Connecticut and New
Haven, afterward known as Connecticut; and they were annexed, or,
rather, taken under their protection.

The charter which Charles II. gave to the Connecticut colony, was a
liberal one; and this was due, chiefly, to the personal efforts and influ-
ence of John Winthrop, whose father had been of great service to Charles
I. Under a clause in the charter, taking in " the islands adjacent," Con-
necticut claimed Long Island. The towns at the east were willing enough
to become a part of a political body in which the people had a voice in the
making of the laws and election of rulers. Each was given a deputy in
the Colonial Assembly and each paid its share of taxes for the general
expenses of the colony. Even the inhabitants of Oyster Bay, who had
been neutral in the quarrels of the Dutch and English, voluntarily put
themselves under the control of Connecticut.

Under this government, the people were living in 1664, when the expe-
dition fitted out by the Duke of York snatched New Netherland from
the Dutch. It is hard to find an excuse for this taking of territory from
those who had held undisputed possession of it for half a century. The
two nations were at peace, and the conquest was simply an exhibition of
brute force — a practical demonstration of the proposition that might makes
right. When New Amsterdam was given up, the question of the bound-
ary lines between New York and Connecticut arose. Long negotiations
ensued, and it was finally agreed by the representatives of the two col-

THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF LONG ISLAND 24I

onies that New York should have the whole of Long Island, Connecticut
taking in exchange for that part over which it had jurisdiction, a strip of
territory which brought its boundary line about twenty miles from the
Hudson River. Naturally the Long Islanders were not consulted. They
remonstrated, but too late, and in vain. Connecticut gained by the bar-
gain, but the people of Long Island lost that which had made them what
they were and which promised for them a bright future. Instead of mem-
bers of a free government, they became subjects of a despot. The Duke
of York was arbitrary and dissolute. Nominally a Protestant, he was at
heart a bigoted Romanist. With such a ruler the result could not have
been other than it was. Connecticut grew and prospered; settlers came
to it in numbers, but the progress of Long Island was at once stayed. No
one would leave the main-shore of New England, where there was freedom
of action and speech, to live under and obey laws such as a man like the
Duke of York saw fit to make. The people of the settlements felt that
they had been wronged and cheated out of their liberties. Charges of
fraud were brought against the Commissioners who fixed the dividing
line between the colony and province. A century later Smith, the his-
torian, said that the settlement of the boundary was made in ignorance
and fraud.

It requires no great stretch of imagination to picture what Long Island
would have been had it remained in the Connecticut government. Thriv-
ing settlements would have sprung up everywhere, to become in the
course of time populous and active towns ; the abundant supply of water
would have been sure to develop manufactures ; and, in a word, it would
have been a second New England, with all the prosperity and energy for
which the name stands.

At the retaking of New Netherland, all the towns on Long Island
submitted to the Dutch except East Hampton, South Hampton, and
Southold, which asked aid from Connecticut to beat off a Dutch force
sent against them. The colony actually declared war against the Dutch ;
but news of the treaty of peace came before hostilities began and Long
Island was restored to the English. These three towns still determined
to become again, if possible, a part of Connecticut. A petition, asking
that they be allowed to join the colony, was sent to the king, but, as might
have been supposed, it was denied. On the arrival of Governor Andros,
the deputies of the towns, John Mulford of East Hampton, John Howell
of South Hampton, and John Youngs of Southold, signed a memorial
declaring the settlements to be under the government of Connecticut, and
that they would remain so. The deputies were summoned before the

242 THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF LONG ISLAND

council, but it does not appear that they were punished for their so-called
rebellion.

Under all of the Duke of York's governors the Long Islanders had to
suffer much. The laws were oppressive, and they were heavily taxed for
the benefit of the rest of the province. Governor Lovelace, in a letter to
a friend, wrote that he " thought to keep them in submission by impos-
ing such taxes on them as may not give them liberty to entertain any other
thoughts." At the restoration of the English the harsh and arbitrary rule
of Governor Andros revived with full force the complaints of the people,
who began to hate equally the man and the office. The Duke of York
saw that he must do something to take away the great discontent and give
the inhabitants the representation they demanded. In 1683, he instructed
Governor Dongan to call a general assembly of the province, and it met
on the 17th of October in the same year. It declared, among other things,
that the supreme authority under the duke should thereafter be in a gov-
ernor, council, and the people represented in general assembly; and some
of the more obnoxious laws were repealed. The three " ridings " on Long
Island were done away with, and the counties of Kings, Queens and Suffolk
organized. The assembly met again in 1684 and 1685, and then not until
the arrival of Governor Sloughter, in 1691, though Leisler called one dur-
ing his usurpation. It is probable that the Duke of York, on becoming
James II., determined to govern the province according to his own will,
and so ordered Governor Dongan not to call any more assemblies of the
people.

The fact that most of the Long Islanders were Dissenters added to
their troubles. The Church of England seized the opportunity to pay off
some of their old scores against the Puritans by humiliating them in every
possible way.

Treated with indifference and contempt, their rights and welfare disre-
garded, the people of Long Island keenly felt their situation. The older
settlers sadly contrasted the present with the past, and the burdens and
wrongs now put upon them, with the privileges they had enjoyed as mem-
bers of a free government, while the younger men saw but little hope of
happiness and prosperity for the future. Nursing and brooding over their
just grievances, they became isolated and interested in nothing which
related to the rest of the province ; moreover, they lost much of the nat-
ural ambition which had spurred them on to success in their undertakings.
Governor Dongan wrote to England of them that they were of an unfriend-
ly disposition — " of the same stamp as the New Englanders, refractoiy
and loth to have any communication with this place (New York)."

THE EARLY SETTLEMENT OF LONG ISLAND 243

The large uninhabited districts on Long Island being crown lands had
been granted by the governors to individuals who could not till them ;
nor would the settlers become their tenants, for they had known in their
old homes across the sea the oppression of landlords. Speaking of the
province, including Long Island, Cadwallader Colden, at one time sur-
veyor-general, said that " these grants had been most injurious to the
country." These estates, for several generations, descended from father
to son, but as the land became more valuable and there were those who
would cultivate it, they were in several instances divided and sold.

Whatever else happened, the early settlers of eastern Long Island never
lost their love for liberty and hatred for oppression ; they bequeathed them
to their children and grandchildren. While at the time of the Revolution,
the people on the west end of the island were generally Tories, the inhab-
itants of Suffolk county, almost to a man, were patriots who gave their
lives and their money to aid in the overthrow of what seemed to them the
greatest of tyrannies. That they fought and died in support of their sen-
timent, and that when the nation was born, they, as much as any others,
helped to tide it over the years of its infancy and start it safely on the
path to future greatness, are facts of history known to all.

BRISSOT DE WARVILLE

HIS NOTES ON AMERICA IN 1788

The unique frontispiece of the Magazine for this month, the portrait in
antique setting of the spirited young Frenchman who drew a pen picture
of our country nearly a century ago, possesses a fresh charm at the present
period in our national history. He landed at Boston on a July day
in 1788, having crossed the ocean with the avowed object of examining the
effects of liberty on the character of man. He was at heart a reformer,
had already been instrumental in establishing an institution in France for
the abolition of the slave trade, and entered upon his studies of our form-
ing society with the vigor of an enthusiast. He was young, only thirty-
four, handsome, and captivating. He brought numerous letters of intro-
duction to eminent Americans, by whom he was cordially welcomed.
Lafayette wrote to Washington pronouncing him "clever, intelligent, and
discreet," and said it was his intention to embody the result of his observa-
tions and researches in a history of America.

Looking through his eyes, we, of this generation, find the Boston of
1788 almost as interesting as the Boston of 1884. His first impressions of
it were recorded in the following terse language : " With what pleasure did
I contemplate this town which first shook off the English yoke ! How
I delighted to wander up and down that long street, whose simple houses
of wood border the magnificent channel of Boston, and whose full stores
offer me all the productions of the continent I have quitted ! How I en-
joyed the activity of the merchants, the artisans, and the sailors ! "

Then, after a comfortable night's rest and opportunity to explore the
city more in detail, he added : " Everything is rapid, everything great,
everything durable with her. Boston is just rising from the devastation of
war, and her commerce is flourishing, as also her manufactures, productions,
arts and sciences. * * * You no longer meet here that Presbyterian
austerity which interdicted all pleasures, even that of walking, which for-
bade traveling on Sunday, which persecuted men whose opinions were
different from their own. Music which their teachers formally proscribed
as a diabolic art, begins to make part of their education. In some houses
you hear the porte-piano. God grant that the Bostonian women may
never, like those of France, acquire the melody of perfection in this art !
It is never attained, but at the expense of the domestic virtues."

BRISSOT DE WARVILLE

245

But, however much our traveler disapproved of musical women, he was
evidently well pleased with educated men. He wrote : " Boston has the
glory of having given the first College or University to the New World.
It is placed on an extensive plain, four miles from Boston, at a place called
Cambridge ; the origin of this useful institution was in 1636. The imagina-
tion could not fix on a place that could better unite all the conditions
essential to a seat of education. The regulation of the course of studies
here is nearly the same as that at the University of Oxford. The library
and the cabinet of philosophy do honor to the institution. The first con-
tains 13,000 volumes. The Bostonians have no brilliant monuments, but
they have neat and commodious churches, good houses, superb bridges,
and excellent ships. Their streets are well illuminated at night, while
many ancient cities of Europe, containing proud monuments of art, have
never yet thought of preventing the fatal effects of nocturnal darkness.
The greatest monuments of industry are the three bridges of Charles,
Maiden, and Essex. An employment which is, unhappily, one of the
most lucrative in the State is the profession of the law. They preserve
still the expensive forms of the English practice, which good sense and
the love of order ought to teach them to suppress. They have likewise
borrowed from their fathers, the English, the habit of demanding ex-
orbitant fees. But notwithstanding the abuses of law proceedings, they
complain very little of the lawyers. Those with whom I am acquainted
appear to enjoy great reputation for integrity ; such as Sumner, Wendell,
Lowell, and Sullivan. They had great part in the Revolution, by their
writings, by their discourses, by taking the lead in the affairs of Congress,
and in foreign negotiation. To recall this memorable period is to bring to
mind one of the greatest ornaments of the American Bar, the celebrated
Adams, who, from the humble station of a school-master, has raised himself
to the first dignities ; whose name is as much respected in Europe as in
his own country, for the difficult embassies with which he has been
charged. Simplicity characterizes almost all the men of this State who
have acted distinguished parts in the Revolution ; such among others as
Samuel Adams and Mr. Hancock, the present governor. A great gener-
osity united to a vast ambition, forms the character of the former. He
will have no capitulation with abuses ; he fears as much the despotism of
virtue and talents, as the despotism of vice. He is an idolater of Republic-
anism. Mr. Hancock is amiable and polite when he wishes to be ; but
they say he does not always choose it. He has not the learning of his
rival, Mr. Bowdoin ; he seems to disdain the sciences. But he is beloved
by the people. When I compare our legislators, with their airs of import-

246 BRISSOT DE WARVILLE

ance, always fearing they shall not make noise enougn, that they shall not
be sufficiently praised, to those modest republicans, I fear for the success
of our Revolution. The vain man can never be far from slavery/'

It would be delightful and profitable, if space permitted, to make the
entire tour of America with the French author. When he reached New
Rochelle, he wrote: — " This place will always be celebrated for having
given birth to one of the most distinguished men of the last Revolution —
a Republican remarkable for his firmness and his coolness, a writer eminent
for his nervous style, and his close logic, Mr. John Jay, present minister
of Foreign Affairs. The following anecdote will give an idea of the firm-
ness of this Republican : At the time of laying the foundation of the peace
of 1783, M. de Vergennes, actuated by secret motives, wished to engage the
ambassadors of Congress to confine their demands to the fisheries, and
to renounce the western territory ; that is, the vast and fertile country beyond
the Alegany Mountains. This minister (Vergennes) required particularly
that the independence of America should not be considered as the basis of
the peace : but simply that it should be conditional. To succeed in this
project it was necessary to gain over Jay and Adams. Mr. Jay declared
to M. de Vergennes that he would sooner lose his life than sign such a
treaty ; that the Americans sought for independence ; that they would
never lay down their arms till it should be fully consecrated ; that the court
of France had recognized it, and that there would be a contradiction in her
conduct if she should deviate from that point. It was not difficult for Mr.
Jay to bring Mr. Adams to this determination ; and M. de Vergennes could
never shake his firmness. Consider here the strange concurrence of events.
The American who forced the Court of France, and gave laws to the Eng-
lish minister, was the grandson of a French refugee of the last century
who fled to New Rochelle. Thus the descendant of a man whom Louis
XIV. had persecuted with a foolish rage, imposed his decisions on the de-
scendant of that sovereign, in his own palace, a hundred years after the
banishment of the ancestor. Mr. Jay was equally immovable by all the
efforts of the English minister, whom M. de Vergennes had gained to his
party. And his reasoning determined the Court of St. James. * * *
When Mr. Jay passed through England to return to America, Lord Shel-
burne desired to see him. Accused by the nation of having granted too
much to the Americans, the English Statesman desired to know, in case he
had persisted not to accord to the Americans the western territory, if they
would have continued the war ? Mr. Jay answered that he believed it
and that he should have advised it."

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

{Continued from page 167, Vol. XI.)

8'A June 1 78 1.

Ebenezer Hathaway, who has been for some time a prisoner in Cimberry Mines,*
says that one Nathaniel Ruggles who lives at Setalket sends over intelligence once
every fortnight by Brewster f who comes from Connecticut and lands at the Old
Man's. Ruggles comes to New York frequently. One Clarke, who used to trade
to Long Island and who has frequently come over with Brewster told him this.
Clarke is now a prisoner in the mines.

Hathaway \ landed at Oyster Ponds and on his way to this place met Major

* Simsbury Mines. See note to Ebenezer Hathaway — post.

f Capt. Caleb Brewster, a secret agent of Washington, referred to in the cypher letter from
Connecticut, ante, Feb. 4, 1781. " Nathaniel Ruggles " of "Setalket ;' above mentioned, was one
of Col. Talmadge's agents to get secret intelligence from New York for the American Commander-
in-chief. " Old Man's," where Brewster usually landed to meet Talmadge's agents, later known
as Woodville, and now called by the strange old testament name "Mt. Sinai," is on the north shore
of Long Island, about three miles east of " Setauket," as that place is now spelled. Clarke was
one of the many Connecticut and Long Island people, whose only idea was to make money from
both sides.

% " Ebenezer Hathaway" was the captain of the privateer Adventure, captured on the 7th of
April, 1781, who, with his crew, was imprisoned in the terrible subterranean prison of Connecticut,
"Cimberry," meaning " Simsbury " Mines, or " Newgate of Connecticut," as it was often styled.
In the Political Magazine, vol. 2, p. 444, is the following account of his capture, the prison, and
his escape therefrom, dated two days prior to the information here given by him. "New York,
June 8. This day arrived here Ebenezer Hathaway and Thomas Smith, who on the iSth of May
last made their escape from Simsbury Mines after a most gallant struggle for their liberty. These
men declare that they were two of eight belonging to the privateer boat Adventure duly commis-
sioned, &c. ; that they were taken in Huntington Bay off Long Island on the 7th of April, by seven
rebel whaleboats manned by 73 men, and that night carried across the Sound to Stamford in Con-
necticut ; that the next day they were carried to what they called headquarters before General
Waterbury, who with the air of a demagogue ordered them to Hartford gaol, and told the guard
they had liberty to strip them of their cloaths remaining on their backs, but the captors had already
stripped them ; there they lay on the 27th following, when their trial came on before the Superior
Court ; that they were brought before the court and directed to plead not guilty ; but aware of
their knavish tricks, they declared themselves British subjects, and refused to plead either 'guilty'
or ' not guilty ; ' therefore they were ordered to Newgate gaol, or rather to that inquisition
Simsbury Mines, which from the following description, exceeds anything among their allies in

248 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Talmadge and another officer belonging to the rebels at South-hold — he stop'd at
a publick house there and was told by a widow woman who keeps it, that Tal-

France or Spain. These poor unfortunate victims relate that they were taken from Hartford gaol,
and marched under a strong guard to Simsbury, distant about 74 miles. In approaching that horrid
dungeon they were first conducted through the apartments of the guard, then through a trap-door
down stairs into a room half underground, from thence into another on the same floor called the
kitchen, which was divided by a very strong partition door. In the corner of this outer room and
near the foot of the stair, opened another large trap-door covered with bars and bolts of iron, which
they called Hell ; they there descended by means of a ladder about six feet more, which led to a
large iron grate or hatchway locked down over a shaft of about three feet diameter sunk through
tne solid rock, and which they were told led to the bottomless pit. Finding it not possible to evade
this hard fate, they bid adieu to the world and descended the ladder about 38 feet more, when
they came to what is called the landing ; then descending about 30 or 40 feet more they came to a
platform of boards laid under foot. Here, say they, we found the inhabitants of this woeful man-
sion, who were exceedingly anxious to know what was going on above. We told them Lord Corn-
wallis had beat the rebel army, with which they seemed satisfied, and rejoiced at the good news.
They were obliged to make use of pots of charcoal to dispel the foul air, which in some degree is
drawn off by a ventilator or auger hole, which is bored from the surface through at this spot, said
to be 70 feet perpendicular. Here they continued 20 days and nights, resolved however to avail
themselves of the first opportunity to get out, although they should lose their lives in the attempt.
Accordingly on the 18th aforesaid, 18 of them being let up into the kitchen to cook, they found
means to break the lock of the door which kept them from the foot of the ladder leading up to the
guard room ; they now doubly resolved to make a push should the door be opened, which fortu-
nately was the case about ten o'clock at night to let down a prisoner's wife who had come there and
was permitted to see him. Immediately they seized the fortunate moment and rushed up, but
before any one had got out the door was closed down on the rest, and he the brave Captain Hatha-
way scuffled with the whole of them for a few minutes and was wounded in three different places,
when he was nobly seconded by his friend Thomas Smith, and afterward by the. others. They
then advanced upon the guard consisting of 24 in number and took the whole prisoners, which was
no sooner accomplished than they brought their companions out of the bottomless pit and put the
guard down in their room ; then marched off with their arms and ammunition but were soon after-
wards obliged to disperse. This we the subscribers declare to be the way the King's loyal sub-
jects, vulgarly called Tories, are treated in Connecticut.

Ebenezer Hathaway,
Thomas Smith."

Noah A. Phelps, in his History of Simsbury, p. 143, thus tells the story : " On the 18th of
May, 1781, the prisoners, amounting to twenty-eight persons, most of whom were tories, rose upon
the guard, seized their arms, and made good their escape, carrying the captured arms with them.
* * * About ten o'clock at night when all the guard but two had retired to rest a wife of one of
the prisoners appeared, to whom permission was given to visit her husband in the caverns. Upon
the hatches being opened, the prisoners, who were at the door prepared for the encounter, rushed
up, seized the guns of the sentry on duty, who made little or no resistance, and became masters of
the guard room before those who were asleep could be aroused and prepared to make defence.
One brave fellow by name of Sheldon, who was an officer of the guard, fought valiantly, and was
killed upon the spot, having been pierced by a bayonet through his body. * * * The guard
was easily overcome. A few sought safety in flight but the greater number were disarmed by the
prisoners and locked up in the caverns. The prisoners having equipped themselves with the capt-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 249

madge came over to purchase clothing for the rebel army. Three waggons had
sett off that morning for Brooklyn to carry down goods for Talmadge,* and the
day before three boats loaded had been sent over to Connecticut.

There is a man whose name is Johnson, who passes for a Refugee and lives at
Lloyd's Neck. He is employed by Congress to get intelligence. A Captain Fitch
who commands all the rebel whale boats sends over to Johnston and receives the
intelligence required.!

The informant says the day he was taken by seven rebel whale-boats, one boat
went ashore at a place called the Ships Garden and received intelligence from
some person who met them. He supposed it to be Johnson.

A Mr.s Sacket J whose husband is now in the Mines, told the informant that
Capt" Fitch told her that he could have any intelligence he wanted from Johnson
— That some time ago one Baldwin who was sent out from there on private busi-
ness was taken up on suspicion of being a Spy and that the rebels sent over to
Johnson to know whether he was so or not. — That Johnson said that he had been

ured arms, escaped, and with few exceptions had the adroitness or good luck to avoid a
recapture."

The following extract from the report of a Legislative committee of investigation, explains the
success : " Abigail the wife of John Young, alias Mattick, says that the first night she came to the
prison, she gave to her husband 52 silver dollars. Her husband told her after he came out that he
had given Sergt. Lilly 50 of them in order that he may suffer the prisoners to escape. That he
told her the Sergt. purposely left the door of the south jail unlocked, that Sergt. Lilly was not hurt,
— that she borrowed the money of a pedlar, — that she heard Lilly say it was a great pity that such
likely men should live and die in such a place." Cited in Rich. H. Phelps's " Newgate of Con-
necticut," p. 11. The same writer says: "Most of those confined were persons of character,
property, and great influence, they being the ones to do harm, rather than those who were mere
weathercocks in principle, and vacillating in practice. Their first keeper was Capt. John Viets
who resided near by and who supplied them daily with food and necessaries which were required."
lb. , 7. This John Viets, strange to say, was the maternal grandfather of the late Rt. Rev. Alex-
ander Viets Griswold, Bishop of the former "Eastern Diocese," and father of the Rev. Roger
Viets, the Church of England Rector of Simsbury church, who at the close of the war went to
Nova Scotia, and died Rector of Digby in that province in 181 1.

Simsbury Mines were copper mines, first worked in the reign of Queen Anne in 1707, and sub-
sequently down to 1773 by various parties, associations, and companies. In that year Connecticut
bought a lease of them, and converted them into its State prison for malefactors of all sorts. When
the Revolution occurred the State authorities directed that courts and courts martial should
imprison tories there with the criminals, which continued till the end of the war. A most cruel
outrage, but illustrative of the savageness of civil war. It is believed that this was the only
instance, on either side, of crime and opinion being considered synonymous, and punished alike.

* From Brooklyn to Setauket, or " Old Man's," whence they were sent over the Sound to Tal-
madge.

f " Capt. Fitch" was John Fitch, a Connecticut man, commissioned by Gov. Trumbull, long
engaged in the whaleboat plunder and intelligence business — bold, brave, and very successful.
Johnson was one of Col. Talmadge's conduits of information.

% " Mrs. Sacket " was the wife of Capt. Peter Sackett, one of the prisoners who escaped from
the Simsbury mines on the 18th of May. . «

Vol. XI.— No. 3.-17

250 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

employed for that purpose, upon which Baldwin was immediately sent to the mines,
where the informant saw him and heard the above from himself also — Mr.s Sackett
is daughter to Colo! Palmer who lives with Gen! Waterbury at Stamford. She is
intimately acquainted with Fitch and has often heard him speak of Johnson.

June 8^ 1 781.

Lieu* Col: Hill of the 9* Regiment* says he saw the Pennsylvania troops at
Fredericksburg about ten days ago,f that they amounted to about 800 men. —
They seemed much dissatisfied and tho they were well armed, they were not
trusted with any ammunition.! He saw Gen! Wayne with them. — On their march
they tailed above twenty miles and many of them deserted.

The militia of Virginia were very averse to turning out and most of the young
men had retired to the mountains. Some had even resisted with arms those who
attempted to force them.§

N: B: Copies of the above were sent to Lord Cornwallis. &c. &c.

Captain Beckivith to Major De Lzncey \\th June, 1781.
Dear Sir

You have probably been informed by Colonel Robinson that some people sent
out on the East side of the Hudson's River, were returned. I have now seen four
of them and they uniformly agree that no movement has taken place from West
Point or New Windsor. With all possible deference to my friend Marquard, I
must therefore still be of opinion, that he has got to the wrong side of the River.

Yours &c (signed)

G. Beckwith.

i$h June 1 78 1.
M' Robert Gilmore || left Point Judith, Rhode Island, last Wednesday morning,

* The same who led that regiment against Port Anne in Burgoyne's campaign, was sent to
Virginia with the other ': Convention troops," and was now on his return to New York.

f On their way to join Lafayette, having marched on the 26th May from York, Pa., the day
after Wayne had so promptly and severely quelled their mutiny. They were not able to join Lafa-
yette till June 7th on the north side of the Rapidan, near Raccoon Ford.

X This shows Wayne's great good sense and caution.

§ Lafayette confirms this, in his letter of 24th May to Washington, saying, " Government in
this State has no energy and laws have no force." III. Sparks's Corr., 322 ; and Col. Henry Lee,
describing Virginia of this time, says, "the great body of the inhabitants below the mountains,
flying from their homes with their wives, their children, and the most valuable of their personal
property, to seek protection in the mountains. The State authorities, executive and legislative,
like the flying inhabitants, driven from the seat of government, chased from Charlottesville ; and
at length interposing the Blue Ridge between themselves and the enemy to secure a resting place
at Stanton." Memoirs, vol. II., p. 232.

I Probably Robert Gilmour of New Hampshire, a loyalist who was attainted, banished, and

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 25 I

came in a boat to Block Island, from thence to Montauk Point. He saw the
French fleet the day before he left, — twelve sail including Frigates — seven of the
line, besides the Fantasque. He saw them the Thursday following from Block
Island. He does not think there was any alteration that day. The whole of the

troops were about three thousand from the best accounts. Col S s and Mr

Stephen Hassard told him the evening he came away that ten men out of each
company had embarked on board ship and were ready to sail. The rest of the
French troops were to march the same day to Washington's Headquarters. They
were particularly industrious in fixing flying booms and other tackling to gain a
superiority in sailing to the British fleet. There is not a single piece of cannon
left on the batteries of Rose Island, the Dumplins, Brenton's Point, and North
Battery. Part of them were embarked in the fleet that sailed some time ago. The
rest are now embarked in the fleet intended to sail. Five hundred militia are to
take the duties of the Island. He does not know who commands them. Col:
Potter of Little (unintelligible) was to assemble them.

He had from undoubted authority that a 50 gun ship, two frigates and a fleet
of transports with clothing, money and every kind of necessary stores, was daily
expected from France. They are in the utmost fear lest their ships should be
intercepted.

The last time Admiral Arbuthnot appeared off Rhode Island, three ships were
going out to reconnoitre and gain intelligence, but on his appearance were pre-
vented. It is imagined the French fleet is certainly going out with intent of
meeting and convoying the ships expected into the harbour. It is certain, that the
evacuation of the Island is determined on. It is currently reported, that Wash-
ington, with his and the French army, intends coming down to the neighborhood
of White Plains, &c. &c. A Mr. Goldsbury,* who was employed by the admiral
to get intelligence from Rhode Island, and was ordered to meet him at Martha's
Vineyard is gone there with this information expecting to meet his excellency.

N: B: The above was sent to Commodore Affleck f with the following letter,
dated Head Q/.5 14* June. 1781.

" Sir. I have the honor to inclose you the deposition of the bearer Mr Robert
Gilmour. The Commander in Chief submits it to you, Sir, whether he should not
be sent to Admiral Arbuthnot. I have the honor to be

Yours
(Signed) 01. De Lancey. "

Commodore Affleck, &c. &c. "

his estate confiscated, under an act of that State passed in 1778. Sabine, 1st ed., 324. The route
via Block Island and Long Island to New York was used more or less during the war by New-
England people. •

* Samuel Goldsbury of Wrentham, Massachusetts, who was proscribed and banished in 177S,
Sabine, 1st ed., 328, is believed to be the person here mentioned.

f Edmund Affleck of Colchester, Essex, a commodore in the navy, at this time in command of
the Bedford 74. He was made a baronet, for his gallantry in leading the center division of Sir

252 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

if* June 1 781.

Copy of a letter from Mr. W n of Newark.

Sir

I wrote to you last Sunday inclosing you the latest papers from Philadelphia
and a private letter from a friend of mine there giving an account of an action
between Green and Lord Rawdon. The person was taken and the packet sunk in
the creek as Captain Johnson will inform.

Having had no expectation of being called on in this way I was, and still
am no way prepared to answer your queries. I shall never presume to obtrude
anything on you without having examined it myself or having it from others on
whose veracity I can depend. I shall therefore carefully distinguish what I know,
or have seen : what I think by good information, what by report or flying stories.
As Captain Johnson is responsible for my fidelity I expect that no exception will
be taken at any part of my behavior, nor enquiry made about my conduct to any
person but himself. If he explains what I have enjoined, my reasons are sufficient.
To him I leave the matter of conveyance for I shall not leave myself at any other
person's mercy. The danger I have already escaped has redoubled that caution in
me, which is necessary in every affair of this kind. I do not know at present nor
have I any reason to suppose I can ever render any material service. Like every
other chance of War it will depend upon the opportunity I have. I can promise
nothing more but fidelity and industry. These shall not be wanting. The reward
may therefore be in proportion to the trouble or the good fortune I may have of
being serviceable.

Answers to Queries sent out to him by Major De Lancey.

Is* — I am totally unacquainted with the state of the Jersey brigade any further
than common report, 200 with the Marquis * — 300 at the huts near Morristown.
Recruits to the number of 60 have lately joined them. I had not time to enquire
this week or could have come nighfer] the mark.

2nd — fkg h0pes for next campaign I know nothing of at present any further
than public report.

3r.d — Reinforcement to the French — nothing more than report — expected by
some — doubted of by others.

4th — The Jersey troops are to all appearances satisfied, nor is there the least
symptom of revolt among them. The jealousy of such an event by the officers,
must render it unsuccessful if it is attempted.

5*? — Col: Dayton lives at Chatham with his family and pays occasional visits to
camp — Col: Dehart commands in his absence.

George Rodney's fleet in the great battle of the 12th April, 1782, in which Rodney defeated the
French fleet under de Grasse with the French army on board, and captured him and his flag ship.
* With Lafayette in Virginia. t '

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 253

6* — I know of no reason to conclude the militia would not turn out as usual.
The affair of the Back Shad, as they are called, and the inhabitants of Newark is
purely personal.* If an attempt was made in this quarter it is more likely they
would vie with each other in repulsing the attack, than that anything would favour
it, by their disunion. I must beg excuses for the freedom of my opinion in this
matter. Tis very probable it differs from others.

7* — Inclosed is the list of the Governor, Council and members of Assembly.
The Governor, Council and members are at Princeton.

81?1 — It is impossible without a great deal of trouble to get any account of the
State Regiment. Numbers of the officers have refused to serve — others who have
accepted cannot find their Quota. They are (particularly those at Newark) in a
state of revolt. I mean without any discipline and no opposition may be expected
from them more than the common militia, f

9^ — I know of no persons in the city who send intelligence. It is generally
supposed the traders play a double game but it would be unjust in me to point out
any person in particular having nothing more than my own suspicions to offer.

Captain Johnson will apologize for me as I have wrote in a hurry. The strictest
attention shall be paid to your future instructions. I think it would be proper for

* This " Back Shad " and " inhabitants of Newark " difficulty, occurred at the end of May,
178 1. It is thus described in Rivington's paper of 2d June : " We learn from Newark, in New
Jersey, that a few days since, a number of persons who live near the mountains and from their
wickedness and poverty have properly acquired the appellation of the Back Shad, in consequence
of a resolution of the pious Reverend Commissary Caldwell and his associates who were lately
convened at Chatham, repaired to the learned and renowned Justice Campbell, and there, accord-
ing to a late law made by the humane William Livingston, swore that a number of the inhabitants
of the township of Newark were dangerous to the liberties of the State and ought to be removed
back into the country, whereon this great magistrate issued his warrant for their removal, and gave
them till this day to prepare for their departure. This will probably create some disturbance, as
our informant tells us that the obnoxious inhabitants refuse to go unless compelled by force."
Reprinted also in Moore's Diary, Vol. II., p. 434. The term " Back Shad " is derived from the
thin, weak, and poor condition of shad when going back to the sea after spawning in April and
May. At present " June Shad " is used. "As poor as a June Shad," is by no means an uncom-
mon expression in the river regions of New Jersey and New York now, as a term of description.
These " Back Shad" of 1781 seem to have been whigs, and the "inhabitants of Newark " tories,
and their difficulty a sort of Jersey faction fight, and not a military one.

f Eight days after the date of the entry of this letter from " Mr W n of Newark," the Legis-
lature of New Jersey, finding the bounty of "one thousand dollars exclusive of the Continental
bounty and emoluments " to the recruit, and " two hundred dollars premium" to the officer pro-
curing him, authorized by it on the nth March, 1780, totally inadequate to get the men, on the 25th
June, 1781, had to adopt still more effectual means of completing the quota, and then appointed
a recruiting officer for each county, and authorized a bounty of twelve pounds in gold or silver to
be paid to each recruit, a shilling a day in specie till he was mustered in, and thirty shillings in coin
to the recruiting officer for every man able to pass muster. Stryker's IV. Jersey Register, 46-7-8.
It was to these difficulties in obtaining "volunteers" for the war that the above 8th answer
refers.

254 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

you to send me a Cypher not that I mean to use it only in cases where it is abso-
lutely necessary

Yrs with great respect — &c.
Major D.

Hiram to Major DeLancey.
New York, Sunday 17 th June, 1781.
Sir.

Being somewhat recovered from the fatiguing riding last night till 1 2 o'clock, I
sit down to give you the heads only (to avoid prolixity) of such matters as have
fallen within my observation since I had the pleasure of seeing you last.

Soon after my return home, I prepared dispatches for you and left them at the
appointed place, and I find they are taken away, but whether by Bulkley, or any
other person, I know not. They contained amongst other xnatters an account of
the intended route of the French troops, the place of their destination and the
ground on which they were to encamp. Likewise an account of the state of West

Point and its dependencies : This early notice I had from G 1 P: s, who

had it from the French officers who had been viewing the place of encampment.
A few days afterwards (i. e.) the 8th ult : I set out for Hartford where I attended
the Assembly, and left it the week before last, in order to give you the earliest
account of those matters, which deserve attention. Letters of G— — 1 Washington
of the 10^ and 12* ult : addressed to the Governor and Assembly, were laid before
the house on the 14** same month, setting forth the deplorable state of the troops
at West Point and its dependencies, for want of Provisions ; subsisting several days
on half allowance, and at last reduced to a quarter allowance. The daily issues to
the army and its followers, were 8000 Rations. Gen! Heath, who brought the dis-
patches, and was sent to the Eastern States in order to urge them to a sense of
their danger, declared before the Assembly, the Garrison at West Point must
inevitably fall. At that critical moment, Sir, I found myself in need of a Confiden-
tial friend out of doors who could be improved for the purpose of conveying hither
this state of facts ; but it being early in the session, I dare not leave my Post. The
Assembly ordered a scanty supply of Provisions immediately and I believe they
have but a bare supply from day to day ever since. f

* 14th of May.

\ Washington's letter to Mesheck Weare, President of New Hampshire, which he sent as a
circular to the New England governors and legislatures by Gen. Heath, was written on the 10th of
May at New Windsor, and is in VIII. Sparks, 36. Heron in this report makes a very good resume
of it. Washington wrote generally, and referred the recipients to Gen. Heath for particulars, as a
matter of caution. Heron here gives us some of the details stated by Heath verbally. " I am
sending General Heath purposely to the eastern States to represent our distresses, and to endeavour
to fix a plan for our regular supply in future. I refer you to him for particulars which I do not
choose to trust to paper," wrote Washington to Lincoln on the nth of May. VIII. Sparks, 39.
It is most interesting to read the above report of the reception of Washington's despatches by the

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 255

You doubtless know that Washington and the French vofficers from Newport
hold a Convention at Wethersfield on the 19^ ult.* for the purpose of settling the
plan of operations for the ensuing Campaign. On the 24l.h when the Convention |
arose, we had a long letter from Gen! Washington read in the House, containing
the result of their deliberations at Wethersfield, the substance of which is this : —
The French troops he says are to march from Newport to Hudson's River as soon
as circumstances will admit (meaning the article of forrage; Land Carriage, &c.)
and begs that the French agent may be assisted in making the necessary prepara-
tions for their accommodation in the several towns through which they were to
march. He adds that it is the opinion of the most experienced French and Amer-
ican officers that this is the time for availing themselves of the weakness of the
enemy at New York. The constant draining of troops from that garrison to the
Southern States invites us (he says) to improve the critical moment. Our allies
here expect our most vigorous exertions in cooperating with them, and our allies in

Connecticut Legislature in secret session by one of its members. General Heath's own account,
written the next day, the 15th, to Washington from Hartford, is in these words : " Dear General —
I arrived here yesterday afternoon, found the General Assembly sitting, and presented your letter
to Governor Trumbull, together with a representation, containing the spirit of my instructions.
This morning I attended the Governor, Council, and the Representatives in the Council chamber,
when the papers were read, and I had an opportunity to speak on them. I have the pleasure to
acquaint your excellency they had that attention paid to them which their interesting importance
required. A resolution was passed to send on immediately one hundred and sixty head of beef
cattle, which it is supposed will amount to five thousand rations per day to the 1st of June. One
thousand barrels of salted meat are also to be forwarded with the greatest despatch with a quantity
of rum." After referring to a proposed future supply for the campaign, he closes thus : " Their
resolutions on this head I think will equal your expectations. I shall proceed to Rhode Island
to-morrow." III. Sparks 's Rev. Corr., 312. How completely mistaken Heath was, and how tre-
mendously Connecticut failed to meet Washington's expectations, the General himself proves. In
a letter of the 1st of July, 1781, he says : "From the 12th of May (the date of his circular above
mentioned) to this day, we have received only 312 head of cattle, from New Hampshire 30, Massa-
chusetts, 230, and Connecticut 52. Unless more strenuous exertions are made to feed the few
troops in the field, we must not only relinquish our intended operation (the projected attack on
New York City), but shall disband for want of subsistence ; or which is almost equally to be
lamented, the troops will be obliged to seek it for themselves where it can be found." IV. Gordon's
Hist., 122. This letter Sparks did not print. The above remark of Heron, " I believe they have
had but a bare supply from day to day ever since," was really truer than he, perhaps, thought when
he wrote it.

* The capture, by the noted St. James Moody, of the mail containing all Washington's
despatches and letters of the 27th to 29th of May, containing the accounts of the interview and
plan agreed upon with Rochambeau at Weathersfield on the 23d of May, gave Sir Henry Clinton
full information on this subject, about the first of June. The plans were real, but Clinton thought
they were false and sent out to be intercepted, in order to deceive him, and acted accordingly. He
thus laid the foundation for the clever stratagem, which Washington and Rochambeau practiced
upon him, after the former in the succeeding July, finding he could not carry out his projected
attack on New York, determined to throw his army into Virginia, which led to the brilliant capture
of Cornwallis's army, and practically closed in glory the American Revolution.

f " Convention," as used here by Heron, means Conference.

2$6 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Europe will be astonished at our supineness and inactivity should we not improve
this favorable opportunity.

Therefore in order to carry our plan of operations * into complete execution it
is agreed that a number not less than the quota of troops of every State from New
Hampshire to New Jersey inclusive will answer any good purpose ; (the Quotas
here referred to, are those which Congress apportioned to the several States for the
continental establishment, the exact number of which I have formerly sent by

Pa n) and that they must be completed by the i5.* day of July, independent of

the militia, 1500 of which is demanded of Connecticut, and to be held in readiness
to join the main army within a week after they are called for.

That every assistance must be afforded the Qr Mas* Gen! in order to enable him
to forward stores, &c. — That a quantity of Powder must be immediately furnished
— That the raising of Volunteers must be encouraged — That if the Continental line
cannot be filled up by the Is.* July with three years men, peremptory detachments f
from the militia must be made to serve till December next. Finally, should he
not be properly supported, the consequences must prove fatal, as in that case the
Enemy will overrun the Northern States — and by that means draw resources from
thence to garrison New York, which will enable them to baffle all our future
attempts : therefore he insists upon an explicit answer, and wishes to know what he
may depend on. Should his requisitions be not complied with, he must act on the
defensive only. He complains loudly of their want of energy, of their tardiness in
filling up their respective quotas of troops, and of their backwardness in paying the
army : they (meaning the States) being eighteen months in arrears with them. J

The foregoing matters were taken up by the Assembly and several days spent in
debate and never was an Assembly in Connecticut since the commencement of the
Rebellion so embarrassed as the present, owing to their loss of public credit, the
want of means to carry on the war, and the depreciation of the paper currency,
this last being the source whence proceeded every public evil : Nevertheless, it
was violently urged by a powerful party to emit a new bank of paper currency and
to make it a tender,§ without which they thought it impossible to carry on the
war ; All their prospects of loaning specie having failed. However this was over-
ruled by a majority, and they finally passed a Vote to tax in specie, and in specific

* The projected attack on New York city.

f Drafts.

\ This is a very full and correct abstract of Washington's despatch of the 24th May, 1781,
which he also sent as a circular to all the New England States. It is given in VIII. Sparks, 51, in
full. It was written at " Weathersfield 24 May 1781," and sent immediately in to the Connecticut
Legislature at Hartford, three or four miles distant, so as to insure action before they could
adjourn. The General's promptness was one cause, perhaps, why the Assembly was " so embar-
rassed." He did not even write the result of the conference to the President of Congress till the
27th, two days after his return to his " dreary headquarters at New Windsor," as he styled them in
a letter to Gor*don the historian on the 9th of the preceding March. VII. Sparks, 449.

§ A legal tender in payment of all debts.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 257

articles of produce, so that paper money is totally done with. I have at home an
estimate of the expenses of the current year, which is about 19,000,000 dollars in
specie. This I dare not bring with me but shall forward at a more safe oppor-
tunity.* The French troops are now on their march and will reach Crumpond \

(where they are to encamp) in about ten days. G 1 P s assisted me in

coming here now. We concerted measures for our future conduct with regard to
conveying such intelligence as may come to his knowledge, I find him disposed to
go some lengths (as the phrase is) to serve you, and even going thus far is gaining
a great deal. But I who am ever jealous of intriguing persons, especially in this
cause, fearing the measures calculated to promote the interest of Government may
be frustrated or thwarted by them, and myself made an instrument of fraud in a
cause for the support of which I have hazarded everything, have therefore exerted
all the perspicacity I am Master of, to annalize (so in the MS.) the Gentleman in
Question and find he will not at present explicitly say that he will go such lengths
as I could wish. I know the scruples he has to struggle with, those of education,
family connections and military ideas of honor. But interest, together with the
prejudices now subsisting between the army and State, rather than principle, may
overcome these. Thus have I dealt with you with faithfulness and sincerity (as I
think it my duty) and leave the improvement of the foregoing hints to your own
superior judgment. Meantime I remain, Sir,

YT. most Ob* & Very Hbt

Serv* W. H.J
Major De Lancey, &c.

* This was the remarkable report and estimate of " The Committee consisting of Mr. Duane,
Mr. Sharpe, and Mr. 'Wolcott, appointed to estimate and state the amount of the debts due from
the United States, with the necessary estimates for the current year, as near as can be done, in
order that the same may be laid before the respective legislatures," made to, and adopted by Con-
gress in secret session, April 18, 1781, just a month before the date of this letter of Heron. The
precise amount of estimated expenses was $19,407,457^. It is the only full and complete report
on the finances ever made by a committee of the Continental Congress, and fills nineteen pages of
the Secret Journal (Vol. I., pp. 189-210). Of course Heron made his copy from the official copy
transmitted to the Connecticut Legislature. It would be interesting to know the date that body
received it. Their journals have never been printed in full.

f Crompond, in the northern part of Westchester Co., N. Y. Mentioned before.

% As the heading of this letter of Heron shows that it was written in New York city, and as
the writer states that he arrived there on horseback at midnight between Saturday the 16th and Sun-
day the 1 7th of May, and that he was assisted to come to that city by General Parsons, it is clear that
he had been to the American camp, where he had visited Parsons, and with him " concerted mea-
sures " for the furnishing of secret intelligence to the British. It shows, also, great caution on
both sides.

(To be Continued}.

TWO UNPUBLISHED LETTERS FROM WASHINGTON
TO HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW

From the Collection of William Alexander Smith

[These letters were written prior to the Revolution, and are of special interest. The first re-
lates to the death of Washington's step-daughter, Martha Custis. — Editor.]

Washington to Colonel Burwell Bassett.

Mount Vernon, June 20th 1773
Dear Sir,

It is an easier matter to conceive, than to describe the distress of this Family :
especially that of the unhappy Parent of our Dear Patsy Custis, when I inform you
that yesterday removed the Sweet Innocent Girl Entered into a more happy & peace-
ful abode than any she has met with in the afflicted Path she hitherto has trod.

She rose from Dinner about four o'clock in better health and spirits than she
appeared to have been in for some time ; soon after which she was seized with one
of her usual Fits, & expired in it, in less than two minutes without uttering a
word, a groan, or scarce a sigh. — this Sudden, and unexpected blow, I scarce need
add has almost reduced my poor Wife to the lowest ebb of Misery ; which is en-
creas'd by the absence of her son (whom I have just fixed at the College in New
York, from whence I returned the 8th Ins*) and want of the balmy consolation of
her Relations : which leads me more than ever to wish she could see them, and
that I was Master of Arguments powerful enough to prevail upon Mrs Dandridge to
make this place her entire & absolute home. I should think as she lives a lone-
some life (Betsey being married) it might suit her well, & be agreeable, both to
herself & my Wife, to me most assuredly it would.

I do not purpose to add more at present, the end of my writing being only to
inform you of this unhappy change. —

Our Sincere Affections are offered to Mrs Bassett, Mrs Dandridge, & all other
Friends, & I am very sincerely,

Yr Obed* & Affect6 Hble S4

G° Washington

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 259

Washington to Colonel Burwell Bassett.

Mount Vernon Feby 12. 1774
Dear Sir,

I find there will go some matters from this country, which will make my at-
tendance at the Assembly necessary ; this I cannot possibly do and go over the
Mountains this Spring. I have therefore determined, much against my Inclination
& Interest, to postpone my Trip to the Ohio till after Harvest (as I cannot well
be absent from home at that Season.) As March therefore (at least the first of it)
is a disagreeable Season to travel our Roads In, and as I am obliged (il-
legible ) to run land about the 20th of the month of March and from thence

proceed into Frederick and Berkeley I hope it will be agreeable and convenient to
Mrs Bassett and you to give us the pleasure of seeing you here after that time : the
Roads and Weather will be then good ; our Fisheries will be then come on, and I
think you will have more satisfaction than in an earlier visit.

The Letter herewith Inclosed for Mr Dandridge contains Black's Bond which
Mr Wythe has advised me to lodge in some safe hands to be tendered to that pritty
(sic) Gentleman upon his complying with the Conditions of it. — As the care of it is
a thing of the utmost Importance, I should be obliged to you (if Captn Crawford
should not go to Mr Dandridge's himself) to send the Letter by Abram, or some
careful Person, least the Bond should get lost.

As I am very much hurried just now, by business of different kinds, and as I
presume my Wife has informed Mrs Bassett of Jack's Marriage, and all the other
little occurrances she can think of, I shall only request you to make my affect6
Compliments to her, and the rest of the Family, and believe me to be with great
truth

Dr Sir

Yr Obed* & Affect6 Hble Sv*

G° Washington

200 NOTES

NOTES.

Flags of the revolution — Ferdi- £■ s. d.

nand, King of the Two Sicilies, informed To 8 lbs- of suSar <® ?d ° 4 8

the American Commissioner at Paris, in 1° 8 ^ of Hatt Creap, @ as. 6d. . . i o o

_ - ..... To 2 lbs. of Loaff Suger, @ is. 5d. . . o 2 io

October, 1778, that the ports of his king- To I5 yds> of Riben> @ Is> ^ Q iy 6

dom were open to vessels of the United To 3 Hankerchiefs. ©5s o 15 o

States, and asked that a description of To 4 Gils. Rum, @ 5s 1 o o

the flag be given that they might be re- To i lb- of Allspise, @ 2s o 1 o

cognized by the authorities. ""

Franklin and Adams replied as fol- „ - „

, ((Tl . ., , . Errors Excepted. Pr me, Allen Gillespie.
lows: — It is with pleasure that we ac-

quaint your Excellency that the flag of This bil1 is receipted on the back, as

the United States of America consists of is als0 the other> whlch charges for an

thirteen stripes, alternately red, white, additional order of "4* gallons rum, at

and blue; a small square in the upper 5*" made two days later, indicating an

angle, next the flag-staff, is a blue field unusual attendance at the funeral,

with thirteen white stars, denoting a new ' * •

constellation. Some of the States have altimore, v>.,jan. 31, 1 4.

vessels of war distinct from those of the Washington in EXciTEMENT-The

United States; for example, the vessels following incident was related by Mr.

of war of the State of Massachusetts Bay Joseph Nashj of Weym0uth, Mass, a

have sometimes a pine tree, and those of private in the Continental Army during

South Carolina, a rattlesnake, in the the Revolutionary War. He states that

middle of the thirteen stripes. Merchant he was on duty as sentind bef0re the

ships have often only thirteen stripes, but house in which the treason of Arnold

the flag of the United States, ordained by was made known to Washington. When

Congress, is the thirteen stripes and the the commander-in-chief entered the

thirteen stars above described."— Minto dwelling he carried in his hand a small

riding-switch, of hard wood, about the

Funeral expenses in the olden thickness of his thumb at the larger end,

time (xi. 175)— I have several bills (as broken off, probably, from some tree at

above) which apply, however, as much to the roadside as he was riding by. When

the " feast" as to the church and grave, he came out from that distressing mter-

and which illustrate the custom in Balti- view the switch was gone# So great

more town at the date given. These had been his agony and excitement at

bills were charged to the estate of Moses the treason of one in whom he had such

Alexander, and the first reads as follows impiicit confidence, and which so nearly

(faithfully copied): concerned the fate of that cause in

" Mn Dann Akxander' Dr- which he had labored so long and for

BY SUNDRIES GOT FOR HIS FATHERS FUNERAL. , •■■,'', , , ? i ■ i

Nov 13, 1762 / s d wmcn ne had suffered so much, that he

To 4 pair of Men's Gloves, @ 3s. . . . o T2 o had unconsciously chewed in pieces the

To do. " of Women's " @ 3s. . . . 0 12 0 entire switch.

NOTES

26l

Mr. Nash was born in Weymouth, in
1736, and resided there until his death
in 1 81 8. He was well known to per-
sons now living, who would not be dis-
posed to doubt his word in a matter of
this kind.

Gilbert Nash

without bias and sufficiently full for their
purpose." — Rockland County Journal.

Our twenty - one presidents —
" Some years since the writer was out
sailing with a party of friends, one of
whom was an English lady. In the course
of conversation the subject of our mem-
ory for historical events came up and the
English woman repeated — slowly, to be
sure, and in a methodical, school-girl
manner — the names of the kings and
queens of Great Britain. When it came
to repeating the names of our Presidents,
however, there was not one in the party
that could give the complete list perfect-
ly, and the names of our chief magistrates
were only recalled by the efforts of all ;
yet of the gentlemen in the party there
were none who had not completed their
course at some literary college and were
either engaged in professional studies or
in business. Since that time it has been
a matter of interest to learn how many
there were who could name the Presi-
dents of this government in chronological
order. It may be a curiosity to the
reader to try among his acquaintances
for himself, and before he has finished
the search it will be apparent that there
is no need of speaking of Vice-presidents.
It is high time that the names of our
chief rulers should be given in a conven-
ient form and with sufficient annotation
to act as a mnemonic. To this task Geo.
Cary Eggleston has skillfully devoted
himself in the Magazine of American
History, and his papers are written

Miss Quincy— Miss Eliza Susan Quin-
cy, eldest daughter of the late Josiah
Quincy, died Thursday evening, Jan-
uary 17, 1884. She was born 15 th
March, 1798, in the mansion of her
grandmother, the widow of Josiah Quin-
cy, Sr., of Revolutionary memory, which
stood in Pearl street, Boston, and she
passed away in the ancestral home of her
family and in the apartment whence her
great-grandfather, Josiah Quincy, de-
parted in 1784, a century having spanned
the period between the two events. Miss
Quincy was a descendant of Edmund
Quincy, the fifth of the honored name to
appear in the New World. He landed
at Boston, 4th September, 1633, and
three years later purchased from the In-
dians an estate, a portion of which, at
Quincy, Massachusetts, still remains in
the family, and is occupied by two un-
married sisters of the deceased. In
Boston and Quincy the interests of Miss
Quincy's long life centered, including
the episode of seventeen years' residence
at Cambridge while her father was Presi-
dent of Harvard University. During that
time and through all his public life of
half a century, Miss Quincy was his pri-
vate secretary and assisted him in pre-
paring many of his numerous publica-
tions. She cannot be said to have come
before the public as an author, but she
contributed many important papers to
historical societies, maintained a corre-
spondence with numerous distinguished
personages, such as LordLyndhurst, ex-
Chancellor of England, and since 1870
kept a diary from which her brothers Ed-
mund and Josiah, Jr., both deceased,

262

NOTES

drew much material for several of their
published works. In 1861 Miss Quincy
edited the autobiography of her mother,
nee Morton of New York, and in 1875
she prepared an enlarged and revised
edition of her father's memoir of Josiah
Quincy, Jr., who was born in 1744 and
died in 1775, only less mourned by his
country than was his friend General Jo-
seph Warren. A copy of this attractive
work is now before me, the gift of the ac-
complished editor. Her letters are full
of interest, and from her well-stored
mind and remarkable memory the writer
is indebted for much valuable information
concerning by-gone days and doings of
the present century. Miss Quincy, it is
pleasant to know, retained her vigorous
intellect and unfailing memory to the
last :

" Of no distemper, of no blast she died,

But fell like autumn fruit that mellow'd long;
Even wondered at, because she fell no sooner.
Fate seemed to wind her up for four-score

years ;
Yet freshly ran she on six winters more,
Till, like a clock worn out with eating time,
The wheels of weary life at last stood still."

Jas. Grant Wilson

New York, Jan'y, 1884

Hon. giles bryan slocum — One of
Michigan's most prominent and public-
spirited citizens, whose life has been
intimately identified with the history of
that State, has passed away, at the age
of seventy-six. He was born in Saratoga
township, New York, in 1808, and first
saw Michigan in 183 1. In the winter
of that year he assisted in laying out the
town and plot of Vistula, now the wealthy
and enterprising city of Toledo, Ohio.

He owned the first store in Toledo, and
was engaged in getting out timber for
the first dock in that city. His pio-
neer experiences in Michigan would
fill a volume. In the spring of 1834
he paddled a canoe from Jackson
down Grand River to Grand Rapids,
and in the summer of the same year
he established a store and dock at
Truaxton, now Trenton, on the Detroit
River. In subsequent years he was
instrumental in driving piles and build-
ing docks at Detroit, Windsor, Spring-
wells, Trenton, Sandwich, Gibraltar, and
Grosse Isle. In 1859 he, together with
Charles Mears, of Chicago, laid out the
present thriving village of Whitehall,
Michigan, having previously purchased
large tracts of land on White River
and White Lake. He took an active
interest in the politics of the country ;
was a member of the first Republican
convention, held at Jackson in 1854 ;
was also actively interested in the con-
struction of the Detroit, Monroe and
Toledo Railroad, aiding in obtaining the
right of way, which he donated through
his own property ; and he was a member
of the first board of directors of the
Chicago and Canada Southern Railway.
At the time of his death he was a trustee
of the Saratoga Monument Association,
of which John H. Starin is president. His
purse was never closed to public enter-
prises or private charities. He was
one of those exceptional characters of
whom it has been said he never did a
wrong to any man. He married, in
1838, Sophia B. Truax, daughter of
Major Abraham C. Truax, founder of
the village of Trenton. He leaves a son
and a daughter, Hon. Elliott Truax
Slocum, and Mrs. J. B. Nichols.

QUERIES

263

The building up of colleges — Ellis
H. Roberts, in his touching address at
the recent funeral of ex-President Simeon
North, of Hamilton College, said : " Yale
College has contributed much to the
building up of colleges in many States.
Among its contributions to such institu-
tions the gift of President North to
Hamilton has been one of the most fruit-
ful and beneficent. He brought hither
as professor and as president the best
qualities of the Yale training. He
brought sincerity, accuracy, devotion to

learning for its own sake, the convic-
tion that colleges are not for a day
but for all time, that while they cling
to the past they must look to the
future for their harvests. He looked
upon education in its higher phases not
as a mere instrument to get wealth or
promote ambition, but as the conserva-
tor of truth and the discipline of life.
He regarded the duty of training the
man more important than teaching the
trade of the mechanic, or the vocation of
the lawyer, the doctor, or the preacher."

QUERIES

Valentine on weaving — There is a
tradition in the family that one of the
Valentines of Hempstead, on Long
Island, previous to the American Revo-
lution, was the author of a printed work
on the Art of Weaving Cloth. Book-
sellers are not familiar with such a work.
Some reader of the Magazine may be
able to furnish information in regard to
it. Oyster Bay

Roger's island — Nearly opposite the
steamboat landing at Catskill, in . the
Hudson River, is an island, commonly
known at the present time by the name
of Roger's Island. In early records it is
called " Vastrick's Island," " Vastrix Isl-
and," "Fosterick Island," " Tien-pondts
Island," and a portion of it " Poplar " or
" Pople Island." Can any of the readers
of the Magazine of American His-
tory give any information respecting the
derivation of these several names ?

A. Mungo

Hudson, N. Y.

some old documents the name of Patrick
Henry — a delegate to the first Conti-
nental Congress — is given with a "Jr."
added, and when his name is mentioned
with the other members of that Con-
gress, and purporting to be a facsimile
of their signatures, the name is signed P.
Henry, " Junr." Will the Editor or some
of the readers of the Magazine, please
explain this, and oblige,

R. W. Judson
New York, Feb. 2, 1884.

Patrick henry's signature

Colonel jackson — Moore's Diary of
the Revolution, Vol. II. p. 66, in an ex-
tract from the Pennsylvania Evening
Post of June 20, 1778 (referring to Sir
Henry Clinton's evacuation of Philadel-
phia), says, " Soon after the evacua-
tion the Honorable Major General
Arnold took possession of Philadelphia,
with Colonel Jackson s Massachusetts
regiment." Among the members of the
Court Martial which met at Morristown,
Dec. 23, 1779, for the trial of General
Arnold on charges preferred by the Ex-
ecutive Council of Pennsylvania, and

:64

REPLIES

directed by resolution of Congress
passed April 3, of that year, was a
Colonel Jackson. Now there were tivo
Colonel Jacksons from Massachusetts in
the Continental Army, viz., Colonel
Henry, commander of the sixteenth, and
Colonel Michael, commander of the
eighth regiment of the Continental line.
The former was the bosom friend of
General Knox, and by him when he be-
came first Secretary of war was appoint-
ed Naval agent at Boston. Colonel
Michael had been a lieutenant in the
French and Indian wars. In Drake's
Historic Fields and Mansions of Middle-
sex, p. 349, is the following notice of
this officer : " Joining his company at
the Lexington alarm, in the absence of
commissioned officers, he was chosen to
command for the day. He immediately
stepped from his place in the ranks as
private, and gave the order : Shoulder
arms, platoons right 7vheel, quick time,
forward march ! When he got to Water-
town meeting-house the officers of the

regiment were holding a consultation.
Finding they were likely to consume
valuable time in speeches, he led all that
would follow him where they could
strike the British, etc."

Frothingham's Siege of Boston states
that he was Major of Gardner's regiment
from Middlesex which composed part
of the defending force at Bunker Hill,
where Jackson in a personal encounter
with a British officer killed his antagonist
(a former companion in arms), being
himself wounded by a ball through his
side, — was again wounded in 1776. His
regiment (in which were five of his sons)
was among the last four discharged from
the service. Died in 1801. Among his
pall bearers were Generals Brooks and
Knox and Col. Ward.

Query — Which Col. Jackson served
on the Court Martial the finding of
which led to Arnold's memorable repri-
mand by the Commander in Chief ?

O. W. Shaw

Austin, Minn., Nov. 29, 1883

REPLIES

Col. david crockett (xi. p. 177) —
Captain Reuben M. Potter, in his criti-
cism of my sketch of Col. David Crockett
in the December number of the Maga-
zine, takes issue with me on the state-
ment that the garrison of the Alamo
surrendered. I was fully aware at the
time of writing the sketch that this had
been a mooted question, but from the
research that I gave the subject, I was
satisfied that the weight of authority
favored the affirmative view. Capt. Pot-
ter may be assured that no part of that
article was written on the evidence of
extravagant story tellers, by whom he

thinks the author may have been misled.
The writer was born and passed the
greater part of his life in the district of
Tennessee which Col. Crockett repre-
sented in Congress, has known him, and
heard him make stump speeches, and is
familiar with many of his comrades, and
his descendants now living. In the prep-
aration of the article, all known authori-
ties were consulted. It is true that in
the work called "Texas and Texans,"
written and published in 1841, by Hon.
Henry S. Foote, the author relies upon
a newspaper article to contradict the
theory of the surrender. Edwards, also.

REPLIES

265

in his History of Texas, evidently copy-
ing from Foote, asserts that there was no
surrender.

Other authorities, and the tradition
sustained by the survivors, go to prove
to the contrary. The weight of authori-
ties show, I think, that when the com-
bined attack on the fort was made by
the Mexicans on the morning of the 6th
of March with 4,000 men — infantry and
artillery — in which they were twice re-
pulsed with heavy loss, that they at last
succeeded in entering the fort, and after
some desperate hand-to-hand fighting
with the clubs of guns and bowie-knives,
but six of the garrison remained alive.
Being surrounded on all sides by over-
powering numbers, and unable to load
their guns, that they surrendered to
General Castrillon under a solemn
promise that they would be treated as
prisoners of war. Santa Anna, however,
ordered them put to death. This was
evidently what the victorious army at
San Jacinto believed of the affair of the
Alamo, for their war cry in that memora-
ble battle was, " Remember the Alamo ! M

Captain Potter's comments on the
statement "that there were around
Crockett a complete barrier of about
twenty Mexicans lying pell-mell, dead
and dying," is to say the least of it, dis-
ingenuous. The claim is not made that
Crockett slew or wounded all of these
men, or that it was done in a "minute."
On the entrance of the Mexicans into
the fort, the six survivors fought with
their knives and the butts of their guns in
a body, and it is not only not unlikely
Vol. XI.— No. 3.— 18

that they wounded and killed about
twenty of the enemy, but it is probable
that the number was far greater than
stated. There is no evidence in any
authentic account of this memorable en-
gagement that there was any " group of
skulkers" in the garrison, as stated by
Captain Potter. It is told, but on some-
what doubtful authority, that one of the
garrison, named Warner, asked for
quarter, which was denied him.

There were, according to the best
authorities, four persons who escaped :
Mrs. Dickinson, wife of Lieutenant
Dickinson, who fell fighting in the fort,
her child and two negro servants — one
the servant of Col. Travis and the
other of Col. Bowre. It has been stated
also that two Mexican women of Bexar
escaped from the fort on the morning of
the 6th of March. One of the .nown
survivors, Mrs. Hanning, is now living in
Austin, Texas. She was at the time of
the siege of the Alamo about eighteen
years old. During the siege she received
a wound from a bullet which pierced one
of her legs.

Marcus J. Wright

Washington, Feb. 5, 1884

Quisquising [x. 519J — Is more com-
monly written Goschgoschunk. It was
a town settled by Monseys from Machi-
wihilusing and Tioga in 1765. The Rev.
David Zeisberger, the Moravian mission-
ary, came here in 1767, but Washington
never saw the place.

* f *

Allegheny, Pa., Dec. 5, 1883

266

SOCIETIES

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY — At

the regular monthly meeting of the so-
ciety, February 5, the recording secre-
tary announced the death, since the
last meeting, of the following members :
George W. Thompson, John William
Wallace, Miss Eliza Susan Quincy, Rev.
Edward Fontaine, Charles H. Russell,
George De Hart Gillespie, Charles Burk-
halter, and Oliver H. Palmer. The li-
brarian reported numerous additions to
the library, including valuable files of the
New York Gazette, or, The Weekly Post
Boy, 1 7 6 8- 1 7 7 1 , and of The New York
Daily Gazette for the year 1 791, presented
by Edward S. Wilde, Esq., of Glen Ridge,
N. J. The librarian also reported an in-
teresting accession to the gallery of his-
toric portraits, the gift of Miss Eugenia
C. Pratt, of this city, consisting of the
portraits in oil of Richard Hildreth, the
historian, and of Nicholas P. Trist,
United States Commissioner during the
war with Mexico, painted from life by
the late Robert M. Pratt, the father of
the donor.

The paper of the evening, on " The
Huguenots in Boston," was read by Rev.
Dr. Charles W. Baird, author of the His-
tory of Rye, N. Y., whose extended re-
searches respecting the Huguenots in
America, have constituted him an author-
ity on the subject. The paper contained
much new and interesting matter respect-
ing the French exiles who settled in Bos-
ton, and was a most valuable contribution
to American history.

The librarian submitted for the records
a memorial notice of the late Charles H.
Russell, for over 48 years a resident
member of the society, and at various pe-

riods a member of its executive, build-
ing and nominating committees. Atten-
tion was called by the recording secre-
tary to the desirability of recovering and
publishing the missing papers of the
Union Defence Committee, which per-
formed such patriotic and efficient serv-
ice during the late civil war. The fol-
lowing gentlemen were elected resident
members of the society : John M. Moss-
man, William M. Chase, William St. J.
Harper, John T. Lockman, Frank S. Bel-
ton, Charles Howland Russell, Robert
Ray Hamilton, W. W. Pasko, and Abram
S. Post.

NEW ENGLAND HISTORIC GENEALOG-
ICAL society— The regular monthly
meeting of this society was held Feb-
ruary 6, at the society's house, 18
Somerset street, the president, Hon.
Marshall P. Wilder, Ph. D., in the
chair. A paper of exceptional, interest
was read by Hon. Charles Adams, Jr., on
" The Method pursued by the Town of
North Brookfield to replace its lost Rec-
ords and to obtain Material for its His-
tory." He said: "The old town of
Brookfield was not only one of the ear-
liest settlements in this part Of the State,
but for many years one of the most im-
portant towns in wealth and population
in the county of Worcester, which indeed
it antedated by some twelve years, being
originally a part of old Hampshire County,
and although abounding from the begin-
ning in historical incident, and later with
a large amount of material ' lying round
loose ' in the form of town, parish and
church records, historical sermons and
addresses, yet no comprehensive, consec-

SOCIETIES

267

utive history had ever been written of the
old town, or of either of the three towns
into which it had been divided." To
illustrate the importance of working the
historic mines which abound in many of
the New England hill-towns, he presented
some curious local information concern-
ing Brookfield, as for instance : " One
cellar hole marks the residence, in her
childhood and poverty, of the celebrated
Mme. Jumel, afterwards the millionaire,
and once the wife of Aaron Burr, a Vice-
President of the United States. An-
other old house, nearly ruinous, is where
Daniel Shays, the notorious leader of
the 'Shays' rebellion,' once lived, and
where he was married. Another cellar
hole marks the birthplace of David Hinck-
ley, who, by successive steps, became a
prominent merchant of Boston and Eng-
land ; who built, in 1812, the large double
granite house at the corner of Somerset
and Beacon streets, for his Own and his
married daughter's residence, now the
Congregational House. Another, the
residence of Rufus Putnam, a celebrated
general of the Revolution, highly spoken
of by General Washington in his com-
munications to the Government," etc.,
etc. At the close of his address remarks
were made by the president, Rev. Drs.
Tarbox, Cornell and Paige, Rev. H. A.
Hazen, Col. Hoyt and William C. Todd,
and thanks voted to Mr. Adams for his
paper. Rev. Increase M. Tarbox, D.D.,
the historiographer, reported memorial
sketches of two deceased members, Hon.
Gerry Whitney Cochrane, who died in
Chester, N. H., Jan. 1, 1884, in his sev-
enty-sixth year, and Edward Sprague
Rand, who was lost on the steamer City of
Columbus off Gay Head on the morning
of the 1 8th ult, in his seventy-fifth year.

Wyoming historical and geologi-
cal society — The quarterly meeting of
this society was held at Wilkesbarre,
Pa., Dec. 12, President Charles Ingham,
M.D., in the chair. A long list of dona-
tions was acknowledged. In the absence
of Hon. Steuben Jenkins, a very interest-
ing paper prepared by him on " The Old
Pittston Fort " was read by Harrison
Wright, Ph.D., secretary. This fort was
built in 1 77 1. Rev. Horace Edwin Hay-
den read the preface of a work which he
has nearly completed, entitled, "A Bib-
liography of the Wyoming Valley," and
presented the manuscript to the society.

Kansas historical society — The
officers of this society are F. P. Baker,
President ; D. R. Anthony and A. P.
Riddle, Vice-Presidents ; John Francis,
Treasurer ; F. G. Adams, Secretary. Its
Board of Directors consists of forty-seven
prominent gentlemen. Its library is the
property of the State of Kansas, and is
being made up in the State capitol for
the use of the people. It contains 4,760
bound volumes, 2,928 bound newspaper
files, 8,332 unbound volumes and pamph-
lets— total, 16,020 volumes. These are
in much the larger part either of Kansas
publications or those relating to the
Western country, or are public docu-
ments and scientific publications of the
government ; and all contain historical,
documentary, and scientific information
of permanent value.

In the department of newspaper files
the collection has grown more rapidly
than that of any other library in the
country.

Rhode island historical society —
A goodly number of ladies and gentle-

26$

SOCIETIES

men encountered ice and slush on the
evening of February 5, for the privilege
of listening to a critical and scholarly
paper from the distinguished professor of
the Latin language in Brown University,
on the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Thor-
oughly informed in regard to his subject
and the philosophy that was the basis of
the remarkable character portrayed, Pro-
fessor Lincoln spoke ex cathedra. Au-
relius was born in Rome, in the year A.
D. 121, under the reign of Hadrian, who
was drawn by the cords of affection
towards the boy at the age of six years,
and took measures to secure his elevation
to the throne next after Antoninus Pius,
whose propitious rule lasted from the
year 138 to 161. Aurelius proved to
be more man and philosopher than
Emperor. His remarkable simplicity,
honesty, gentleness, forbearance and
fortitude were portrayed to the life.
His trials were great. His ablest general
arose in rebellion. His wife acted aworse
part than Xantippe. His subjects gave
him great trouble. Still he maintained
peace of mind, abiding in the faith that
prevailed in the early days of the world.
Though Solomon had a clearer idea of
the living God than Aurelius, he sinks
out of sight when a comparison is insti-
tuted. Aurelius appears one of the
finest specimens of manhood that hea-
thendom has handed down. He was
well-nigh Christian. And yet, good, just
and generous as he was, he allowed per-
secutions even more bitter and cruel than
prevailed under some vile rulers. Pro-
fessor Lincoln's fine scholarship and
nice discrimination were fully appreciated
by his auditors.

On motion of Mr. Thomas Vernon,
who paid a marked ' compliment to his

honored teacher, seconded by the Rev.
Dr. J. G. Vose, who drew a nice distinc-
tion between heathen wisdom and Chris-
tian character, Professor Lincoln received
a unanimous vote of thanks, and, after
fitting remarks by President Gammell,
the meeting was adjourned.

THE WEYMOUTH HISTORICAL SO-
CIETY— The annual meeting of this
society was held on Wednesday evening,
February 6, and the following officers
were elected : President, Elias Richards ;
Vice-President, John J. Loud ; Recording
Secretary, Gilbert Nash ; Corresponding
Secretary, Rev. Anson Titus ; Treasurer,
Geo. S. Baker ; Librarian, Miss Carrie
A. Blanchard. This is the fifth year of
the society's existence, and its principal
object is the collection rather than the
publication of local historical material,
and the showing in that direction is very
satisfactory.

The report of the Recording Secretary
gives, with some detail, the work of the
society during the past year ; the most
important of which is the action of the
town in appropriating one thousand
dollars for the purpose of collecting ma-
terials for its history, by request of the
society. Attention is also called to the
History of Norfolk County, Mass., now
in process of publication, which will con-
tain a sketch of Weymouth, prepared by
a member of the society. This, although
from the necessity of the case very brief,
will be the most extended work upon the
town thus far attempted, and may serve
as the basis of a complete history.

Weymouth is the most ancient town
in the Commonwealth excepting Ply-
mouth, and its history is greatly to be

SOCIETIES

269

desired, as it will fill a vacant place in
local history that has long been the
regret of historical and genealogical
students.

THE WEBSTER HISTORICAL SOCIETY

— The annual meeting of this society was
held in the Old South Meeting House,
Boston, on January 18, the one hundred
and second anniversary of Daniel Web-
ster's birth. A scholarly address upon
John Adams was delivered by Judge
Chamberlain, of Boston, who took the
somewhat interesting and highly novel
view that the primary cause of the
American Revolution was a religious
one. That the efforts of the Established
Church to foist a lord bishop upon the
colonies precipitated the quarrel. At the
conclusion of the address reports were
read, and the following officers were
elected for the ensuing year : President,
Hon. Joshua L. Chamberlain, of Maine ;
Vice-Presidents, Hon. George C. Richard-
son, Massachusetts, Hon. William M.
Evarts, New York, Hon. John Went-
worth, Illinois, Hon. Henry B. Anthony,
Rhode Island, Hon, Hon. George F.
Edmunds, Vermont ; Historiographers,
Rev. William C Winslow, Hon. Edward
F. Tobey, Hon. John S. Ladd; Treasurer,
Thomas H. Cummings, Esq. ; Recording
Clerk, Nathaniel W. Ladd, Esq.; Corre-
sponding Secretary, Thomas H. Cum-
mings. Governor Bell, of New Hamp-
shire, the retiring President, welcomed
the newly-elected President in a few
courteous remarks, and ex-Governor
Chamberlain, of Maine, on taking the
chair, spoke earnestly of the future work
proposed by the society. The meeting
then adjourned.

THE ONEIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY —

At a meeting of this society held on the
evening of Feb. 1 1, in the Library Build-
ing at Utica, Ellis H. Roberts, First Vice-
President, presiding, an interesting paper
was read by Professor G. C. Sawyer on
"Ancient Utica." The officers of the
society for the present year are : ex-Gov-
ernor Horatio Seymour, President ; Ellis
H. Roberts, Rev. Isaac S. Hartley, D.D.,
Daniel E. Wager, Vice-Presidents ; Dr.
M. M. Bagg, Recording Secretary ; Gen.
C. W. Darling, Corresponding Secretary ;
M. M. Jones, Librarian ; R. S. Williams,
Treasurer.

THE GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

celebrated its forty-fifth anniversary on
the evening of Feb. 12, in Hodgson
Hall, Savannah, Gen. G. M. Sorrel,
First Vice-President, presiding. After
the various reports for the year had
been read, officers were elected as
follows : Gen. Henry R. Jackson, Presi-
dent; Gen. G. M. Sorrel, Gen. A. R.
Lawton, Vice-Presidents ; William Hamp-
ton Wade, Recording Secretary ; Hon.
Robert Falligant, Corresponding Secre-
tary ; Prof. W. S. Bogart, Treasurer ;
William Harden, Librarian. The seven
Curators were re-elected. The anniver-
sary address was delivered by Hon. P. W.
Meldrim, whose subject was " The Trial
of Charles I., Its Causes and Conse-
quences." He gave a graphic account
of the early history of the accomplished
King, whose execution was a triumph for
the people. To the influence of that
event the speaker attributed the growth
of the spirit of liberty subsequently in
America under George III., and in Po-
land, Hungary, Sweden and France.

2/0

BOOK NOTICES

CUBA PRIMITIVA. ORIGEN, LENGUAS,
TRADICIONES E HISTORIA DE LOS
INDIOS DE LAS ANTILLAS MAYORA
Y LAS LUCAYAS. Por Don Antonio
Bachiller y Morales. Segunda edition,
corregida y aumentada. Svo., pp. 300. Ha-
bana, 18S3.

Senor Bachiller y Morales, well known as an
earnest student of American history, especially
of all relating to Cuba, presented this handsome
volume as his contribution to the fourth meeting
of the International Congress of Americanists,
held at Madrid in 188 1. It was inspired by the
desire to give that body, in a comprehensive form,
all that could be gathered as to the language,
traditions and antiquities of the Indians who
were found occupying the greater Antilles and
the Bahama islands. Most unfortunately, no vo-
cabulary has been preserved of this race, which
has now disappeared. Though the Spaniards,
after a time, studied with great zeal the various
Indian languages, and have left countless works,
the first American vocabulary now known is that
collected by the French navigator Jacques Car-
tier, on the banks of the St. Lawrence.

After a summary of the old discussion as to
the origin of the American Indians, the author
shows that the language of the Antilles had no
connection with the Maya, and that no known
tribe in Florida spoke any dialect of the Lu-
cayan ; while the Caribs of the West Indies
had congeners in South America, and affin-
ities are claimed between the Lucayan and Ara-
wak. Other scholars in Cuba and Santo
Domingo are endeavoring to collect aboriginal
terms and solve the problem. The eccentric
Rafinesque led the way in collecting from the
earliest Spanish authors all Indian words. He
devotes a chapter to the collections of antiquities
of the Antilles, still too limited for any extended
study. This is followed by the curious account
of the traditions and religious ideas of the Hay-
tians which the Rev. Father RomanPane prepared
for Christopher Columbus. Senor Bachiller's
notes add much new light.

A most important part of this work is a vocab-
ulary of 170 pages, embracing names of persons,
places and things in the language of the Cuban
Indians (Tainos), In this he has rendered a
service of the greatest value for a study of the
language. A second vocabulary gives the words
now in use among the Spanish- speaking inhab-
itants of Cuba, with their meaning. Senor Bachil-
ler's work cannot fail to stimulate others in Cuba
to pursue the interesting studies for which Cuba
affords so tempting a field ; and with the soundly
critical Captain Duro of the Academy of His-
tory we can compliment the author on his work.

RECOLLECTIONS OF AN OCTOGENA-
RIAN. By Henry Hill. i6mo, pp. 195.
D. Lothrop & Co. Boston, 1884.
The author of this interesting little work was
born in Newburgh, New York, January 10, 1795,
his family removing to Catskill when he was
about one year of age. Among his school-day
companions were Edwin Croswell and Thurlow
Weed. Having traveled extensively in the
course of his eventful career, he describes Lon-
don, Liverpool, and Paris, in 1815-1816, and
leads the reader on a rambling tour through Bel-
gium and Holland. The French King, Louis
the Eighteenth, went every forenoon to mass in
the chapel in the palace of the Tuileries, return-
ing through the glass gallery ; and to the services
in this chapel Mr. Hill was several times admit-
ted. The following year he made a voyage to
the West Indies, visited Buenos Ayres, Santiago,
and other South American points, and gives
pleasant information concerning the illustrious
men of South America at that period. In 1821
he returned home, and in 1822 was made Treas-
urer of the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions. In the last chapter of the
volume the venerable author states that he has
(Jan. 10, 1884) just completed his eighty-ninth
year.

FALLACIES. A VIEW OF LOGIC FROM
THE PRACTICAL SIDE. (The Inter-
national Scientific Series.) By Alfred Sidg-
wick. i2mo, pp. 375. D. Appleton & Co.
New York, 1884.

We have here the latest volume of this valua-
ble series, intended, like its predecessors, for the
general reader. The author informs us in his
preface that no previous technical training is
requisite for the understanding of the work, as
it is written as much as possible from the unpro-
fessional point of view. In his introductory
chapter we are told that Logic holds what may
well be called an uncomfortable position among
the sciences. Some authorities deny that a body
of accepted logical doctrines exist ; while others
consider that the facts and laws that form such
doctrine are so perfectly undeniable that to state
them is hardly to convey new or important in-
formation. After pointing out the difficulties
that arise in the treatment of the subject, the au-
thor discourses upon the Practical Side of Logic,
which may be viewed as a machine for combat-
ing Fallacy, and, like all machines, be ever capa-
ble of improvement. He then gives an outline
of his work, and a preliminary survey of the na-
ture of Proof in general. Speaking of " In-
ference," he calls it a highly ambiguous word,
capable of being applied to Proof as well as to

BOOK NOTICES

271

Discovery. And he shows in clear, forcible
language how misleading it is to attempt to find
the modern meaning of a word by tracing its his-
tory. "If the historical inquiry be properly
guarded, it may serve to throw light on the mod-
ern meaning, which would otherwise be lost or
overlooked ; " and yet, in many cases, to at-
tempt to bind words down to their ancient mean-
ing would lead to serious error. Among the
most interesting chapters in the book are those
entitled " The Employment of Guess-Work,"
which we especially commend to the notice of
every enlightened reader.

ENGLISH COMIC DRAMATISTS. Edited
by Oswald Crawfurd. (The Parchment
Library.) pp. 283. D. Appleton & Co. New
York, 1884.

This charming collection of scenes from the
English Comic Dramatists has not been made
in any hap-hazard manner, simply to amuse and
entertain the reader of them, but to give in a
succinct form something which shall thoroughly
represent English Comedy Literature. Each
scene is preceded by a sketch of the plot suffi-
cient to make it intelligible ; and a short critical
note upon each of the dramatists represented will
be found in the body of the work, of which there
are fourteen — from Shakspeare to Sheridan. Mr.
Crawfurd's excellent introduction of fifteen pages
prepares the reader for a thorough appreciation
of the scenes which follow.

AMERICAN COLLEGES : THEIR STU-
DENTS AND WORK. By Charles F.
Thwing. 1 vol. i2mo, pp. 213. (Second
edition, revised and enlarged.) G. P. Put-
nam's Sons. New York, 1883.
" The facilities for learning foreign languages
in our colleges have vastly improved within
a few years," writes the author of this volume.
"Twenty years ago it was difficult to find a grad-
uate who could read French with ease, or German
at all. But now no one pretends to call himself
thoroughly educated unless he reads, writes, and
speaks these languages with fluency. It is only
within a few years that our colleges have given
any instruction in the fine arts. Ten years ago
a professorship of the history of art was estab-
lished at Harvard, and the department is now,
by means of the seven elective courses, one of
the most important and popular. Six elective
courses in music are also provided, with fifteen
recitations and lectures a week. Yale has a
school of fine arts, whose aim is to provide thor-
ough technical instruction in the arts of painting,
sculpture and architecture ; to furnish an ac-
quaintance with all branches of learning relating
to the history, theory and practice of art." The
course covers three years, and, though it is dis-

tinct from the regular college course, it is open to
all who wish to avail themselves of its advan-
tages.

The book is well written, and to all who are
interested in the history of college education in
America is most agreeable and instructive read-
ing. It treats of Instruction in Colleges, of Ex-
penses, Morals, Religion, Health, Journalism,
Fellowships, Choice of a College, Rank in College
a Test of Future Distinction, Wealth and En-
dowment ; A National University; and Woman's
Education. The three last-named subjects com-
prise the chief additional material prepared for
this enlarged and revised edition.

THE VOYAGE OF THE JEANNETTE,
THE SHIP AND ICE JOURNALS of
George W. De Long, Lieutenant-Commander
U. S. N. and Commander of the Polar Expedi-
tion of 1879-1881. Edited by his wife, Emma
De Long. With two steel portraits, maps
and many illustrations on wood and stone.
2 vols. 8vo, pp. 911. Houghton, Mifflin &
Co. Boston, 1883.

The thrilling narrative of the voyage of the
Jeannette is recited at length in these two beauti-
ful volumes, edited by the wife of the lamented
commander of the expedition, and full-page and
other illustrations of great interest hold the reader
spell-bound, while maps of singular interest en-
able one to trace the entire route of the ship
from San Francisco to the spot where it disap-
peared beneath the waves — together with the
route followed by the officers and crew on their
perilous march over the ice to the Siberian coast.
A circumpolar map also shows the highest point
reached by different navigators at different dates;
and the Lena Delta indicates, in a nearer view,
the routes taken after landing, and by the search
parties. The story of the voyage is told in the
words of Commander De Long, who, in addition
to the ship's log, kept a private journal which
was to have been his record of the expedition.
This last was continued after the ship was aban-
doned.

The Jeannette sailed from San Francisco on
the 8th of July, 1879, and before the end of Oc-
tober was fast in the ice, off Herald Island. On
the 30th of November De Long wrote : ' ' We do
not see the sun at all, and our noon is but the
twilight of ordinary latitudes. Venus was visible
at noon. The ice around us made a picture in
its lights and shadows. The broken pack sur-
rounds us in all directions, while, as if in the
center of a frozen lake, the Jeannette is squeezed
by slabs of ice eight and one-half inches thick,
with humped-up and splintered floes, showing
where she has proved her strength. Attempts
to be poetical in the Arctic are praiseworthy, but
I think I shall give them up. My sensations of

272

BOOK NOTICES

being in critical situations are too keen to allow
me to write in cold blood about the beauties of
ice scenery. I will simply remark, the pack
is no place for a ship, and however beautiful it
may be from an aesthetic point of view, I wish
with all my heart that we were out of it. I take
leave of the month of November without the
slightest regret. It has been a month of gales,
ice pressures, and discomforts mental and phys-
ical."

Then followed a long, tedious winter of night
and a frozen summer. Over nine months had
they been held fast and drifted here and there
at the will of the winds. On the 21st of June
(1S80) De Long wrote : "All our books are read,
our stories related ; our games of chess, cards,
and checkers long since discontinued. When we
assemble in the morning at breakfast, we make
daily a fresh start. Any dreams, amusing or pe-
culiar, are related and laughed over. There can
be no greater wear and tear on a man's mind
and patience than this life in the pack. The abso-
lute monotony ; the unchanging round of hours ;
the awakening to the same things and the same
conditions that one saw just before losing one's
self in sleep; the same faces; the same dogs; the
same ice ; the same conviction that to-morrow will
be exactly the same as to-day, if not more dis-
agreeable; the absolute impotence to do anything,
to go anywhere, or to change one's situation an
iota."

Twelve weary, monotonous months rolled round
after this ere the ship was finally crushed, and
the brave men turned out upon the ice, with
such provisions as could be carried from place to
place, and commenced their tramp, tramp,
tramp over the frozen ocean to its melancholy
sequel. The work from beginning to end is one
of singular fascination, and the admirable man-
ner in which it has been edited and published
will command for it wide circulation.

LANGUAGE AND CONQUEST— A Retro-
spect and a Forecast. By John Reade.
[From the Transactions of the Royal Society
of Canada, vol. 1, sec. II.] Quarto pam-
phlet, pp. 33. Montreal, 1883. Dawson
Brothers.

The thought embodied in this scholarly essay
is worthy of careful attention. The inquiry as
to what has been the share of the races of
scattered and isolated tongues on the general
forward movement of humanity may not be
speedily answered with any degree of accuracy.
But new light is breaking. " Only a century
ago," says Mr. Reade, "no one dreamed that the
Hindoo was the kinsman of the Anglo-Saxon,
the Celt, and the Slav, and who can tell what
discoveries of equal import may be in store for
the diligent student of languages?" The es-

sayist further tells us that English is now the
mother-tongue of 95,000,000 of people, and that
its use is daily spreading in all quarters of the
globe. A forecast based on the populations
and known rates of increase of those who speak
the following languages results in the compila-
tion— "At the end of 200 years, Italian will be
spoken by 53,370,000 ; French, by 72,571,000;
German, by 157,480,000; Spanish, by 505,286,-
242 ; and English, by 1,837,286,153."

EARLY, NEW ENGLAND PEOPLE— Some
account of the Ellis, Pemberton, Willard,
Prescott, Titcomb, Sewall, Longfellow,
and allied families. By Sarah Elizabeth
Titcomb. 8vo, pp. 288. Boston : W. B.
Clarke & Carruth. 1882.

This volume is admirably written, a treasury of
genealogical lore indeed. Instead of following
the usual methods of the writers of family his-
tory, Miss Titcomb has illuminated her pages
with anecdotes and personal incidents, and has
given life, animation and interest to the illustri-
ous Puritans of early New England. We make
the acquaintance in these pages of the ancestors
of Harriet Prescott Spofford, and the discovery
as well of the mine from which she has drawn
many a remarkable plot with which to delight
the reading public ; also of the ancestors of Ben-
jamin Perley Poore, the author and journalist,
who were of the same family as Bishop Roger
Poor, under whose decree Queen Victoria now
occupies the British throne ; of those of Henry
W. Longfellow, and of many other eminent
personages. Of one of the Titcombs (Pierson)
we have a pleasant pen portrait from his niece.
" My uncle Titcomb was an exceedingly hand-
some man — one whom people would turn and
look at ; dark hair, black eyes, a smooth, fair
skin, with rich, brilliant color, a full, handsome
mouth, and fine teeth, regular and not too large
features, an Adonis face, with a good figure, above
the average height and well-proportioned. He
had the manners of a finished gentleman, and was
a very popular man in society, — and society was
very popular with him. I have heard my mother
and others say, that the flatteries and attentions
that he received from both old and young, were
enough to turn the head of a young man with
less principle. He wrote for the local papers, at
times. In politics he was a Federalist. _ I think,
but for this, he would have been prominent as a
politician, he was so very popular a man ; but
office would not tempt him to deny his principles,
and Democrats ruled in that day."

ANNOUNCEMENT.— Gen. George W. Cul-
lum, U. S. A. will contribute the leading article
(illustrated) to the April number of the Maga-

;

^y^^^^^^^y

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. XI APRIL 1884 No

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

ON the last day of the year preceding that of our Declaration of
Independence there fell one of the noblest martyrs to liberty —
Major -General Richard Montgomery — whose death was
mourned by friends and foes, and whose memory, after the lapse of a
century, still lives in the grateful hearts of the millions of freemen of this
giant Republic, whose foundation was sprinkled with his blood.

Richard Montgomery, the third son of an Irish baronet, was born De-
cember 2, 1738, at Convoy House, his father's country seat, near Raphoe,
in the north of Ireland. The genealogy of the Montgomery family, orig-
inally from Neustria, goes beyond A.D. 912, when Rollo was made first
Duke of Normandy ; and later to that Comte de Montgomerie, who mor-
tally wounded Henry II. of France, July 10, 1559, in a tournament in
honor of the marriage of his daughter. Though, on his death-bed, the
king forgave the Count, the queen-mother Catherine de Medicis did not,
but pursued the brave Huguenot with implacable vengeance till she
brought him to the scaffold, May 27, 1576.

After receiving a liberal education at Dublin College, Montgomery, in
his eighteenth year, September 21, 1756, entered the British Army, as an
Ensign of the Seventeenth Infantry, being soon after called to the field.
Fortunately for America his career opened here, and not in the Seven
Years War of Prussia. In 1757 his regiment was ordered to Halifax, and
the next year took part, under the immediate command of General Wolfe,
in the capture of Louisburg, the American Gibraltar, guarding the en-
trance to the St. Lawrence from the Atlantic. During the investment and
siege of this great fortress — one of the most noted monuments of French
power on this continent — young Montgomery showed such heroism and
military capacity that he was promoted to be a Lieutenant, July 10, 1758.

The news of Montcalm's bloody repulse of the British attack upon

Vol. XI.-No. 4— 19

2/4

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

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£ 8

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MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY 275

Ticonderoga, July 8, 1758, having reached General Amherst at Cape Bre-
ton, he, after leaving proper garrisons both at Louisburg and Halifax,
without orders, hastened to the relief of the defeated Abercrombie with
five of his most efficient regiments, including the seventeenth. Landing at
Boston, September 13, Amherst marched for fourteen days through an
almost trackless wilderness to Fort William Henry, at the head of Lake
George ; and, in November following, was appointed to supersede Aber-
crombie in the chief command of the British forces in America.

The next year England, anxious to profit by the advantage acquired
by the capture of Cape Breton, decided upon a vigorous campaign, by
sending Stanwix to complete the occupation of the posts connecting
Lake Erie with the Ohio ; Prideaux to reduce Fort Niagara ; Amherst to
move upon Montreal by Lake Champlain ; and Wolfe, with a large force
supported by a fleet, to attack Quebec.

Leaving Fort Edward, at the head of the Hudson, June 21, 1759,
Amherst, with eleven thousand men, including Montgomery's regiment,
without a blow, took possession of Ticonderoga, July 26, and of Crown
Point, August 4 — both posts having been abandoned by the French.
These strong works, the keys to the defense of Lakes George and Cham-
plain, which had been the bone of contention in several campaigns, thus
fell into British possession, the banner of the Bourbons never again float-
ing over them. The road to Montreal by the Sorel could now have been
easily opened ; but Amherst was a mediocre general, without fertility of
resource or the daring enterprise of Wolfe, who, in nobly accomplishing
his part of the campaign, fell in the arms of victory, September 13, 1759,
before Quebec.

Though Amherst's operations were unproductive of great results, it
gave Montgomery the opportunity of surveying with his quick military
eye the field of his after glory in a nobler cause. We have assumed that
Montgomery was with his regiment, which formed a part of Amherst's
army, though many authorities to this day assert that he was at Quebec.
It is barely possible that he was detached from his regiment, as he was a
favorite with Wolfe, lor whom he had done such gallant service at
Louisburg ; but we think it almost certain that he was with the seven-
teenth, under Amherst, and that he has been confounded with some one
of the thirteen officers of the same name then in the British army, two of
whom — George, an Ensign in the fifteenth, and the barbarous Alexander,*
Captain of the forty-third — were at the capture of Quebec.

* Some years since, the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, published an Extract from a
Manuscript Journal relating to the Operations before Quebec in 1759, kept by Colonel Malcolm

2/6 MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

Authorities equally differ as to Montgomery's position in the next
campaign, of 1760, of which Montreal was the objective point of the
three British armies by which Canada was subjugated : the first, under
Amherst, making an absurd and dangerous flank march of 400 miles by
the circuitous route to Oswego and down Lake Ontario and the St. Law-
rence ; the second, under Haviland, by the true strategic line of the Sorel,
of less than 50 miles ; and the third, under Murray, up the St. Lawrence
from Quebec. As Montgomery became the Adjutant of his regiment in
the spring of this year, May 15, 1760, we have little doubt that he then
was, and had been present with it since its departure from Louisburg, and
in this campaign accompanied Colonel Haviland over the ground made
memorable by his after invasion of Canada in 1775, which we shall soon
detail.

America, north of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, having changed
masters, a large British force was no longer required there ; hence detach-
ments from it were sent against the French and Spanish West India
Islands of Martinique and Cuba, the former of which surrendered, Feb-
ruary 13, 1762, to Monckton and Rodney, and a portion of the latter,
including Havana and Morro Castle, August 12, 1762, to Albemarle and
Pococke — two events which doubtless hastened the Treaty of Versailles,
February 10, 1763, and confirmed Britain's possession of an empire in
North America. In these two campaigns of 1761 and 1762, in the deadly
climate of the West Indies, Montgomery had his full share of toil and
danger, reaped fresh laurels as a brave and accomplished soldier, and won
his promotion, May 6, 1762, to a full captaincy in his regiment.

Soon after the official announcement of peace, the Seventeenth Infant-
ry returned to New York, and Montgomery obtained permission to revisit

Frazer, then Lieutenant of the 78th (Frazer's Highlanders), and serving in that campaign. Under
date of August 23d, 1759, ^s recorded in the Journal : " We were reinforced by a party of about
140 Light Infantry, and a company of Rangers, under the command of Captain Montgomery, of
Kennedy's or 43d Regiment, who likewise took command of our detachment, and we all marched to
attack the village to the west of St. Joachim, which was occupied by a Party of the enemy to the
number of about 200, as we supposed, Canadians and Indians. . . . There were several of the
enemy killed and wounded, and a few prisoners taken, all of whom the barbarous Captain Mont-
gomery, who commanded us, ordered to be butchered in the most inhuman and cruel manner." The
Editor of the publication, not content to let the Journal speak for itself, appended a note stating
that the Captain Montgomery here spoken of was " The Leader of the forlorn hope who fell at
Pres de Ville, 31st December, 1775," thus falling into the grave error of confounding the noble
Lieutenant Richard Montgomery of the 17th with the brutal Captain Alexander Montgomery of
the 43d. Doubtless this unfortunate note, published under the sanction of an Historical Society,
on the very spot where these events transpired, has done much to perpetuate a mistake now almost
crystallized into history as a truth.

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

277

MONTGOMERY PLACE ON THE HUDSON.

Built 1775-1776.

Europe, where he remained for the next nine years, selling out his com-
mission, April 6, 1772, because a favorite had superseded him in the pur-
chase of a commission of major, to which Montgomery's services entitled
him. Of his occupation during this period of military inactivity we have
few details. But we know that he was an earnest lover of liberty, and
was intimate in England with the brilliant Burke, the fascinating Fox,
and the bold Barre, his fellow British soldier wounded at Quebec, all of
whom, in Parliament, were the ardent advocates of America in her severe
struggle against the oppression of the mother country. Doubtless the
influence of this distinguished trio gave form and pressure to a mind
already in sympathy with the colonists, with whom he had stood shoulder
to shoulder in five eventful campaigns.

Montgomery, no longer in the British service, returned to America
early in 1773; purchased a farm of sixty-seven acres at King's Bridge,
near New York, upon which Fort Independence was subsequently built ;

278

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

EDMUND BURKE.

{After engraving, by Wagstaff, of painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds.)

soon after married Janet, the eldest child of Judge Robert R. Livingston*
and then moved to Rhinebeck, on the Hudson, where he followed his

* Montgomery, while still a captain in the British army, had met Janet Livingston at Clermont,
her father's country place on the Hudson, he having stopped there on his way to a distant post.
When Montgomery returned to America, he renewed his acquaintance with the lady and married
her in July, 1773.

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

279

new vocation of agriculture with that zeal and intelligence which charac-
terized all his actions. Here, though a foreigner, he quickly gained the
confidence of his neighbors, and so proved himself equal to the exigencies
of the times that, in April, 1775, he was elected a delegate from Dutchess
County to the first Provincial Convention held in New York, of which he
was a useful, modest and taciturn member, not having acquired the mod-
ern mania for speech-making. But the forum was not his sphere, and
fortunately he was called to a higher and more congenial field of action.

RIGHT HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX.

The Continental Congress having resolved on armed resistance to the
oppression of the mother country, elected, June 15, 1775, George Wash-
ington commander-in-chief of all the colonial forces, and Horatio Gates,
adjutant-general; on the 17th, Ward, Lee, Putnam and Schuyler, major-
generals; and on the 22d, Pomeroy, Montgomery, Wooster, Heath, Spen-
cer, Thomas, Sullivan and Greene, brigadiers. Of the three selected from
those who had been officers in the British army, Montgomery, though
perhaps inferior to Charles Lee in quickness of mind, was much superior
to both him and Gates in all the great qualities which adorn the soldier.

280

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY 28l

The high distinction conferred upon him by the supreme authority of
the colonies, without his solicitation or privity, was accepted by Mont-
gomery with his characteristic modesty, a patriotic sense of duty, and a
strong presentiment of his swift-coming fate. Writing to a friend, he
says : " The Congress having done me the honor of electing me a brigadier-
general in their service, is an event which must put an end for a while,
perhaps forever, to the quiet scheme of life I had prescribed for myself :
for, though entirely unexpected and undesired by me, the will of an
oppressed people, compelled to choose between liberty and slavery, must be
obeyed" From that hour he was no longer a Briton, but, with heart and
soul, devoted himself to the service and glory of the land of his adoption.
On his departure to Canada, Judge Livingston said to him : " Take care
of your life." " Of my honor, you would say," quickly responded Mont-
gomery.

Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been captured by Colonel Ethan
Allen and Seth Warner, in May, 1775, thus giving us the command of
Lake Champlain, when Congress, aware that Canada was weakly defended
and had a large discontented French population, wisely resolved upon the
invasion of that province, thus to prevent its becoming a base of hostile
operations against us by the armies of Great Britain. According to the
plan of campaign devised by General Washington and Doctor Franklin,
Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, at the head of a body of New York
and New England troops,* were to seize Montreal, the approach to which
was barred by the strong fortifications of St. John's and Chambly, on the
Sorel, the outlet of Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence ; while Arnold
marched through the wilderness of Maine.

On the 26th of August the movement began down the placid waters of
the beautiful Champlain Lake, which, for nearly two centuries, had been
the scene of long campaigns and desperate battles. On the 6th of Septem-
ber the invading army appeared before the first of these barriers, effected
a landing, and defeated an Indian ambuscade ; but Schuyler, deceived in
regard to the strength of the garrison of St. John's, and the disposition of
the Canadians and Indians, fell back to Isle aux Noix, which he com-
menced fortifying, and then hastened to Ticonderoga for reinforcements.
In reporting these transactions to Congress, General Schuyler says: "I
cannot estimate the obligations I lie under to General Montgomery for the
many important services he has done and daily does, and in which he has

* Among these troops was one Quackenbosh, who invariably asked for a leave of absence when
any firing was heard, his courage, like Bob Acres', immediately oozing out. Montgomery remarked
to his captain : "I think this quake-in-t he-bush had better at once be discharged."

282

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY 283

had little assistance from me, as I have not enjoyed a moment's health
since I left Fort George, and am now so low as not to be able to hold a
pen."

In consequence of this sickness Schuyler retired to Albany, the com-
mand of the whole invading force devolving upon Montgomery, who hesi-
tated not a moment, but abandoning his island intrenchments, was, on the
1 8th of September, again before St. John's, of which he began the invest-
ment and siege. Having accomplished the first as best he could, he began
the latter, but soon found his«mortars defective, his artillery too light for
breaching, his ammunition scanty, his artillerists unpracticed, his engineer
incompetent, the ground too wet and swampy for trenches, the weather
cold and rainy, malaria producing much sickness, and his troops disaffected
and insubordinate. * To escape these unfavorable circumstances, Mont-
gomery proposed to move to the north-west side of the fort, where the
ground was firm, and from there to make an assault ; but the troops re-
fused to second their leader, and to crown his embarrassment, the expedi-
tion of the restless Ethan Allen against Montreal had terminated, Sep-
tember 25th, in the capture of himself and many of his detachment. At
length, however, Montgomery, by his firmness and address, succeeded in
carrying out his views of moving his camp to the higher ground, and soon
after, October 18th, Colonel Bedel, with Majors Brown and Livingston,
captured Fort Chambly,f which being twelve miles lower down the Sorel,
had been left with a feeble garrison. This was an important event, as large
supplies of ammunition, artillery, and military stores fell into Montgomery's
hands, which enabled him to press the siege of St. John's. This strong
work, garrisoned by nearly all of the regular troops in Canada, capitulated
November 3d, after a vigorous defense of nearly seven weeks, all hope of
succor from Governor Carleton having been destroyed by his defeat, Octo-
ber 31st, at Longueil, by the detachment under Colonel Warner.

Immediately the Americans pressed on toward Montreal, which was
abandoned, November 12th, to the triumphal entry of Montgomery; but
Governor Carleton, disguised as a peasant, escaped in a canoe with muffled
paddles, passing on a dark night the American batteries and armed vessels
without observation, and reached Quebec on the 19th, to the great joy of

* "They are the worst stuff imaginable for soldiers," says Montgomery. " They are home-
sick ; their regiments are melting away, and yet not a man dead of any distemper among them.
There is such an equality among them that the officers have no authority, and there are few among
them in whose spirit I have confidence ; the privates are all generals, but not soldiers. . . .
Would I were at my plow again. "

f The colors of the Seventh British Fusileers, captured here, were the first taken in the Revo-
lution and sent to the Continental Congress.

284 MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

the garrison, who placed every confidence in his well-known courage and
ability, and without whom Canada was lost. When the news of Mont-
gomery's brilliant success reached Congress it passed a vote of thanks, and
he was promoted, December 9th, 1775, to be a major-general; but his un-
timely death prevented his ever receiving the just reward of his merits.
The vote of thanks by the Continental Congress was conveyed to Mont-
gomery in the following letter from its President:

"Philadelphia, November 30th, 1775.

" Sir : I am directed by the Congress to transmit you their Thanks for your great and
signal services in the expedition committed to your command, against the British troops
in the Province of Canada. The reduction of St. Johris and Montreal they esteem of in-
expressible advantage to the United Colonies, and the most mortifying contravention to
the ministerial system of enslaving the extensive territory of Canada. It cannot, therefore,
fail of reflecting singular luster on the character of the General so essentially instrumental
in preserving that liberty by the abolition of which a corrupt Parliament intended to anni-
hilate every appearance of freedom in America. Nor are the humanity and politeness
with which you have treated those in your power less illustrious instances of magnanimity
than the valour by which you reduced them to it. The Congress, utterly abhorrent from
every species of cruelty to prisoners, and determined to adhere to this benevolent maxim
till the conduct of their enemies renders a deviation from it indispensably necessary, will
ever applaud their officers for beautifully blending the Christian with the conqueror, and
never, in endeavouring to acquire the character of the hero, to lose that of the man.

"The victories already gained in Canada afford us a happy presage of the smiles of
Providence in the further designation of the Continental arms in the North, and will, in all
probability, greatly facilitate the entire reduction of the deluded malignants in that Prov-
ince to liberty. These, Sir, are exploits so glorious in their execution, and so extensive in
their consequences, that the memory of General Montgo?nery will doubtless be of equal
duration with the remembrance of the benefits derived from his command.

"At the same time that the Congress rejoice with you in the success of their arms
under your immediate direction, they cannot avoid expressing their concern at the intima-
tion you give of your intention to retire from the service. They are sensible that the loss
of so brave and experienced an officer will be universally regretted, as a misfortune to all
America. But they still hope that, upon reconsidering the matter, the same generous and
patriotick motives which first induced you to take so capital a part in opposing the unpro-
voked hostilities of an unnatural enemy will prompt you to persevere in the cause, and to
continue gathering fresh laurels, till you find our oppressors reduced to reason, and
America restored to her constitutional liberties.

" I am, &c,
"John Hancock, President.

" To General Montgomery."

Though now master of one of the most important keys to Canada, not
a moment was to be lost in gaining possession of the other, for, as Mont-
gomery wrote to Congress : " Till Quebec is taken, Canada is unconquered."

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

285

Notwithstanding the severity of the weather, the desertion of many troops,
the insubordination of officers, and a multitude of discouragements, he
led on his band of three hundred patriots over frozen ground and drifting
snows, keeping alive their hopes, and cheering them on to endure every
hardship, by his own noble example of self-sacrifice and heroic devotion
to his adopted country. Soon, November 17th, he learned that the advent-
urous Arnold had completed that memorable march — one of the most
wonderful on record — with his half starved, freezing army, through deep
swamps, trackless forests, and tangled ravines, over craggy highlands and

PRESCOT GATE, QUEBEC.

difficult portages, and down the rushing rapids of the Kennebec and the
Chaudiere. After a brief delay before Quebec, Arnold marched up the St.
Lawrence to join Montgomery. On the 1st of December the two heroes
met at Pointe aux Trembles, twenty miles above the city, Montgomery
taking command of the combined force, now only nine hundred effective
men, with which, on the 4th, in the face of a driving snowstorm, he
marched on Quebec, and on the 5th, after a slow and excessively fatiguing
march, reached St. Foye, establishing hfs headquarters at Holland House.
He was now in sight of the goal of his ardent wishes, to reach which

286 MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

for three months he had endured every species of toil and suffering. In
his brief campaign, almost insurmountable obstacles had been overcome,
and victory after victory had crowned his heroic efforts. Ticonderoga,
Crown Point, Forts St. John's and Chambly, Montreal, Sorel, and Three
Rivers had all been captured by less than an ordinary brigade of American
recruits, whose march seemed irresistible, and whose prowess spread terror
everywhere. The Canadian peasantry believed them invincible and ball-
proof ; by a curious mistake they being represented as " incased in plate-
iron " — vitus en tdle, instead of vitus en toile — clothed in linen (the shirt
uniform of Morgan's riflemen).*

The Red Cross of St. George now floated solitary on the ramparts of
Quebec, for Levi, Sillery, St. Foye, Lorette, Charlesbourg, the Island of
Orleans, Beauport, and every inch of British territory around the city, were
in possession of the invaders. It was a proud moment for Montgomery
when he contemplated all this, and surveyed the historic grounds around
him— in front, the Plains of Abraham, where Wolfe and Montcalm had
joined, September 13, 1759, in their death struggle; on either side the
battle-field of St. Foye, where, six months later, April 28, 1760, the vain-
glorious Murray had nearly lost all that British valor had won ; and beyond,
with its clustering associations of nearly two centuries, the fortress capital
of Canada, whose capture would perhaps crown him conquerer of British
America.

Quebec, at the confluence of the St. Lawrence and St. Charles rivers,
in 1775, was divided into the Upper and Lower Town, the former, occupy-
ing much the larger area, being perched upon the summit of a huge, high
rock, and mostly inclosed with formidable fortifications on the brow of its
precipitous sides, while the latter comprised a narrow, low fringe of land,
of unequal width, between the base of the rock and the banks of the two
rivers. This citadel of British power was provisioned for eight months,
was armed with two hundred pieces of heavy artillery, had a garrison of
1,800 regulars, militia and marines, and was commanded by the brave,
cautious and accomplished General Guy Carleton, afterward Lord Dor-
chester, who, as Governor of Canada, possessed almost absolute authority.

Investment of the place was out of the question, with only 800 Ameri-
cans to guard the numerous avenues leading to the enemy's extensive
works. Siege was equally impracticable, as there could be no sapping and

* In the early part of the Revolution part of the troops assumed the dress recommended by
Washington — a hunting shirt and long gaifer breeches — made of tow-cloth steeped in a tan vat
until it reached the color of a dry leaf. This was called the srfirt uniform, or rifle dress, and was
supposed to carry no small terror to the enemy as the insignia of a thorough marksman.

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

287

288 MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

mining in the hard frozen soil, covered with deep snow-drifts ; besides,
Montgomery had no skilled engineer, nor any breaching artillery. He had
contemplated storming the fortifications from the first, for, writing to the
Hon. R. R. Livingston, from Montreal, Montgomery says : " If my force
be small, Carleton's is not great. The extensiveness of his works, which, in
case of investment, would favor him, will, in the other case, favor us.
Masters of our secret, we may select a particular time and place to attack,
and to repel this the garrison must be prepared at all times and places — a
circumstance which will impose upon it incessant watching and labor by
day and by night ; which, in its undisciplined state, must breed discontents
that may compel Carleton to capitulate, or perhaps make an attempt to
drive us off. In this last idea there is a glimmering of hope. Wolfe's suc-
cess was a lucky hit, or rather a series of lucky hits. All sober and scien-
tific calculation was against him, until Montcalm, permitting his courage to
get the better of his discretion, gave up the advantages of his fortress and
came out to try his strength on the plain. Carleton, who was Wolfe's
quartermaster-general, understands this well, and, it is to be feared, will not
follow the Frenchman's example."

Preliminary, however, to a coup de main, it was necessary to know the
character and extent of the enemy's works, his means of introducing sup-
plies, the strength and composition of the garrison, and the disposition of
the inhabitants of the city and vicinage. These precautions consumed pre-
cious days of the midwinter of a boreal clime which was now upon our be-
numbed handful of besiegers, among whom mutiny and small-pox pre-
vailed, and whose enlistment would in a short time expire. Montgomery,
almost in despair, summoned the city to surrender, but received no re-
sponse ; he paraded his troops before the place, but Carleton was not to be
drawn from behind his defenses; and the discontented Canadians of the
garrison dared not rebel in the presence of the British soldiery. Resorting
next to more active measures, Montgomery threw every night from thirty
to fifty shells from his five small mortars into the city ; but these doing
little damage, he erected, at 700 yards in front of St. John's Gate, a battery
for his five light guns and one howitzer, the platforms being cakes of ice,
and the epaulment made with gabions filled with compacted snow con-
gealed into a solid mass. This, too, owing to the distance and small caliber
of his guns, failed of success, the battery being soon demolished by the
enemy's superior artillery, which kept up an effective fire upon every point
where troops were to be seen. On one occasion, as Montgomery was recon-
noitering near the town, the horse which drew his cariole was killed by a
cannon ball.

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

289

ST. JOHN'S GATE, QUEBEC.

Weeks had now been spent in unavailing efforts to capture the city,
biting cold and drifting snows paralyzed almost every movement, sickness
and privations were producing mutiny, and perils on every hand were
gathering around the undaunted leader in that terrible campaign ; but his
noble soul rose superior to every misfortune, and sustained him with the
same moral grandeur which inspired Marshal Ney till the last of the rear-
guard of Napoleon's Grand Army had escaped the pursuing foe and the
deadlier rigor of a Russian winter.

In a council of war, held December 16th, it was resolved, as the only re-
maining, though desperate alternative, to carry the place by storm. As the
time for assault drew near, three companies of Arnold's detachment muti-
nied ; but Montgomery's firmness and address soon brought them back to
a proper sense of their duty. Finally, at two o'clock on the morning of the
last day of the year, the whole command was paraded, in three columns,
for the last dread trial. The plan, essentially different from that first
adopted and abandoned when disclosed by a deserter, was for the first and
second divisions to assault the Lower Town, then to meet and unitedly force
their way into the city through the picketed passage at the foot of Moun-
tain Street, since 1797 know as the Prescott Gate ; while the third, under

Vol. XI.-No. 4.-20

290

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

Livingston and Brown, was, from the Plains of Abraham, to alarm and dis-
tract the attention of the garrison by feigned attacks upon the Upper
Town, in the neighborhood of St. John's and St. Louis' Gates and Cape
Diamond bastion. The morning was dark and gloomy ; a violent pelting
storm of cutting hail almost blinded the men and the drifting snows ob-
literated all traces of highways. To recognize each other, the soldiers
wore hemlock sprigs or pieces of white paper in their caps, on which some
of them wrote : " Liberty OR Death." A more daring attack than that

PALACE GATE, QUEBEC.

which they were about to undertake is, perhaps, not on record upon the
page of history.

At five o'clock the two assaulting columns of Montgomery and Ar-
nold began their march. Arnold's division, himself leading the advance
guard of 30 men, followed by Lamb's piece of artillery mounted on a
sledge, and the main body of about 500 infantry and riflemen, under Mor-
gan, moved through the suburb of St. Roch, by way of St. Charles street,
near the river. The advance guard approached a picketed two-gun bat-
tery defending a barrier across the road, without being discovered, but the
main body had scarcely reached the Palace Gate when " a horrid roar of

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

29I

cannon and a ringing of all the bells of the city" sounded the alarm.
Covering the locks of their guns with the lappets of their coats, to protect
them from the pelting storm, the infantry and riflemen ran single file, in
very open order, as rapidly as the deep snow and the various obstacles
would permit, along the base of the high rock upon which the Upper Town
was built. The files, though thirty or forty yards apart, were exposed to
a terrible fire from the ramparts, to which no reply could be made, as only
the flash of the enemy's guns was to be seen. Arnold's forlorn hope
'attacked and carried the battery after a desperate resistance, in which he
was severely wounded, and had to be car-
ried to the hospital. Though encourag-
ing the men as he passed to the rear, the
ardor of the main body was much damp-
ened. Nevertheless they hurried forward
under the severe enfilading and plunging
fire of the garrison, to the attack of the
first barrier, which was carried, the em-
brasure being entered " when the enemy
were discharging their guns." From the
first to the second barrier there was a
circular course of about 300 yards, partly
through Dog Lane, opening into the head
of Sault-au-Matelot street, where the sec-
ond barricade closed the space between
the foot of the rock and the river bank.
Here a terrible conflict took place, the
enemy having dry and superior arms ; in
front, a shot-proof cover twelve feet high ;
behind two tiers of musketeers, supported
by an elevated battery of artillery; on

either side houses, giving a plunging fire from their upper windows ; and
reinforcements continually arriving from the other parts of the town now
unexposed, for already Montgomery had fallen ; Campbell, his successor, was
in flight, and the " dastardly persons employed to make the false attacks "
had signally failed. Efforts to scale the barrier were made in face of the
desolating fire of musketry and grape ; the platform within was emptied by
our unerring riflemen ; Morgan, Arnold's successor in command, brave to
temerity, stormed and raged ; all that valor could do was essayed ; the killed
and wounded literally choked the defile ; but human efforts could not
prevail against such surpassing odds. Now it was that Morgan, seeing the

WHERE ARNOLD WAS WOUNDED.

292

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

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MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

293

Quixotism of this unequal hand-to-hand encounter, ordered the occupation
of the houses on our side of the barrier, that our men might be better
screened and maintain a more effective fire. It was already daylight, and
many of the best officers and men had been killed or wounded ; hesitation
and doubt seized many of the survivors ; and the critical moment for the
last cast of fortune was allowed to pass, when Captain Laws, at the head
of 200 of the garrison, sortied from the Palace Gate, cutting off the retreat
of the Americans, nearly four hundred of whom were captured, the remain-
ing survivors having escaped across
the ice covering the Bay of St.
Charles.

At the same time that Arnold's
division began its march, Montgom-
ery, who could not be persuaded that
the commander-in-chief should not
expose his life in the advance, de-
scended from the Plains of Abraham,
at the head of his column of less than
three hundred, to the cove where
Wolfe landed in 1759, and then, in
Indian file, cautiously led his forlorn
hope along the margin of the St.
Lawrence toward the very narrow
pass of Pres de Ville, having a preci-
pice toward the river on one side,
and the scarped rock extending up
to Cape Diamond on the other. Here
all farther approach to the Lower
Town was intercepted by a barrier,
and the defile, only wide enough
for two or three abreast, was swept by a battery of three-pounders loaded
with grape, placed in a block-house. At daybreak Montgomery's approach
was discovered by the guard and Captain Barnsfare's gunners, who had
been kept under arms awaiting the attack which they had reason to
expect, from reports of deserters ; and, as had been previously concerted,
the Americans were allowed to approach unmolested to within fifty yards.
Montgomery, while the rear of the column was coming up with the lad-
ders, halted to reconnoiter in the dim dawn darkened with the driving
north-east storm. Deceived by the silence of the enemy, who with port-
fires lighted, were eagerly watching for his approach, Montgomery cried

WHERE MONTGOMERY FELL.

294 MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

out to his little band, as soon as about sixty were assembled: " Men of
New York! you will not fear to follow where your general leads ! March on,
brave boys ! Quebec is ours ! " and then rushed boldly to charge the bat-
tery, over the drifted snow and blocks of ice, some of which he cleared
away with his own hands, to make room for his troops. The enemy, wait-
ing for this critical moment, discharged a shower of grape and musketry,
with deadly precision, into the very faces of the assailants. Montgomery,
pierced with three balls, his Aide, Macpherson, the gallant Captain Chees-
man, and ten others, were instantly killed. For several hours after the re-
pulse of the American column Carleton was uncertain as to Montgomery's
fate ; but a field officer among the captured troops of Arnold's detachment
recognized among the thirteen frozen corpses, lying as they fell, in their
winding sheets of snow, the Spartan leader of the heroic band.* Through
the courtesy of Carleton, the commanding-general of the British forces, the
body of Montgomery was privately interred, January 4, 1776, at the gorge
of St. Louis bastion. His short and light sword, of which he had thrown
away the scabbard, was found near him by James Thompson, overseer of
public works in the royal engineer department at Quebec, who, dying at
the age of ninety-eight years, bequeathed it to his son, who in turn willed
it to his nephew, James Thompson Harrower, who has deposited " this
famous excalibur," for safe-keeping, in the museum of the Literary and
Historical Society, at Morrin College, Quebec.

* The oft-repeated story that Aaron Burr attempted to carry away the body of Montgomery,
has been handed down by Trumbull's pencil, and recently renewed with much exaggeration in Par-
ton's biography of him ; nevertheless, we believe it to be an error, and even doubt whether he was
with Montgomery's column, though his friend Matthew L. Davis, generally accurate in his state-
ments, says, " General Montgomery [when he fell] was within a few feet of Captain Burr."

Burr, disguised as a Catholic priest, had been sent by Arnold to convey to Montgomery, when
at Montreal, the information of his near approach to Quebec. Pleased with Burr, Montgomery
temporarily attached him to his staff, and had designed that he should lead, with forty men, an as-
sault upon Cape Diamond bastion. When this first plan was frustrated by its being disclosed to the
enemy by a deserter, Burr probably joined his old commander, believing more glory was to be gained
under the impetuous Arnold than under the brave but cautious Montgomery. In confirmation of
this is Arnold's own letter to General Wooster, written from the hospital where he lay wounded,
and while the assault of Quebec was yet in progress. He says : "At last accounts from my detach-
ment, about ten minutes ago, they were pushing toward the lower town. . . . The loss of
my detachment before I left it was about twenty men killed and wounded. Among the latter
is Major Ogden, who, with Captain Oswald, Captain Burr, and the other volunteers, behaved
extremely well." This certainly implied that Burr was with Arnold's column, and not with Mont-
gomery's, which was a mile away. Possibly Burr assisted Arnold to the hospital, but certainly he
did not move Montgomery's body from where it fell and was found, " two paces from the brink of
the river, on the back, the arms extended," close to Cheesman and Macpherson, and two privates.
Burr was quite a small man, and not of sufficient strength to have carried off, if he had wished to
do so, the tall and heavy body of Montgomery.

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY 295

" Brief, brave, and glorious was his young career, —
His mourners were two hosts — his friends and foes ;
And fitly may the stranger, lingering here,
Pray for his gallant spirit's bright repose ;
For he was Freedom's champion, one of those,
The few in number, who had not o'erstept
The charter to chastise which she bestows
On such as wield her weapons ; he had kept
The whiteness of his soul, and thus men o'er him wept."

Looking now upon the attack of Quebec simply as a problem of en-
gineering, it is questionable whether the false attacks should not have been
real, and the latter feints. By the plan adopted, Montgomery and Arnold
had each to force their way, for about a mile, through the Lower Town,
during a violent storm, by narrow, obstructed defiles, and amid dark, intri-
cate passages, among storehouses, boats, wharves and snowdrifts, being at
the same time harassed by a constant plunging fire of a continuous line
of fortifications, which could not be silenced ; then to make a second attack
by either escalading the walls or forcing one of the gates of the Upper
Town ; and perhaps even a third attack upon the redoubt which then occu-
pied the site of the present citadel — three extremely difficult and danger-
ous operations ; whereas, had Diamond bastion and the incomplete line of
defenses fronting the Plains of Abraham, between it and St. John's Gate,
been simultaneously assaulted, the Upper Town would probably have been
carried, and then the Lower Town would have offered no resistance — one
not extremely hazardous operation, considering the state of the garrison
and the extent of the works to be defended against dashing, desperate
men. Doubtless it was expected that the storm and darkness would pre-
vent the discovery of the march of the columns, but the event proved
what ought to have been expected of a vigilant garrison, commanded by an
observant and thoughtful officer, who, in fact, knew of the intended attack
eight days before it was made. Soon after the troops were in motion their
approach was known by the sentries, and before they had reached the first
barrier every bell in the city was tolled, the drums beat to arms, the inhab-
itants were running to the market place, and every soldier was at his post,
ready with cannon and musket to repel the assailants.

The death of Montgomery made a profound impression, both in Europe
and America, for the excellency of his qualities and disposition had pro-
cured for him an uncommon share of private affection, as his abilities had
of public esteem. The Continental Congress proclaimed for him " their
grateful remembrance, profound respect, and high veneration, and desiring
to transmit to future ages a truly worthy example of patriotism, conduct,

296

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

297

boldness of enterprise, insuperable per-
severance, and contempt of danger and
death," caused to be executed by
Caffi£res, sculptor to Louis XVI., a
monument of white marble, of the
most beautiful simplicity and graceful
proportions, with emblematic devices,
and a classical inscription written by
Franklin, which, since 1789, has adorn-
ed the front of St. Paul's Church, in
the city of New York. Even in the
British Parliament the fallen hero was
eulogized by the most eloquent speak-
ers— Chatham, Burke, and Barre — as if
he had been the most devoted servant
of the Crown. Lord North, too, while
acknowledging his worth, concluded
by saying, " Curse on his virtues ; they
have undone his country."

Forty-three years after Montgom-
ery's death his remains, of which the
skeleton was found nearly entire, by
" an Act of Honor" of the Legislature
of the State of New York, were re-
moved from Quebec, and buried, July
8th, 1818, with brilliant military cere-
monies, near the cenotaph erected by
Congress to his memory. As the body was borne down the Hudson River,
the steamer, as directed by Governor Clinton, paused before " Montgomery
Place," * near Barrytown, where the widow of the hero resided, and who thus
describes the mournful pageant : " At length they came by with all that re-
mained of a beloved husband, who left me in the bloom of manhood, a perfect
being. Alas ! how did he return ? However gratifying to my heart, yet to my
feelings every pang I felt was renewed. The pomp with which it was con-
ducted added to my woe ; when the steamboat passed with slow and solemn

* When Montgomery left his Kingsbridge farm, he commenced erecting a house upon a place
(now called Grasmere) near Rhinebeck, which belonged to his wife, but the building was not com-
pleted till after the General's death. His widow resided here till the spring of 1776, when she
removed to Montgomery Place, named in honor of the General and modeled after the house in Ire-
land belonging to Viscount Raneleigh, who married Montgomery's only sister. Their son, Hon.
William Jones, superintended the construction of Montgomery Place.

MONTGOMERY S TOMB.

St. Paul's. New York.

298

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY

<&Wa^*£- sZtujtrle? fzrz^f /%&/%&ausL

A<- ^u7* fr^Ct^L ^«&~ A^_ A-Af^e^

iTh^

jfrZZnr-

CcS^y -»,

rfZts*

AN ORIGINAL LETTER.
MONTGOMERY TO COLONEL BEDEL, ST. JOHNS.

{From the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet.)

movement, stopping be-
fore my house, the troops
under arms, the Dead
March from the muffled
drums, the mournful mu-
sic, the splendid coffin,
canopied with crape and
crowned by plumes, you
may conceive my anguish.
I cannot describe it. Such
voluntary honors were
never before paid to an
individual by a republic,
and to Governor Clin-
ton's munificence much
is owing."

Of Washington's thir-
teen generals, elected by
the Continental Congress,
some were mere sabreurs,
many incompetent, and
several effete from sick-
ness or age : two only —
Schuyler and Greene —
could be compared to
Montgomery, and neither
of these was his superior
in character, attainments
or military experience.
Of such material as Mont-
gomery, Napoleon made
the marshals of his Em-
pire; for he was as intrep-
id as Ney, as steadfast as
Macdonald, as fearless as
Massena, as prudent as
Soult, as resolute as Da-
voust, as self-poised as
Suchet, and as impetuous
as Lannes ; ever ready to

MAJOR-GENERAL RICHARD MONTGOMERY 299

lead in the forefront of battle to do or die for his country. It must be
ever lamented that a spirit so elevated and so devoted to the cause of
liberty should have been sacrificed, in the bloom of manhood, in a conflict
so unequal and so hopeless of success. Winkelried met not a more glorious
death, nor did Austrian pikes at Sempach pierce a braver heart than that
of the noble martyr of Pr6s de Ville, worthy to rank among the first heroes
and patriots.

Montgomery was the embodiment of the true gentleman and chival-
rous soldier ; high-born, handsome in person and athletic in form, graceful
and simple in manners, modest and taciturn in speech, generous and frank
in disposition, loving to kindred and fond of his fireside, of sanguine
temperament tinged with melancholy, cultivated in taste and studious of
books, self-reliant and of sound judgment, faithful to duty and zealous in
its performance, just to all and guided by a high moral sense, firm of
will in carrying out his convictions, true to friends and generous to foes,
brave as a paladin and the soul of honor — he united every manly attri-
bute to the gentleness and affection of woman.

His letters to his wife, amid all his difficulties and sufferings, are those
of a knightly lover, sighing and longing to worship at the altar of his
household gods. Though a soldier from boyhood, he delighted in the calm
pursuit of agriculture, and reluctantly bade adieu to his " quiet scheme of
life " only because " the will of an oppressed people, compelled to choose
between liberty and slavery, must be obeyed." When he resumed his
sword in the cause of our independence, he shrank from no danger,
evaded no responsibility, energetically performed every duty, imparted his
own confidence and courage to all about him, won the love and esteem of
his soldiery, and tempering authority with kindness, checked insubordina-
tion, removed discontent, and converted a disorderly band of turbulent
freemen into a disciplined army of patriots. He was truly a " servant of
humanity, enlisted in its corps of immortals," and his heroic end was the
amaranthine crown to his useful and unsullied career.

' Death made no conquest of this conqueror,
For now he lives in fame, though not in life."

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS— A LOST TRIBE

Ten miles back in the country from the sleepy-eyed Mississippi town that
bears the name of the lost tribe — the subject of this article — dwells the
venerable J. F. H. Claiborne, whose life has been identified with the
history of the State, and whose mind is a storehouse of historical and
legendary lore. From this gentleman the writer recently received a time-
stained roll of manuscript, upon which was the indorsement : " I send you
a few items concerning the Natchez Indians. Whose hand first collected
these fragmentary statements I have no means of deciding now. But for
their correctness I can vouch." Only one clue to the date of the manuscript
appears, and that lies in the paragraph : " While engaged on this part of the
subject, we have received the April number for 1832 of Silliman's Journal,
which contains a translation of a letter from a scientific Spanish gentleman,
Mr. Loago, residing in Brazil, setting forth the fact of his discovery of
what he believes to be antediluvian remains of the human species in the
caves of that region, the skulls of which exhibit the same remarkable arti-
ficial conformation." With this allusion to the compressed heads of the
Natchez tribe, our nameless author proceeds to say that his information
" has been derived from various sources, written and traditional, and that
in romantic interest this perished people excel all other races upon the
continent. In character they were peaceful, and in moral attributes no
other Indians could compare with them." Charlevoix, who for a time
sojourned in their midst, said : " They rarely make wars nor place their
glory in destroying their fellow-creatures : but once excited to revenge by
repeated provocation, their resentment is appeased only by the severest
chastisement of their foes." Governed by this civilized principle, they
seldom waged any other than defensive warfare. Their civil polity par-
took in a certain degree of the refinement of advanced civilization. They
had kings or chiefs whom they denominated " Suns," and invested them
with absolute power. They had a subordinate nobility, and the usual dis-
tinctions created by rank seem to have been well understood and observed.
The supreme power in the government was held by the " Grand Sun,"
whose fiat confirmed or annulled the action of the grand council of the
tribe, composed of the lesser " Suns " and aged nobles. The control of the
lesser " Suns " extended only over their own villages, save when it oc-
curred to some barbaric diplomat, possessed of superior ability, intelligence

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS— A LOST TRIBE 301

or strategic skill, to maneuver himself indirectly into control over the head
of the government. Each village had its separate " Sun," to whose title
was appended the name of the village over which he held sway, as "The
Sun of the Apple," chief of the " White Apple Village," " The Sun of the
Meal," chief of the "Village of the Meal," etc., etc. What may have been
the number of their villages, even so late as the period when French domi-
nation extended over the territory now occupied by Adams County, Mis-
sissippi, it is impossible to ascertain, unless we adopt the reasonable sup-
position that each mound or series of mounds marks the site of a village, in
which case the particular district of which we speak, embracing within its
limits upwards of fifty mounds, would indicate that fifty villages were
crowded into the space of one county. There is on record one instance
where a subordinate " Sun " succeeded through native eloquence in bend-
ing the weaker mind of the " Grand Sun " to his purpose. It was the
" Chief of the Apple " advocating the extermination of the French, and he
artfully caused the plan to seemingly originate with the imbecile youth
then vested with the supreme power, of which we shall learn further on a
subsequent page.

The right of succeeding to the highest honors of the nation among the
Natchez was derived through the female " Suns," who, though invested
with the high dignity of conferring such honor, seem to have been allowed
no part in the affairs of government. The female " Suns " were not required
to confine themselves in their selection of a husband to their own caste;
indeed so far was this from being the rule, that the husband of the Stung
Arm (the Sun's mother at the period of the massacre of the French) and the
father of the " Grand Sun," was a Frenchman. The rights, privileges, im-
munities and honors appertaining to the " Sun " were conferred upon the
fruit of this marriage, a youth of some eighteen years, by his marriage with
the principal female " Sun." The course of succession seems intricate, but,
according to their traditional history, was in regular order as required by
a law which to them was divine.

" The Natchez " were in the habit of sacrificing human beings on
funeral occasions to an extent unknown elsewhere on the continent, ex-
cepting among the Peruvians, whose practice was similar in character, ex-
ceeding only in the number of its victims. Whenever the mate or female
" Sun " died all her allonex or intimate attendants devoted themselves to
death, under the belief that their presence would be necessary to minister
to the comfort and add to the dignity of their sovereign in another world.
The wife or husband, as the case might be, was likewise immolated, and
this was considered the most desirable and honorable of deaths. It was

302 THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE

thought noble in the Roman client to slay himself with the sword whose
wound had taken his honored patron from the harassing cares and ills of
life. Prompted by feelings no less magnanimous, these Mississippi Indians
gathered in multitudes about their dying " Sun," and were emulous of go-
ing down with him into the grave, " to tell of his deeds of glory " in some
vague spirit-land. Charlevoix relates that upon the death of a female
" Sun," which occurred about the period of his visit to the " Natchez," her
husband (not being noble) was strangled according to custom by the hands
of his own son, after which the two bodies were laid out in state, sur-
rounded by those of twelve dead infants who had been strangled by order
of the eldest daughter of the deceased, to whose honors, dignity, and priv-
ileges she had succeeded under their peculiar law of primogeniture. Four-
teen other individuals were also prepared to die and accompany the royal
dead in her travels to the Spirit Land. These preparations consisted in
cheerful leave-takings, after which the deluded victims swallowed pills of
tobacco, which in certain quantities produces great nervous excitement,
followed by almost deathly stupor, and sometimes by death itself ; when
otherwise, death was generally procured by the officious services of friends,
speeding the parting guest to the mysterious Beyond. All of the prepa-
rations for these sacrifices were similar to those practiced by the Brahmins
upon the occasion of a " Suttee " when the widow is immolated to the
manes of her deceased husband, she being plied with intoxicating draughts
which drown her to all sense of pain and endow her with an artificial cour-
age equal to the ordeal in readiness for her. In the case referred to by
Charlevoix, on the day of the interment of the " Sun " and her husband,
the fathers and mothers of the infants sacrificed, preceding the royal bier,
threw the bodies of the little ones on the ground at different distances and
in such positions that they might be crushed by the bearers of the dead.
The fourteen other victims being now prepared, were strangled by the
relatives of the deceased and their bodies cast into the common grave and
covered with earth. These Natchez Indians had an established religion — if
the name " religion " can be applied to such crude devotional conceptions —
in some particulars, however, rational and consistent. They had a regu-
lar order of priesthood and temples, in which they worshiped the sun,
and where was preserved the " eternal fire," the symbol of their faith.
It would seem as if their religion was shaped according to the shadowy re-
membrance of some half-forgotten dream of good, so pure were some of its
rites and ceremonies.

It is a notable fact that it coincided closely with that of the Bogoten of
Central America and the fire worshipers of the far East. While the sun

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE 303

was the chief object of adoration, their temples were constructed in the
plainest and most severe style of savage architecture, devoid of all tawdry
splendor, and they preserved the " eternal fire " as the purest emblem of
that invisible divinity whose might and power they recognized in the roar
of the thunder and the fury of the storm. The duty of the savage " Sun,''
with the daily rising of his bright namesake, was an act of obeisance. In
the spring time, and when the golden harvest of maize was ripe for the
garner, festivals were celebrated with solemn rites terminating in uproari-
ous sports.

It has been said, and justly, by one of the most celebrated historians of
modern times, that " the sun and fire worship were among the most refined
and seductive, and, at the same time, natural superstitions." The sun, to
the untutored mind, is the apparent source of all the joy, fertility and life in
nature. Like the Bogoten, the Natchez had a regular order of priesthood.
The system of the former, however, embraced in its objects of veneration
both sun and moon, and though of greater regularity, was far less pure
than that of the latter. The Persians were of course superior to the rude
people of whom we speak ; they were in constant association with other
and more refined nations, and within reach of the first faint glimmerings of
Christian light. But the same system of magi was observed in these wild
recesses of the Western world ; also, the " feasts of seasons/' similar in
character to the " harvest feasts " of which the Persians partook in company
with their king, who feasted with the husbandmen of his empire for the
purpose of fostering that love and veneration for the head of government
which bound the nation round him as a triple wall, engendering that unity
which advanced the empire to such a high grade under the great Cyrus.
The coincidence was remarkable, and remains among the unexplained
mysteries which belong to a forgotten period of our history. The Natchez
were just, generous, humane, and apparently actuated by high-toned mag-
nanimity of feeling. Untutored noblemen of nature, they never failed to
extend relief to objects of distress or misery ; in fact, to their beautiful
and uniform practice of benevolence maybe traced their wars with and
final extermination by a nation boasting itself the most refined and civilized
of the Old World. They were well acquainted with the properties of the
various medicinal plants common to their clime, and practiced their appli-
cation with judgment and skill — facts attested by numerous cures of various
diseases wrought among the French after their settlement in the country
of the Natchez. Among their singular customs was that of distorting
the head by compression. Numerous specimens of undoubted authenticity
from the various mounds in the vicinity of Natchez and other localities

304 THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE

throughout the South and West have been examined. The skulls sloped
almost invariably from the point of the nose backward to the crown of the
head, at an angle of about forty-five degrees. The exceptions gave evi-
dence of compression applied perpendicularly to the crown, and, in one or
two instances, to the sides of the skull ; these, however, were rare. Du
Pratre gives a detailed account of the manner by which this artificial con-
formation was achieved. The infant was swathed to a board so closely as
to prevent all but the very slightest movement. A stiffly tanned strip of
deer skin, or a buck-skin bag, filled with sand, was applied to the part to
be compressed, producing the desired effect without giving pain. " We
remember years since," says our chronicler, " while in our boyhood's years,
witnessing a Choctaw infant undergoing this process of adornment." De
La Vega tells us that during the invasion of Florida (then an extensive
region, embracing the entire South within its limits) the Spaniards met
with a tribe whose heads were artificially molded into the form spoken of
above. He says: " Their heads are incredibly long and pointed upwards,
owing to a custom — -the Inca tells us — of compressing the foreheads and
that portion of the cranium covering the brain, from the period of birth
until the child attained its ninth or tenth year." The people thus inci-
dentally mentioned by De La Vega may have been the Natchez, as there
are many facts stronger than tradition to indicate that he visited this tribe
in his wild wanderings. Another tribe, known at that day as the Tulas, a
collateral branch of the Natchez, pursued the same practice and by a sim-
ilar process. This compression of the skull gave them a singular appear-
ance not consonant with our modern ideas of beauty, but if phrenology
has any truth, there is little doubt but the qualities most essential to them
were stimulated by the compression, such as combativeness, destructive-
ness, and firmness, and the depression of the intellectual organs increased
those of benevolence, veneration, and self-esteem. In general appearance,
the Natchez were tall, well-formed, and slightly, or rather sparely, built, of
active, sinewy, and well-knit frame, rarely, if ever, burdened with flesh, of
lighter complexion than the surrounding tribes, and possessing pleasant
and somewhat expressive countenances. The author of the yellow manu-
script says : " It was my lot in early youth to meet with a large number of
Choctaws, who were then in the habit of visiting my native city periodi-
cally for purposes of trade, in bands of from twenty to two and three hun-
dred. We have occasionally seen the bluff in front of Natchez crowded
with them for several days. Although a youth of but few years, I was
fascinated with some of the characteristics of these red men, and mingled
with them freely, save when excited, as they sometimes were, by fire-

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE 305

water. On one occasion, we observed among the band a number of tall,
finely-formed men, more marked of features, and indeed differing in every
respect from the Choctaws, who are by no means famed for their beauty.
Struck with this difference, I inquired of an old man of the Choctaws,
with whom I was a favorite, as to its cause. He replied that the men we
referred to were called Chickasaws, but, said he, they are the descendants
of that portion of the Natchez which, on the defeat of their nation,
attached themselves to the Chickasaws." From repeated subsequent in-
quiries, we are satisfied of the correctness of this explanation. Mr. Clai-
borne, who is now engaged as commissioner on the part of the United
States for the adjudication of the Choctaw claims originating, under " The
Dancing Rabbit Treaty" says that while engaged in his labors at Hopaka,
he met with several individuals among the Choctaws who were distinctly
different from them — of superior form, manlier beauty, and more in-
tellectual appearance, in all respects the ideal monarch of the world, before
his contamination by contact with civilization and acquirement of the rude
refinement of sin and shame as exemplified by the teachings of his Old
World friends — and he was told that these individuals belonged to the lost
tribe of the Tulas (a branch of the Natchez Indians) who had managed to
preserve their distinct type for three hundred years.

The Natchez, satisfied with the pursuit of happiness after their own
peculiar manner, seldom took part in the feuds of the tribes surrounding
them, but lived secluded, having but little communication beyond what was
necessary to secure the friendship of neighboring nations. The Chet-
imaches, Tensas, Grigris, and a detached band of Sioux were in a manner
dependent on them. Too powerful to be liable to insult, their justice, gen-
erosity, and uniform benevolence made them respected and esteemed by
all who had knowledge of them. Their example of refinement, their prac-
tice of all the rude virtues known to them, their life of harmless quietude,
singularly free from the domineering spirit over the weak and defenceless
that power engenders, had a gentle and humanizing influence on the various
tribes within reach of their example, to which may be attributed, we
doubt not, the fact that among their traditions we hear less of that love of
bloodshed, plunder, war, rapine, and wild marauding which marks the old-
time tales of the Creeks, Yamassees, and other distant tribes. Without the
wish to extend its territory, the Natchez tribe turned its attention to the
comfort and happiness of its members, who, being somewhat advanced in
the rudiments of agriculture, with prudence worthy of all emulation, even
at this late day, produced their entire supplies by home industry.

The woods furnished them with abundance of game, the creeks and

Vol. XL-No. 4.— 21

306 THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE

bayous supplied them with another article of diet, and they were adepts
in preserving the flesh of the deer and buffalo, and in drying the fish they
caught in superabundant quantities. Among their amusements Indian
ball-play ranked high. " Two parties, of fifty a side, were stationed at
opposite ends of the upper bluff, with a cottonwood pole planted equi-
distant from either party. Each individual held a pair of hickory wands,
some four feet long, with a withe basket at the end, with which to catch
and throw the ball. Stripped, like the athlete of old Greece, to the breech-
cloth, their fine, manly forms, each limb lithe with grace and action, each
muscle standing out, and their sinewy frames ready for the hurried spring,
while every eye was fired with intense interest, they stood like specimens of
the master sculpture of the ancients. They might have inspired the re-
mark of West, which so surprised the Italians who were displaying to him
some of the master-pieces of sculpture in Rome : ' How like a young Mo-
hawk warrior : I have seen them often, standing in the very attitude of this
Apollo ! ' A hundred such forms were there ; like blood-hounds in the
slip they stood, statue-like, awaiting the signal of their leaders. A signal
was given by Push-ma-ta-la, the ball was thrown, and then commenced a
scene of wild excitement. The loud shout, and rapid race, and furious
rush, each striving to obtain the ball, with intent to throw and hit the
pole, this feat in the game counting one. But how difficult to perform may
be imagined, for even when the ball was safely basketed and ready for the
throw, the opposing party, in every instance pressing round the fortunate
possessor, and by all means, fair or foul, gentle or severe, endeavoring to
deprive him of it, or distract his aim, while his friends mingled in the fray,
using all efforts to protect him, and every moment on the ear broke the
shrill shriek, or loud whoop and yell like their wild battle-cry; every eye
gleaming with excitement, each agile form as alert as the chamois on its
native hills, now rolling for an instant on the earth, the next erect and fleet
as the wind to mix again in the mimic battle. The ball flies far and wide
of the mark — each eye marks its course, and thither, pell-mell they rush,
the opponents using every art to delay each other's progress — as when a
nimble youth, in advance of some veteran player, stays his speed, and with
well-feigned awkwardness stumbles and falls headlong across the other's
path ; the quick glance of the latter detects the trick, but too late for rem-
edy, and in revenge, ere he falls, gives the youth warm greeting with his
foot. Up again and away, both fly, while their loud and merry laughter
rings out upon the air.

" They play with joyous abandon. All thoughts save those of merri-
ment and glee are for the time banished. At last an agile youth, active as a

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS— A LOST TRIBE 307

mountain cat, outspeeds the crowd and gains the ball. It is basketed and
poised for the throw full a hundred yards from the pole ! The gathering
throng of friend and foe is closing round him. Closer and closer they
press upon him ; like a graceful pine, bending for an instant to the storm-
blast, the tall youth is swayed for a second by the surging throng, then,
drawing himself up to his full height, he rises on tip-toe, and with a swift
and sudden motion whirls his staves; they open ; the ball flies fast and far,
true as the glance which scanned the distant pole; the pole quivers like
an aspen under the shock of contact ! Away, in wild career they run,
circling round like untamed and riderless steeds. Warmed with the wild
and furious fun, Push-ma-ta-la puts forth his every energy. A leader, he
wishes to finish the game. New life thrills in his every bound ; his sinewy
form well adapts itself to sport like this. He gains the ball, throws it high
above him in the air, watches its course, catches it in its descent, and be-
fore another player reaches the spot the pole again quivers, for his aim is
true ! Long, loud, and deafening shouts from all, victors and vanquished,
testify their approbation of this master-throw, and proclaim the game com-
pleted."

Such was the character, the occupations, and the amusements of the
Natchez before they were molested by the vanguard of those civilized in-
truders who were soon to put to flight the spirits of peace and contentment
that had brooded so long over the beautiful hunting grounds. The first
French settlement was made at Natchez in 1713. A rude palisade, scarce
susceptible of defense, was erected and dignified by the title of a fort, in
addition to which several other buildings for storehouses and dwellings
were erected. Settlers had at various times planted themselves among the
Natchez, and all were alike well received. The first of these was a Ricol-
let prior, Father Darrin, who after several years' residence removed to the
cliffs about Fort Adams, which from this circumstance was originally called
La Roche a Darrin. Here he resided, hermit-like, leading a life of holi-
ness, and by his beautiful examplte and holy precepts obtained wide influ-
ence over numerous tribes in that region. A larger party of colonists sent
forward by the government was received with hospitality. Many of these
located in the surrounding country, and quite a number joined in forming
a settlement upon the Creek of St. Catherine. Others, again, penetrated
the country as far north as the Yazoo River and there settled, erecting for
their defense a fort, which, according to some authorities, was destroyed
by the Chickasaws in 1723, during hostilities with the French.

It is worthy of note that among all the European nations who aided in
opening up the western world, none so won upon the aboriginal tribes as

308 THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE

the French. They claimed and commanded savage admiration, and ap-
propriated savage friendship for their own ends. With that gay adapta-
bility which is a fortune to its possessor, these volatile foreigners gave cor-
dial recognition to the patent virtues of the Natchez tribe, and affiliated
with them readily. To such an extent was the friendship thus won used
by the French, that they availed themselves of it in many cases of threat-
ened or actual outbreak on the part of less pacific tribes. Of all the In-
dians known to the French, the Natchez were most serviceable to them, re-
ceiving them upon their first entrance into the country with a hospitality
which extended to the presentation of their lands, leaving the selection to
the French themselves, " for," said the " Grand Sun," with a noble liberal-
ity worthy his kingship, " the world is wide enough for the Natchez and
their friends the French ; they should walk peaceably in the same paths,
and enjoy the light of the same sun." Is there one page of written his-
tory which can compare with this sentiment for royal hospitality? Gen-
erosity of purpose and high magnanimity of feeling marked all their earlier
intercourse with the French. They fed them with the fruits of their own la-
bor, aided them in the chase, and labored with them in the erection of their
buildings. Iberville first visited them in 1699. He was delighted with the
beauty and fertility of the country, and charmed with its simple-hearted
inhabitants, who received him as a brother. He remained for some time,
cultivating their friendship and exploring the country with a view to the
settlement of a colony within its borders. By his kindness and proper ap-
preciation of the spirit manifested by them toward himself and country-
men, he captivated the " Grand Sun" and the " Suns "of the numerous
villages, obtaining from them the site for an extensive town, and also the
privilege of erecting a fort. The spot selected by Iberville for the latter
purpose was that occupied by the present city of Natchez, and was called
by him, in honor of the lady of his patron, the Count de Pontchartrain,
La Villede Rosalie aux Natchez. Familiar as was Iberville with the vari-
ous tribes from Florida to the extreme lirftit of French domination, through-
out the northern continent, he gives the palm to the Natchez above all, as
being " more advanced in civilization and those rude refinements which
mark the progress of a nation gradually emerging from the darkest shades
of barbarism, or, as probable, stayed in their fall from some loftier height
which may have belonged to their remote ancestors." Iberville, who was
in his age distinguished for his knowledge of aboriginal character, his just
estimate of them as tribes and nations, characterized the Natchez, as a race,
" as noble and generous, inclined to the pursuits of peace, but by the same
qualities rendered more terrible in war." To illustrate this trait : they

THE NATCHEZ INDIANS — A LOST TRIBE 309

exercised sway over numerous tribes in their vicinity. Yet they did
not secure them as tributaries, exacted no levies, and required their aid
only when other and more warlike tribes, by repeated encroachments, forced
them to the field. On such occasions, their arrangements partook of more
order and gave evidence of a higher knowledge of military tactics than was
common at that early day among the aborigines. Possessing all necessary
courage, they were cautious, prudent and most determined in battle, yet
at all times open to honorable propositions for peace.

The opinion formed by Iberville of the unflinching bravery and deter-
mined courage of this peculiar people, as well as their will and power to
protect themselves from injury, was proven upon further acquaintance to
be correct ; and from this fact, the French were for a time induced to act
with greater caution and circumspection in their dealings with them than
was always the case with the white intruders toward the lords of the soil.
At first kindness was returned for kindness, and nothing but slight retali-
ation was inflicted for any slight injury inflicted on one of their number,
but, as was generally the case, the whites became encouraged after an
intercourse of the most amicable and friendly character had continued for
several years, and began to encroach upon the gallant natives. At first
infringing slightly upon their rights, then by trivial exactions and unwise
boasting. The pride and wrath of the free sons of the forest were at last
excited. Remonstrances against repeated outrages, of seemingly small
import, were made ; an unwilling ear was turned to them. The natives
referred with pride to the time when the infant colony derived its sole
support from their kindness, and endeavored to awaken the better feelings
of the French to a sense of the injustice and wrong inflicted by minor
officials of their colony, who were too far removed from the chief of the
government to be under his immediate notice — but all in vain. The moment
came when forbearance ceased. On the morning of December 28, 1729, the
Natchez Indians arose in their wrath and murdered every Frenchman in the
colony. While rejoicing in their success they were in turn attacked Janu-
ary 28, 1730, by the Choctaws, under the leadership of Le Sueur, who
took swift and terrible vengeance for the slaughter of his countrymen. A
few days later Soubois, at the head of the French troops, completed the
work of destruction.

Part of the doomed tribe escaped across the Mississippi to the
vicinity of Natchitoches, but the fortress they there erected could not long
withstand the force sent against it. The chief and over four hundred of
the tribe were taken prisoners and sold as slaves, while some were incor-
porated with the Chickasaws and Muskogees, and others fled to the far
West. Thus perished the Natchez Indians.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT*
WITH PEDIGREE
III

3. Roger, born May 21, 1762 ; graduated at Yale College in 1780, in the
same class with his brother Matthew. He studied law with his father ;
was admitted to the bar of New London in 1783 ; and was chosen to be a
Representative in Congress in 1794, which place he rilled for the ten fol-
lowing years. In 1 801 he was appointed Secretary of War by President
Adams, but declined the honor, having previously requested that the nom-
ination might be withdrawn. He was a Judge of the Superior Court from
1807 to 1809 ; was elected by the Legislature Lieut. -Governor of Connect-
icut in 1809, and continued to hold that office till 181 1, when, by popular
vote, he became Chief Magistrate of the State. He died in the chief
magistracy, Oct. 25, 1812. In all positions he proved himself a born
''master of*men." Of his early career as an advocate it is related by
an eye-witness that on one occasion, when only twenty-six years old,
being called to argue before the Supreme Court an important case " in-
volving many intricate questions," in company with another "gentleman of
the first rank in his profession," he did his work so thoroughly well that
his associate was constrained to acknowledge " that after the very able
argument of the very ingenious young gentleman who had just sat down,
any observations from him could answer no other purpose than to injure
his client's cause." f A very handsome man, with flashing black eyes,
a commanding figure and majestic mien, as described by one still living
who often saw him,;); he seemed even by outward presence born to rule.

The National Hall of Representatives was the chief field of his influ-
ence. Here, during part of President Washington's administration, the
whole of that of President Adams, and especially during a part of the ad-
ministration of President Jefferson, when he was in the opposition, he
stood forth as the fearless yet always courteous, the uncompromis-
ing though cautious, champion of the political principles of the school
of Washington. Though commanding, he was never arbitrary. His opin-

\ An Eulogium ... of His Excellency Roger Grisvvold ... By David Daggett . . . New
Haven, 1812. pp. 9, 10.

\ Judge Charles J. McCurdy of Lyme.

* Copyright, 1884, by Edward Elbridge Salisbury.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 311

ions were always respectfully heeded, even by his opponents, however
they might argue against them, in frank debate, or seek for vulnerable
points at which to assail him secretly, or endeavor to pierce his armor with
shafts of railiery, as did John Randolph of Roanoke, his frequent antago-
nist in the discussion of important questions. Most of the great public
questions of his time have either passed out of the minds of the present
generation, or assumed new aspects through the onward rush of events —
"tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur cum illis " — so that a detailed review
of the political life of Roger Griswold, except in an elaborate biography,
might be out of place. But justice requires that this family-memorial
should recognize his profound loyalty to principle, his supreme and un-
swerving regard to what he thought to be right, irrespective of considerations
of expediency, which caused it to be said of him : " There is no duty he
will not be found adequate to, nor any one from which he will shrink," *
and which " extorted even from his political adversaries an affection for his
worth, a reverence for his pre-eminent talents." f The secret of his power
lay, as has been said, in the " wonderful promptness" of his mind, which
" penetrated every subject presented to it," and " saw it clearly and in all
its connections. What others gained by study and reflection he attained by
intuition. Having no obliquity of intention, he went directly to his
object." J No one can read the Journal of Congress during his member-
ship in the House without noticing how invariably he viewed every subject
brought up as it was affected by the fundamental law of the land, the Con-
stitution, and by constitutional interpretations.

As expressive of the trust reposed in him by others of the eminent
patriots of his day, a fact perhaps not generally known may be here
recorded — that some of the leading Federalists who met, after his death,
in the famous Hartford Convention, had had their attention turned to him
for President in the possible contingency of a separation of the New Eng-
land States from the rest of the Union. This fact was communicated to
me by the late Mr. Frederick H. Wolcott, of Astoria, L. I., as he heard it
from his father, a brother of Gov. Oliver Wolcott, who often spoke of Gov.
Griswold, says his son, " in terms of affection, and profound respect for his
eminent qualities," though he was not in sympathy with the political opin-
ions of the Old Federalist leaders.

Here it is proper to speak of the personal violence committed on Mr.

* Letter of Chauncey Goodrich to Oliver Wolcott, Sen., dated Mar. 26, 1796, in Memoirs of the
Administrations of Washington and John Adams ... By George Gibbs . . . New York,
1846, i. 324.

f Daggett's Eulogium, ut supra, p. 12. \ Id., ibid.

312 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

Griswold by Matthew Lyon in 1798, and Mr. Griswold's resentment of it.
I relate the occurrence in the words of a son of the late Josiah Quincy of
Massachusetts, a fellow Congressman and political as well as personal friend
of Mr. Griswold :

u In 1797 he [Lyon] went to Congress, where he inaugurated, in Jan. 1798, the series of
acts of personal insult and violence which have disgraced Congress, from time to time, from
that day to this, by spitting in the face of Mr. Griswold of Connecticut, on some occasion
of offense he took at him. The House refusing to expel him by a strict party vote, Mr.
Griswold took justice into his own hands, and caned him in his seat a few days afterwards,
for which singular process of redress he too went scot-free, also by a party vote, neither the
Administration nor the Opposition commanding the two-thirds requisite for the expulsion
of a member."*

The motives which actuated Mr. Griswold in the course he took in this
affair will be best understood from a private letter to his wife, dated Phila-
delphia, Feb. 28, 1798, in which he says :

" After the decision of the house which retained the wretch in his seat, 1 found but two
courses which (in my opinion) I cou'd possibly take — either to address a letter to the
House, and in severe language criminate the conduct of the minority in the House, and
resign my seat, or to pursue the course which I have taken — chastise the rascal in his seat,
and by that act chastise both him and the party, and in defiance of them all let them know
that I knew how to avenge my own wrongs, and that I was not to be driven from my seat
by any villainy of theirs. To the first of these measures there were very great objections —
I did not feel willing to return into Connecticut, after the insult I had received in so pub-
lic a manner, without taking satisfaction .... in addition to which circumstance the
idea of being driven from the House by a minority, when a majority were giving me every
support in their power, and were prepared to vindicate every step which I should take,
seemed to carry along with it a certain meanness of spirit and want of resolution which
was wholly inadmissible ; the other course, although attended with difficulties, was in my
opinion much to be preferred : it look'd like going forward, conscious of the injury which
I had received, and at the same time with a determination to punish it, in defiance of fac-
tion, and a resolution to maintain my situation without fearing the efforts of villains to dis-
courage me. The events have completely justified the measure, and, although my enemies
may condemn the harshness of the remedy, yet my friends will approve of it : the newspa-
per squibs which have and will appear on the occasion are of no consequence — they may
tell lies as usual, but they cannot take off the beating."

The same views are expressed in a letter to his father, dated March 19,
1798, as follows :

" I have no idea of committing any further violence myself; the violence which I com-
mitted by chastising the Vermonter had become absolutely necessary — I was reduced
to the necessity either of leaving Congress with disgrace to myself, and, in addition thereto

* Life of Josiah Quincy ... By his son Edmund Quincy. Boston, 1868, p. 327.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 3 13

to leave a stigma on the State which wou'd be constantly thrown at our Representatives,
or to wipe off the stigma by inflicting a public chastisement. I chose the latter/as I be-
lieve every man who possess'd any spirit wou'd have done ; and, although I regret the
occasion, yet I believe I shall never lament the measure."

This is the inner history of the much-talked-of " affair " between Roger
Griswold and Matthew Lyon. It will be seen that Mr. Griswold's course
was not prompted by any spirit of revenge : he shrank from the act of per-
sonal violence, and only resorted to it because no other redress could be
obtained. In accordance with the spirit of the times, his " honor must be
maintained." If he had been a Southerner, he would have promptly chal-
lenged Lyon to a duel ; being a Northerner, accustomed to self-control,
and attaching a high value to human life, he did but stand on the defensive
in a manly use of nature's weapons. The power of the old Griswold
champion, his ancestor, came over him ; the sense of right and an indignant
revolt against the gross injury he had received added strength to his tall,
athletic form ; and in the presence of the Congress before which he had
been insulted he vindicated his honor, and silenced his opponent.

"As a judge," to quote again the words of another, "that sincerity, that incorruptible
integrity which adorned his life, eminently appeared. His very respectable associates on
the judgment-seat, and the suitors and advocates who witnessed his deportment, will tes-
tify that all the vehemence and ardour of the advocate were left at the bar, and that can-
dour, patience & deliberation governed his conduct. His discernment & virtue were a
protection to the innocent ; the oppressor and the fraudulent, like the wicked, were scattered
with his eye." *

During the brief time he occupied the gubernatorial chair, though
already suffering from mortal illness, he was unsparing of himself in his
devotion to the interests of his native State, amid unusual perplexities
arising from national events, as well as from the settlement of delicate
questions which they called for, concerning the relations of State to
National authority.

He was a dutiful son, an affectionate husband and father. He was of a
social nature ; warm in his friendships, gracious of deportment in the gen-
eral intercourse of society, sympathetic towards all objects of public utility,
and a benefactor of the needy.

The following extracts from his speeches are given as specimens of his
style of argument and modes of expression in public debate. They are
from speeches delivered by him as Member of Congress in 1802 and 1803,
on a call for papers relative to the Louisiana Treaty, on a proposed amend-

* Daggett's Eulogium, ut supra, pp. 13-14.

314 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

ment to the Constitution respecting the election of President, and on the
constitutional right of Congress to unseat judges by repealing the law reg-
ulating their appointment.

Discussing the first of these subjects, he said :

" I am one of those who do now believe, and always have believed, that the exclusive
right of forming treaties resides in the President & Senate ; and that, when ratified, it is
the duty of every department of the Government to carry them into effect. This treaty,
then, if fairly and constitutionally made, is a law of the land, and we are bound to execute
it. But it is necessary to know its nature & effects, to carry it into execution. If it is a
mere dead letter, there is no necessity for any laws whatever. ... In my judgment the
treaty is uncertain. ... If we have acquired the country & people, it is certainly proper
to pass laws for the preservation of order and tranquillity ; but if we have acquired neither,
whence the necessity of passing such laws ? It would be improper ; it would be usurpa-
tion. We contend that the treaty does not ascertain these points ; gentlemen differ
from us in opinion. But I beg them calmly and seriously to attend to its language. By
the first article it appears that Spain promised to cede Louisiana to France on certain stip-
ulations. She promises to cede. Gentlemen cannot mistake the import of the language;
it is a promise, not a cession. Will it be said that France acquired any title by
this promise? . . . The terms of the treaty are, 'Whereas, in pursuance of the treaty [of
Ildefonso], and particularly of the third article, the French Republic has an incontestible
title,' &c. Will gentlemen say that this assertion on the part of France gives her a title ?
It gives her no title. An assertion by France cannot affect Spain. . . ."

And again :

" By this article it is declared: 'That the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be
incorporated into the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, accord-
ing to the principles of the Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and
immunities of citizens.' It is, perhaps, somewhat difficult to ascertain the precise effect
which it was intended to give the words which have been used in this stipulation. It is,
however, clear that it was intended to incorporate the inhabitants of the ceded territory
into the Union, by the treaty itself, or to pledge the faith of the nation that such an incor-
poration should take place within a reasonable time. It is proper, therefore, to consider
the question with a reference to both constructions.

" It is, in my opinion, scarcely possible for any gentleman on this floor to advance an
opinion that the President and Senate may add to the members of the Union by treaty
whenever they please. . . . Such a power would be directly repugnant to the original
compact between the States, and a violation of the principles on which that compact was
formed. It has been already well observed that the union of the States was formed on the
principle of a copartnership, and it would be absurd to suppose that the agents of the par-
ties who have been appointed to execute the business of the compact, in behalf of the prin-
cipals, could admit a new partner without the consent of the parties themselves. And yet,
if the first construction is assumed, such must be the case under this Constitution, and the
President and Senate may admit, at will, any foreign nation into this copartnership, without
the consent of the States. . . .

" The government of the United States was not formed for the purpose of distributing

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 315

its principles and advantages to foreign nations. It was formed with the sole view of
securing those blessings to ourselves and our posterity. It follows from these principles
that no power can reside in any public functionary to contract any engagement, or to
pursue any measure, which shall change the union of the States. . . . The President,
with the advice of the Senate, has undoubtedly the right to form treaties, but in exercising
these powers he cannot barter away the Constitution, or the rights of particular States. . . .
The government having been formed by a union of States, it is supposable that the fear of
an undue or preponderating influence, in certain parts of this Union, must have great
weight in the minds of those who might apprehend that such an influence might ulti-
mately injure the interests of the States to which they belonged ; and, although they might
consent to become parties to the Union, as it was then formed, it is highly probable they
would never have consented to such a connection, if a new world was to be tnrown into
the scale, to weigh down the influence which they might otherwise possess in the national
councils." . . .*

In the debate on the proposed amendment to the Constitution, mainly
to the end that only one person should be voted for as President, instead
of two, by the Electors of each State — which was adopted, and has been
ever since in force — he said :

" There is another view of this subject which furnishes to my mind a conclusive argu-
ment against the proposed amendment. In all governments which have hitherto existed,
in which the elective principle has extended to the Executive Magistrate, it has been im-
possible, for any length of time, to guard against corruption in the elections. The danger
is not an imaginary one in this country. The office of President is at this time the great
object of ambition, and, as the wealth and population of this country increase, the powers of
patronage of the President must necessarily be extended. We cannot expect to escape
the fate of other republics. Candidates for the office of President will arise who, under
the assumed garb of patriotism and disinterested benevolence, will disguise the most unprin-
cipled ambition. Corruption will be practiced by such candidates whenever it can be
done with success.

" It is therefore an object of the first importance to regulate the election in such a
manner as to remove, as far as possible, both the temptation and the means of corruption.
If gentlemen will attend to the proposed amendment with reference to this point, they will
find that the means and the temptation to corruption must be increased. As the Consti-
tution now stands, the man who aspires to the office of President can at best but run the
race on equal terms with some individual of his own party. In order to succeed he must
not only obtain for himself and his associate a greater number of votes than his own po-
litical opponents, but he must obtain more votes than the associate himself. The chances
of success are by those means rendered more remote, and, however desirable the office
may be, the temptations to enter the list, or to make individual exertions, are diminished.
The means of corruption must generally be found in the offices at the disposal of the Pres-
ident ; and these, it is well known, constitute a fund of great extent ; and when the election
is brought to such a point as to rest with two candidates only, this fund may be used with

* Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States. . . . Eighth Congress . . .
T803-04. Washington. 1852, pp. 404, 461-62.

316 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

great success. . . . But so long as your elections remain on this present footing, the
means of corruption are diminished, because the aspiring candidate can only promise this
corrupt distribution of offices upon eventually succeeding to the Presidency ; and, as his
chances of success are diminished by the mode of election, his promises are of less value to
the Elector, and of course will be less frequently made and more generally rejected. . . .
" But there is one important lesson which the experience of that election [the election
of Jefferson by the House of Representatives] has taught the people of the United States —
it is this, that it becomes the great and solemn duty of Electors, upon all occasions, to give
their votes for two men who shall be best qualified for the office of President. The Elect-
ors do not — they cannot — know which of their own candidates will succeed. They are there-
fore called upon by every sacred principle to select the most eminent of their fellow-citizens.
They will be stimulated, on all future occasions, by the experience of the last election, to
do, what I trust they have heretofore done — to give their votes for two men in either of
whom they are willing to confide the Executive power of the Government. What then can
induce us to change the form of our elections ? Some gentlemen have said a great deal
about the voice of the people, and declared that the people demand the alteration. This is
a language too frequently used within these walls. The purposes for which it is used I
leave to others to explain , but it must be perfectly understood that the clamors of design-
ing men are too often mistaken for the voice of the people. The people are rarely dis-
posed to seek for changes, whilst they feel and enjoy the blessings of their old establish-
ments. Be this as it may, we have been sent into this House to obey no voice but that of
our own consciences and judgments." ... *

One sees in all these speeches the qualities of his mind and character.
But the most clear, terse, compact, conclusive and exhaustive of alt his ar-
guments was, probably, that which he delivered in 1802, on the question
whether Congress has the power to remove judges, during good behavior,
by abolishing their offices — a question which arose in the first session un-
der Jefferson's presidency, with reference to appointments made at a late
day of the administration of his predecessor. This argument has been
considered one of the very ablest ever made in Congress ; yet its power so
much depends upon its completeness that full justice cannot be done to it
by extracting single passages. I venture, however, to quote the following :

"There is another strange position which has been advocated upon this occasion,
and which deserves some attention because it has been often repeated. It is that,
although you cannot remove the judge from the office, you may remove the office from the
judge. To this extraordinary assertion I answer that the words of the Constitution admit
of no such construction. The expression being that the judge shall hold his office during
good behaviour, necessarily implies and secures a union of the office and the officer, so
long as the officer shall behave well; and a removal of the office from the judge destroys
as effectually this union as the removal of the judge from the office could do. ... If con-
structions ot this kind can be admitted, there is not a crime which was ever perpetrated
by man which cannot be justified. Sir, upon this principle, although you may not kill by

* Debates and Proceedings in the Congress . . . ut supra, pp. 749-52

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 317

thrusting a dagger into the breast of your neighbor, yet you may compel your neighbor
to kill himself by forcing him upon the dagger ; you shall not murder by destroying the,
life of a man, but you may confine your enemy in prison, and leave him without food to'
starve and to die. These may be good distinctions in the new system of philosophy, but
they can never be admitted in the old school. . . .

"The power given to the courts to pronounce on the constitutionality of laws would
be entirely defeated in those times when the exercise of that power becomes most neces-
sary, if the judges are not placed beyond the power of the Legislature. The idea of giv-
ing this power to the courts, and at the same time of leaving the courts at the mercy of
that department over which the power is to be exercised, is rather too absurd for gentle-
men even in these days of extravagance ; and gentlemen aware of this have had the con-
fidence to deny that this power resides in the courts

" Sir, if there is no power to check the usurpations of the Legislature, the inevitable
consequence must be that the Congress of the United States becomes truly omnipotent.
All power must be concentrated here, before which every department and all State-
authorities must fall prostrate. Admit this principle and nothing can resist the attacks of
your national laws upon our State-sovereignties. Here is an end of your Federal govern-
ment. A consolidation of the States is the immediate effect, and in a few short years
these sovereignties will not even obtain the name ....

" I should now close the observations which I had to submit to the Committee upon
this interesting question, had not the gentlemen on the other side of the House thought
proper to involve in this debate a discussion of several topics not necessarily connected
with the subject . . . and, although I cannot see their application, yet I am not disposed
to set up my discernment as the standard of infallibility, and shall therefore now pay due
respect to the path which these gentlemen have marked out. . . .

" The gentleman begins his remarks by saying that two parties have existed in this
country from the commencement of the present Government : the one what the gentleman
has been pleased to denominate a party of energy, and the other a party of responsibility ;
the first, disposed to go forward with the affairs of the Government with energy, as they
seemed right and expedient, and the other only in submission to the public will. Sir, it can
be no news to the members of this Committee that two parties exist in this country, nor
can gentlemen be ignorant that two parties did exist in the nation at the adoption of the
Constitution ; the one consisting of it sfriends, and the other composed of its enemies ; nor
is it necessary for me to say how the present have grown out of these original parties. It
is sufficient for my present purpose to say that the parties alluded to by the gentleman
from Virginia are characterized by prominent features, and cannot easily be mistaken. . . .
One great feature which has characterized those whom the gentleman has been pleased to
denominate the party of energy, has been their strong attachment to the present Constitu-
tion ; and a determination not only to leave each department to the exercise of its proper
functions, but to support them in it. Their opponents, to say nothing of their attachment
to the Constitution, have on the contrary been disposed to bring all the powers of the Gov-
ernment into the House of Representatives, and in that way to strip the other branches of
their constitutional authority. . . .

" Again, this party of energy was disposed to establish and support public credit, in
which their opponents did not agree. This party of energy was likewise determined to
defend their country against the hostile attacks of the enemy, and to support the interests,
the safety and honor of the nation ; their opponents, on the contrary, were disposed to

318 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

prostrate everything that was dear to the will of the enemy. One party was disposed to
build up and support, while the others were, and still are, determined to pull down and
destroy. . . .

" The public debt has been spoken of, and it has been charged as a crime that these
solemn engagements, which were the price of our independence, and for the discharge of
which the national faith was pledged, have been provided for by the old Administration.
Sir, are we to understand that this crime is to be ultimately atoned for by wiping out the
debt with a sponge ? . . .

" The Indian war has also been alluded to in very extraordinary language, as an
event which was greedily seized to enlarge the field of Executive patronage. Sir, the
gentleman cannot intend to insinuate that the Indian war was excited by the Administra-
tion ; the causes which produced that war are too publicly known to be forgotten or mis-
understood. And has it indeed, at this time, become criminal for the Government to
defend the inhabitants of our frontier from the attacks of the savages ?

"The gentleman has likewise told us that the depredations upon our commerce by the
Barbary Powers, and by the French cruisers, were made a pretext for commencing a Naval
Establishment, and in this way of extending this bugbear of Executive patronage. Sir,
this remark gives me no surprise. I know perfectly well that there is a party in this coun-
try who are opposed to our commerce and to our navy. I shall long recollect the depreda-
tions which were made upon our commerce by the French, and the difficulty with which
gentlemen were persuaded to repel those depredations. I cannot forget that, before they
would consent to our first measure of defence, the cruisers of France were capturing your
ships within the Delaware Bay. It is certainly true that the old Administration was
neither the enemy of commerce nor of the navy ; and it is as certainly true that they were
equally disposed to defend your citizens against Algerine slavery and the depredations of
France. And to merchants and seamen of this country, and the community at large, I am
willing to refer the question whether it was proper to surrender our commerce to the enemy,
and give up our seamen to slavery, or defend both by an adequate Naval Estab-
lishment." ... *

The representatives of some of Governor Griswold's confidential cor-
respondents have been applied to for letters of his which might enrich this
record ; but time and the indifference of younger generations have ren-
dered the application fruitless. Only one letter of this sort has been found,
which is among the family-papers at Blackhall. Nor have many important
letters addressed to him been handed down in the family.

The one confidential letter of Governor Griswold here referred to was
addressed to Judge Ellas Perkins of New London, Conn. It is highly
worthy of preservation, both for its subject and its tone. As will be seen,
it was called forth by the failure of the negotiations of the special envoys
to France — Pinckney, Marshall and Gerry— in the time of the French Direct-
ory, under Talleyrand as Minister of Foreign Affairs, in 1797-98, respecting
depredations on American commerce committed in pursuance of the war

* Debates and Proc. of the Congress. . . . Seventh Congress. . . . 1801-02. Washington,
1851, pp. 779, 783, 791-93-

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

319

then going on between France and Great Britain.* The letter is as fol-
lows :

" Philadelphia, June 20th, 1798.
" Dear Sir,

"I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12th instant.

"The impressions which the reading of the dispatches from our Envoys have made on
your mind, are such as every man must feel who is alive to the honour and interests of this
Country ; the only apology which I can form for the feeble display of spirit, which appears

in their note to the minister of foreign relations, arises from the c d situation into

which they were thrown. Without knowing the real temper of this Country, Marshall and
Pinckney were connected with a New-Englander who was supposed to represent the feel-
ings and wishes of the New-England States : to disagree with such a man, placed in so
important a situation, and representing at best a divided people, appeared like rushing on
destruction : if by such a step they shou'd lose the confidence of the Northern States, the
Country must have been lost. From this consideration only can I account for their sub-
scribing to expressions which must have put their pride and sentiments on the rack : the
thing certainly admits of palliation, but after all I can hardly excuse these Gentlemen, as
highly as I respect them, for the manner in which they consented to discuss the question
of a Loan. But the business has gone past, and the mission is at an end, and we may re-
joice that it has terminated so well. Marshall is here, and a description of what he and
Pinckney have suffered ... f is sufficient to render even their faults virtues.

" Your sentiments respecting the want of decision and spirit in this government cor-
respond with my own : if Heaven did not take better care of us than we take of ourselves,
we shou'd sink never to rise again.

" The history of the world, in every page, demonstrates that no nation ever gained any-
thing by forbearance or timidity — a bold, decided and manly administration allways has
and allways will be crowned with success; even war itself, which the feeble-minded so
greatly dread, can only be avoided by boldness ; indecision and pusillanimity only invite
aggression, and the neck that submits will allways decorate the gibbet. These truths have
been exemplified in the progress of our disputes with France. Mr. Marshall now declares,
what a great many preached two years ago, that, if this government had acted with spirit
and decision one year ago, there wou'd have been no difficulty in bringing the late nego-
tiation to a fortunate issue. But what cou'd be expected for a people who were kneeling
at the footstool of French despotism ? Justice has but little to do in the adjustment of
disputes between nations, and, so long as America appeared willing to put on the chains
of servitude, the Gallic Tyrants were willing to supply them. Wou'd to God that our expe-
rience even at this time taught us wisdom ; but an unaccountable spirit of timidity and
weakness still prevails among a certain class of persons who are strongly attached to the
Government ; this conduct is gradually undermining the main pillar of our existence— it is
sapping the foundation of that confidence on which alone our nation can rest ; the truth
really is that no one measure has been adopted by the Legislature for the national defence

* See History of the United States of America. By Richard Hildreth. New York, 1855, ii.
95 fT. ; and Gibbs's Admin, of Washington and Adams. . . . ut supra, i. 558 ft. and ii. 2 ff.

f The imputations cast upon Gerry, in connection with this celebrated mission, have been fully
set aside by a plain statement of facts, with documentary proofs, in the Life of Elbridge Gerry. . .
By James T. Austin. Boston, 1829. ii. 190-295.

320 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

which has not been forced upon it by the pressure of public opinion ; and the Government,
consisting of all its departments, which ought by its united energy to give a tone to the
public mind, and point out the path of honour and Independence, has been driven like chaff
before a torrent of public spirit which cou'd not be entirely resisted:

" I hope the return of Mr. Marshall will bring along with it new spirit and energy ; and
those honest men who have heretofore sought for peace with meekness and humility, will
at last learn that it is only to be found in firmness, energy & honour.

"Mr. Marshall declares that, in his opinion, the French have taken their ground in
respect to this Country, from which they will not, without a new revolution in Paris, recede
— that we are to expect nothing but War or Tribute, that we have our choice of these alter-
natives ; and I trust that the choice has been long since made in the breast of every
American.

" I remain with esteem

Your friend & very Humble Serv*

R. Griswold."

Of letters addressed to Gov. Griswold, preserved in the family, the fol-
lowing are all which it seems worth while to incorporate, either entire or in
part, in this memorial ;

"New London, January 18th, 1800.
"Dear Sir,

" I most sincerely concur with you in your sentiments on the death of Genrl Washington.
The citizens of this town joined last week with the garrison in paying funeral honors to
the memory of the illustrious deceas'd — the proceedings Were indeed solemn, and calculated
to make a strong impression. May the honorable sensibility excited in this and other
places have the effect to allay the envy and malignity naturally arising in narrow minds
towards the authors of great and noble actions, and turn the whole attention on the dis-
tinguished merit of the mighty Chief! Happy will it be for this Country if his moral and
political virtues should be the criterion by which the American character shall be formed.

"The concourse of people upon this mournful occasion, from this and the neighboring
towns, was immense ; an address was delivered by Genrl Huntington, & an oration by Ly-
man Law, which do honor to the performers. It must be wisdom in the friends of order
to improve the present sensibility of the nation to our political advantage. And may the
Hero, like Sampson, slay more of his enemies at his death than in his whole lifetime !
Nations as well as individuals are governed by habit ; most people are willing to take the
general opinion upon trust, if they can be freed from the trouble of investigating its pro-
priety. Hence the importance of establishing right modes of thinking as well as acting.
Let the principles of Washington be the rule of faith and practice, and our children be
taught that his ways were pleasantness, and his paths peace.

"Your remark that the exertions of the Jacobins, this Election, would be powerful &
violent, begins to be verified. We have had a specimen of it here within a few days. Our
mechanics received a communication through Holt the Printer from the same body at New
Haven. The ostensible object was to form mechanic societies through the State, and to
have a general meeting at New Haven, to consult on measures for the benefit of the craft.
You will readily see that this is no other than a different name for democratic societies.
Few but Demos were invited to the meeting. By accident it became public, and the more
respectable mechanics attended & voted the business down. , . .

Deborah Samuel Patience

|n. Major Robert Denison m. John Denison

by 2d mar.

I I

£abeth+ Samuel Andrew +

Rev. Edward Dorr

i Raymond

i ill

320 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

"Mr. Marshall declares that, in his opinion, the French have taken their. ground in
respect to this Country, from which they will not, without a new revolution in Paris, recede
— that we are to expect nothing but War or Tribute, that we have our choice of these alter-
natives ; and I trust that the choice has been long since made in the breast of every
American.

" I remain with esteem

Your friend & very Humble Serv4

R. Griswold."

Of letters addressed to Gov. Griswold, preserved in the family, the fol-
lowing are all which it seems worth while to incorporate, either entire or in
part, in this memorial ;

"New London, January 18th, 1800.
" Dear Sir,

" I most sincerely concur with you in your sentiments on the death of Genrl Washington.
The citizens of this town joined last week with the garrison in paying funeral honors to
the memory of the illustrious deceas'd — the proceedings were indeed solemn, and calculated
to make a strong impression. May the honorable sensibility excited in this and other
places have the effect to allay the envy and malignity naturally arising in narrow minds
towards the authors of great and noble actions, and turn the whole attention on the dis-
tinguished merit of the mighty Chief! Happy will it be for this Country if his moral and
political virtues should be the criterion by which the American character shall be formed.

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THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 321

" We have lately had a flood of political wickedness poured in upon us from Virginia.
But I am perfectly confident* that Connec1 has too much sense & integrity to become the
contemptible tool of democratic cunning.

"I am, Sir, your friend &c.,

Elias Perkins."

"New London, Jany 28th, 1801.
"Dear Sir, •

" Since it has been ascertained that no Federal President has been chosen, there seems
to be, so far as my observation has extended, an almost perfect apathy on the subject of
politics. The Democrats seem in a state of apprehension at their own success. They
dread the idea of responsibility. Not having it in their power to grumble, it has given
time for those that ca?i reflect, and, having something to loose by a convulsion, to view with
alarm the dangers that may arise from the ferment which they have occasioned. They
dare not complain, but are wofully agitated lest Con13 Burr should supplant their favorite ;
but it is replied by the old school that 73, according to the most approved rules of arith-
metic, is equal to 73 ; and that, according to republican principles, there is no way of
ascertaining what is right and wrong but by the votes of the sovereign People.

" The most reflecting part of our State, and, I believe, all that would prefer a federal
President to Mr. Jefferson, expect that the federal States will vote for Mr. Burr. I am de-
cidedly of that opinion, and, admitting the Candidates to be equal in point of integrity, I
believe that some very good reasons may be offered in favour of Mr. Burr which will not
apply to Mr. Jefferson.

"Mr. Burr is from a State which is under a very powerful commercial influence ; his
connexion and speculations are subject to the same influence. It is, I believe, an unde-
niable fact, there is very little Jeffersonian theory and republican fanaticism in either of
the leading parties of the State of New York. It is, I believe, wholly a contention for power
that has induced certain Chiefs to join the opposition. If Mr. Burr is supported by the
federalists, it may be an additional inducement for him to pursue federal measures, and
probably unite the powerful State of New York in the NewEngland politics. I can not in
conscience express any regret that Mr. Adams is not chosen — it would be an up-hill busi-
ness to support his administration.

" Whatever course you shall take, it will be presumed that you have acted from the
best motive, and a full and adequate investigation of the subject. This will doubtless be
the sentiment of Connecticut. We shall be anxious to hear the event ; pray let us know
as soon as it is determined. . . .

" I am, dear Sir, your friend & Humble Servant,

E. Perkins."

"Philad. 3 Nov. 1801.
" My dear Sir,

. . . " But what have we to say but to lament the downfall of federalism, and the
triumph of democracy — a triumph more compleat than its most sanguine partisans dared
to hope for. In this State more than |ths of the lower house, and a great majority of the
Senate, are of the Party. Delaware has one of the same stamp for Governor, and Bloom-
field reigns in New Jersey. Our City Elections were carried against us by a very small
majority, and by a manoeuvre that we hope will not again succeed.
Vol. XI.-No. 4.-22

322 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

;' Do you keep stedfast in the faith, or do you, like the Eastern inhabitants of another
region, worship the rising sun ? The line of conduct which the president in his answer to
the Merchants of New Haven professes his intention to pursue, and the character which he
attaches to the Persons turned & to be turned out,* must, I should 'think, make con-
siderable impression on the Public mind, and the Practice itself will have a most per-
nicious effect.

"We must wait for the next meeting of Congress, to be made acquainted with the
system intended to be pursued ; a majority of both houses will support the present Admin-
istration, and I cannot suppose that the talents of our federal Gentlemen, however exerted,
can stem the torrent ; so that none of their schemes will be abandoned from an appre-
hension of their being rejected. After the next apportionment of the representation, the
Eastern States, unless firmly united, must lose their weight in the ballance. The
great increase of population, altho' a subject of great exultation to many, ought, in my
mind, to excite serious apprehensions — a new Interest will soon predominate, and will not
that Interest clash with our own in some essential points, and be indifferent to many others
which we esteem of the greatest importance ?

"You see that, tho' no longer a public servant, yet, like many other private Men, the
weight of public affairs still lay heavy on my shoulders, and that, not content with bearing
my share of present Evils, I am looking into futurity for an addition to the burthen.
. . . . " Sincerely Yours,

"Rob. Walsh."

"Norwich, 21 Feby 1802.
" My dear Sir,

. . . " I regret extremely to find the Judiciary system destroyed, fearing and be-
lieving it done with evident marks of contempt for the Government of our country — this
great barrier being removed, there is no restraint to the passions of the now governing
characters in Congress ; and, when publick opinion, or rather the voice of the mob, be-
comes the law of our country, anarchy & confusion must follow; and I believe the sup-
porters of that sentiment will, at some future day, when too late, mourn in bitterness
the hour they promoted it, to the destruction of order. I have my fears that confusion is
fast ripening to the state it was in in France, not that I expect a Guillotine, but a separation
of the Union, a rising of servants against masters, & Virginia begging aid of the Northern
States.

" By reports of the debates, or rather the rapid passage of every favorite measure of
the Virginia Interest, it appears there is no use in our northern federal members remain-
ing there — would it not be as well for you all to return home, and leave them to themselves ?
I think it probable some might feel the force of Mr. Morris's observation, and want the
protecting force of the Judiciary to save them ; it is said here that your business in the
House of Representatives is finished to your hands before it comes into the house, and
without the knowledge of about 3 of its members — if so, that one third can only experience
a mortification by being present at the passage of the business ; if they have fortitude
enough to bear it, and to stand ready to defend their own principles, much is due to
them. . . ' .

* Alluding to the removal of Elizur Goodrich from the office of Collector of the Port of New

Haven.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

323

" I believe it is well known to you that the French spoliations were more severely
felt by the commercial interest of this town & vicinity, in proportion to our mem-
bers and capital, than almost any town or place that is within my knowledge, except
Alexandria ; a great proportion of our traders have been totally ruined, and others are
great sufferers. We are now preparing a memorial to Congress, praying compensation
for the claims we had against the French Government, which for some purpose have been
bartered by our Government, and left us no other hope but in the justice of the Government.
. . . Should justice be refused, I fear ruin will be attatchedto many, and bye and bye the
commercial interest will be less tenacious of their sacred regard to the revenue. . . .
We hope for the best, but, if driven to a pointed enmity to the revenue-system, it appears
to me they could as effectually ruin it as the Virginia interest have ruined the Judiciary,
not by a majority of only one, but by a unanimous vote. I feel a pride in the belief that
our Connecticut Members of both Houses know the true interest of their country, and that
it has a warm place in their hearts, which principle, united with their desire of justice,
will secure them to us as advocates in this cause. . . .

" Yr friend & serv*,

"J. Howland.
" Honble Roger Griswold Esq.''

" Knoxville, Dec. 26th, 1803,
" Sir,

" The Exertions you have made to stem the torrent of Democratic Delusion, and to
support the constitution of our country against the insidious attacks of the Demagogues
who now rule, have induced me to address you on a subject which, if my opinions are
correct, every Friend to the Constitution is interested in. I allude to the late requisition
of the militia of this State by the General Government. Altho' we can not here obtain the
Documents relative to this business, yet I believe no doubt can exist but that they were
called on to assist in taking possession of Louisiana. The requisition has subjected a num-
ber of the People of this State to great inconvenience in hiring substitutes, and a large pro-
portion of those who have been drafted have been fined for refusing to muster in. I see
no Power given to the General Government by the Constitution to require the services of
the Militia on such occasions, or to march them out of the United States ; and, believing that
the measure was illegal, I was determined not to submit to it, and have been fined 25
Dolls., as have also a number of the Inhabitants of this County ; tho' I do not regard
the sum. yet, as I am unwilling to support the present Administration further than my
Duty as a citizen requires, I feel an Inclination that this business should be examined into.
If you are of opinion, with me, that the requisition was unconstitutional, I hope you will
endeavour to procure an investigation. If it has no other Effect, it will contribute to open
the Eyes of the People of the Western Country, and discover what reliance can be placed
on the hypocritical professions of attachment to the Constitution which the ruling Party
are and have been so much in the Habit of making. The signatures of a large proportion
of the People can easily be obtained to a remonstrance, if necessary. Trusting you will
excuse the Liberty I have taken, I remain with sentiments of the Highest Esteem &
Respect,

" Your Most Ob1 Servt,

" Tho: Emmerson."

324 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

" Hartford, 25 July, 1812.
" My dear Sir,

" I left home with an intention of visiting the seaboard, pursuant to an arrangement par-
tially made when I took my leave of you at this place. Not having learned whether the
orders you issued to the Major Gen1, on the coast were executed, hearing nothing from
you or our friends who accompanied you, and receiving intelligence that a British fleet
had come into our waters, I felt it a duty to visit the region in and about Lyme at least,
for the purpose of ascertaining the condition and the feelings of the good people in that
quarter. Just as I was taking my departure, a letter was received from the Secretary of
War, in answer to the despatch I forwarded immediately on my return from the session of
the council. Copies of both are enclosed. Of the Secretary's letter I shall say nothing— it
will speak abundantly for itself. My letter to him followed very closely the reasoning, and
indeed the language, of the council. Their result having met your approbation, I did not
feel myself at liberty to depart essentially from it. You will perceive, my dear Sir, the
evident propriety that the reply to the Secretary should, if possible, proceed from your
hand. Aside from this consideration which is in some degree personal, a new question
arises out of the declaration of the President ' that the United States are in imminent
danger of invasion,' and one perhaps which the council did not particularly consider.
Altho' there is no difficulty in resisting this renewed requisition, on the ground that our
second objection remains in full force, still I see not but the question above mentioned
must be met.

" Mr. Dwight has just returned, and informs me you are on your way to Connecticut.
I despatch an express, not for the purpose of hastening your journey, which for the sake
of your health I beg you not to do, but to learn your wishes as to the course to be pur-
sued. Shall the council be convened ? This measure I had resolved to take by the advice
of our friends here, and should have issued letters missive on Monday, if no intelligence
had been received from you.

"Whatever directions you may please to forward ihall be scrupulously obeyed. . . .

" I am, my dear Sir, in haste, but most sincerely & affectionately yours,

"J. C. Smith.
" His Excellency Governor Griswold."

The foregoing letter from Lieut.-Gov. John Cotton Smith is a valuable
missing link in the correspondence between State-authorities and the Gen-
eral Government, on the subject of Secretary of War Dearborn's requisi-
tion for troops of the militia of Connecticut, to be ordered into the service
of the United States, on the breaking out of the War of 1812. It does
not appear among the letters and other documents, relating to this sub-
ject, published by Dwight in his History of the Hartford Convention.
But more important and interesting, in the same connection, is the follow-
ing draft of a letter written by Gov. Griswold, on the 4th of Aug., 1 812, to
Secretary Dearborn, which, it is believed, has never appeared in print, ?nd
was, perhaps, never sent. Being found among the family-papers, it is put
on record here as an additional tribute to his memory. The date of the
letter is the same as that of the meeting of the General Assembly of Con-

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 325

necticut, fully referred to by Dwight, in which Gov. Griswold's conduct in
this affair was entirely approved.*

"Hartford, Aug. 4th, 1812.
"Sir,

" His Honour Gov. Smith has put into my hands your letter of the 14th of July, and it is
with surprise I notice the construction you have put on my letter of the 17th of June. The
unusual and exceptionable terms, also, in which your letter is expressed, have not escaped
notice ; I shall not, however, descend to any comment upon its particular expressions, but
perform my duty to the General Gov'nt in giving the explanation which appears proper.

" When you communicated the request ot the President, that any future requisition from
General Dearborn for a part of the drafted militia might be complied with, it was uncer-
tain whether such requirement would be made, or, if made, under what circumstances it
might take place. Confident, however, that the President would authorize no requisition
which was not strictly constitutional, and particularly that the order would not exceed the
conditions of the Act of the 10th of April to which you had referred, I felt no hesitation
in giving a general assurance that such requisition as the President might make through Gen-
eral Dearborn would be complied with. I then thought, as I do still, that decency and a
due respect to the first Magistrate of the Union, required that my assurance should be
general, and that no expression should be used which carried with it a suspicion that the
President might transgress the Constitution in the direction he might give. I also expected
that this early and general assurance would be considered as evidence of a disposition
which has been uniformly felt in this State to execute every constitutional requisition from
the general gov'nt. In whatever light, however, my expressions may have been viewed,
I trust I shall be now understood, when I assure you that I did not intend, or expect
to be understood, by the general language of my letter, or any expression it contained, to
engage that I would execute any order which I thought, on consideration, to be repug-
nant to the Constitution, from whatever authority it might emanate. The light in which I
have viewed the requisition now made through General Dearborn, has been already com-
municated by Gov. Smith ; and it is only proper to add that my opinion of its unconsti-
tutionality remains unchanged, and is happily confirmed by the unanimous opinion of the
Council of this State.

" The new light in which you have presented the subject in your letter to Gov. Smith
has received every attention, but cannot, in my judgment, change the opinion already
formed. The war which has commenced, and the cruising of a hostile fleet on our coast,
is not invasion, and the declaration of the President, that there is imminent danger of
invasion, is evidently a consequence drawn from the facts now disclosed, and, I am com-
pelled to say, is not, in my opinion, warranted by those facts. If such consequence were
admitted to result from a state of war, and from the facts now mentioned, and which
always must attend a war with an European power, it would follow that every war of
that character would throw the militia into the hands of the National Gov'nt, and strip the
States of the important right reserved to them. But it is proper for me further to observe
that I have found difficulty in fixing in my own mind the meaning of the words imminent
danger of invasion, used by Congress in the Act of the 28th of Feby 1805, and now repeated
in your letter, as no such expression is contained in that part of the Constitution which author-

* See History of the Hartford Convention ... By Theodore Dwight . . . New York & Bos-
ton, 1833, PP. 237-67.

326 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

izes the President to call the militia into service. Presuming, however, that some definite
meaning, thought consistent with the Constitution, was at the time annexed to the expres-
sion, I have rather inferred that the Legislature must have intended only to include an
extreme case, when an enemy had not passed the line of the State, but was evidently
advancing in force to invade our country. Such a case would undoubtedly come within
the spirit of the Constitution, although it might not be included in its literal expression.
But whether the Congress of 1805 was justified in the expression, or not, is unimportant,
there being no difficulty in the present case, as none of the facts disclosed permit anything
more than slight and remote danger of invasion, which the Constitution could not contem-
plate, and which might exist even in time of peace.

"Whilst I regret this difference of opinion, upon a question of serious importance, I
cannot doubt that the President will perceive that a sense of duty leaves no other course
to pursue, and that the general government will speedily provide the troops deemed nec-
essary for the defence of the coast of this State.

" I have the honour to be, &c."

"Cambridge, 3 Sept., 1812.
" Dear Sir,

" It is with great concern that we find your health so much impaired, especially at this
perilous crisis. We do hope, however, that your long journey and the mineral waters,
with the blessing of Heaven, will restore it. Could your Excellency visit Boston during
the autumn, would not the journey be salutary to yourself and to our sickly Common-
wealth ? I am sure it would give the highest pleasure to our statesmen in Boston, and
have no doubt it would be of good political effect. Should you do us this honour, any
attentions of mine that might contribute towards the objects of your visit would be at
your command ; for, while your public services entitle you to such attentions from every
citizen, they are peculiarly due to you from one who cherishes a very grateful sense of
your early patronage, and who is,

" With great respect & regard,

"Your Excellency's humble servant

"A. Holmes.
" His Excellency Gov. Griswold."

Years before this, in the midst of Mr. Griswold's greatest activity, a
disease of the heart had suddenly manifested itself; but, though he was
thenceforth hopeless of cure, his activity never ceased. The letter last
quoted — written by Rev. Dr. Abiel Holmes, author of " American Annals,"
and father of our poet Oliver Wendell Holmes, is only one of many proofs of
a really tender solicitude manifested by the public as Mr. Griswold's health
failed more and more. When death had come, a little over a month after
the date of this letter, the common admiration and mourning found ex-
pression upon his tombstone, in the burial-ground of the family overlook-
ing Blackhall River, in an epitaph by which it is still echoed, and will be
transmitted to later generations :

" This monument is erected to the memory of his Excellency Roger Griswold, LL.D.,

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 327

late Governour of this State. He was born at Lyme, May 25th, 1762 ; and died at Norwich,
Oct. 25th, 1812.

" He was the son of his Excellency Matthew Griswold, who had been Chief Justice of
the Supr Court. His mother was daughter of Roger Wolcott, Esq., of Windsor, who was
for many years Governour of this State.

" Gov. Griswold graduated at Yale College in 1780, and in 1785 entered upon the pro-
fession of law. At the age of 34 he was elected into the Congress of the United States. In
1807 he was appointed a Judge of the Supr Court, in 1809 Lieut. Governour, and in 181 1
was elected Governour ; upon all these eminent stations he conferred dignity and honour.

" Not less conspicuous by honorable parentage and elevated rank in society than by
personal merit, talents and -virtue.

" He was respected at the University as an elegant and classical scholar ; quick dis-
cernment, sound reasoning, legal science and manly eloquence raised him to the first emi-
nence at the bar.

" Distinguished in the National Councils among the illustrious Statesmen of the age.
Revered for his inflexible integrity and pre-eminent talents, his political course was highly
honorable.

" His friends viewed him with virtuous pride. His native State with honest triumph.
His fame and honors were the just rewards of noble actions, and of a life devoted to his
Country.

" He was endeared to his family by fidelity and affection, to his neighbours by frankness
and benevolence. His memory is embalmed in the hearts of surviving relatives, and of a
grateful people.

!' When this monument shall have decayed, his name shall be enrolled with honor
among the great, the wise and the good."

Governor Roger Griswold married, Oct. 27, 1788, Fanny daughter of
Col. Zabdiel Rogers, a prominent Revolutionary patriot and officer, of Nor-
wich, Conn., by his first wife, Elizabeth Tracy, descended from Mabel Har-
lakenden, whose ancestry, as is well known, has been traced back, through
several English sovereigns, to Alfred the Great and Charlemagne.* Mrs.
Roger Griswold survived her husband, and died Dec. 26th, 1863, at the age
of ninety-six years. Their children were :

(1.) Augustus Henry (b. 1789); a shipmaster; who married Elizabeth
daughter of Thomas Lansdale of Boxhill, Co. Sussex, England, and had
by her two sons and a daughter. He was a man of brilliant natural parts,
inheriting much of his father's genius. His eldest son is Roger Griswold,
now of Lyme, who married Julia A. daughter of Joshua Wells of East
Windsor, Conn., and has two sons and a daughter.

(2.) Charles (b. 1791) ; graduated at Yale College in 1808; a lawyer, but
commonly distinguished as Col. Charles Griswold ; Deacon of the First
Church of Lyme from 1829; and a man active in all religious and other

* Walworth's Hyde Geneal., ut supra, ii. 1 161-79, Appendices A & B.

328 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

public enterprises. The present Congregational church-edifice at Lyme,
built in 1817, indirectly after a model existing in London, is a monument to
his taste and public spirit. He married Ellen Elizabeth daughter of Judge
Elias Perkins of NewLondon, Conn., by his wife, Lucretia Shaw Woodbridge,
and had several children. A daughter, Fanny Rogers, married : 1st. Shubal
F. Bartlett of East Windsor, Conn., and, 2d. Daniel Bartlett, a brother of
her first husband ; and is now living at East Windsor : a son of hers is Charles
Griswold Bartlett, now the Principal of a very successful family-school for
boys at Lyme. Two of the sons of Col. Charles Griswold are James Gris-
wold, Esq., graduated at Yale College in 1848, a lawyer of Lyme; and
Charles Henry, a farmer of the same place, whose wife, Eva Morley, by
birth is a descendant of Rev. Sylvanus Griswold of the fourth generation of
our Griswold family of NewEngland, above mentioned (see p. 149). Another
son was John, graduated at Yale College in 1857, a gallant Captain of Vol-
unteers in the late civil war, killed in the battle of Antietam.

(3.) Matthew (b. 1792) ; who married Phcebe Hubbard daughter of Col.
Seth Ely, and settled as a farmer on the ancestral estate of Blackhall, in a
house built by his father ; where he lived to his eighty-eighth year, dying
in 1880; and left his widow with several unmarried daughters. To these
ladies I am chiefly indebted for the loan of family-papers used in this me-
morial. His only son, Matthew, is now of Erie, Pa., and has five sons, by
two marriages. One daughter, Lydia Maria, married John C. Selden of
Erie, Pa. ; and another, Fanny Rogers, married Horace S. Ely of New
York City.

(4.) Frances Ami (b. 1795) ; who married her first cousin, Judge Eben-
ezer Lane (see below), of Sandusky, Ohio, graduated at Harvard College in
181 1, made LL.D. there in 1880, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of
Ohio, a learned lawyer and scholar ; and had a son, William Griswold Lane,
the accomplished and amiable Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for the
Fourth Judicial District of Ohio, who was born in 1824, graduated at Yale
College in 1843, an^ died in 1877. William Griswold Lane married his
cousin Elizabeth Diodate Griswold, a descendant of our first Matthew Gris-
wold, on her father's side, through a brother of her husband's grandfather,
Gov. Roger Griswold (see below), and, on her mother's side, through Rev.
George Griswold of Giant's Neck (see p. 149).

(5.) Roger Wolcott (b. 1797); graduated at Yale College in 1818; a
lawyer; who married his cousin Juliet, daughter of Thomas Griswold, niece
of the New York merchants Nathaniel Lynde and George Griswold above
mentioned ; settled at Ashtabula, Ohio ; had sons and daughters ; and died
in 1878.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 329

(6.) Eliza Woodbridge (b. 1799) ; who married Charles Leicester Boalt of
Norwalk, Ohio, a lawyer of high position ; had several sons and two daugh-
ters; and died in 1878. One of the sons was John Henry, Judge of Com-
mon Pleas in Nevada, now of San Francisco, Cal. One of the daughters,
Frances Griswold Lane, is now the wife of Jay Osborne Moss, a wealthy
financier of Sandusky, Ohio.

(7.) Marian (b. 1801); who married Thomas Shaw Perkins, a lawyer,
son of Judge Elias Perkins of New London, Conn. ; and had eleven chil-
dren. A daughter, Cornelia Leonard, was the wife of David Hubbard
Nevins of New York, late *oi Waterford, Conn. Roger Griswold, one of
Mrs. Perkins's sons, was a physician of New York, and afterwards lived on
a plantation near Columbia, S. C, belonging to the family of his wife, a
Perkins cousin of his. She survived him, without children, and is now
living on an ancestral estate of her own in South Carolina. Another son
of Mrs. Perkins is Gen. Joseph Griswold Perkins of Lyme, brevetted as
General for services in the late civil war, whose wife is of Griswold descent
through the Giant's Neck branch (see pp. 149-50). A third son is Professor
Maurice Perkins, professor of chemistry in Union College. The only
surviving daughter is Lucretia Shaw Woodbridge, a lady of unusual acquisi-
tions and varied accomplishments, which she has applied in private teaching.

(8.) William Frederick (b. 1804); a captain in the China trade; who
married Sarah daughter of William Noyes of Lyme ; had two sons and
two daughters ; and died in 1851. He improved the leisure of his long
voyages for much study and reading, by which he became a man of high
culture.

(9.) Robert Harper (b. 1806); a shipmaster; who married Helen
daughter of Edward Powers of Guilford, Conn., by whom he had three
daughters and one son, the latter not now living. He was a favorite com-
mander of packet-ships of the John Griswold Line, sailing between New
York and London, a man of much reading, and, in his prime, of elegant
manners and great personal beauty. He died in Lyme in 1882, after years
of lingering infirmity and pain. His daughters, with their mother, now
conduct a family-school for young ladies in their father's fine old house in
Lyme, devoted more especially to instruction in the elegant branches, in
which they are proficient.

(10.) James, who died in infancy.

We now return to follow out the succession of the children of Gov.
Matthew and Ursula (Wolcott) Griswold :
4. Ursula, b. 1744; who died an infant.

330 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

5. Hannah, b. 1746 ; who died in childhood.

6. Marian, born Apr. 17, 1750 ; a very handsome woman; who married,
first, Sep. 29, 1769, Charles Church Chandler of Woodstock, Conn., an
eminent lawyer, " frequently a member of the State Legislature, and was
elected to the Continental Congress " * — who died in 1787 — by whom she
had several children. One of her daughters by this first marriage, Mary
Ann, married James Lanman of Norwich, Conn., United States Senator
and Judge of the Supreme Court of Connecticut, and had, with many other
children, Joanna Boylston, who was the first wife of the late Hon. Lafay-
ette Sabin Foster of Norwich, at one time acting Vice-President of the
United States. Marian (Griswold) Chandler married, secondly, Captain
Ebenezer Lane of Northampton, Mass., and had by him one child, Judge
Ebenezer Lane (b. 1793), above mentioned. After the death of Capt.
Lane in 1808, his widow married, thirdly, Justin Ely Esq. of West Spring-
field, Mass., whom she survived, without children by him, and herself died
June 17, 1829. An obituary of Mrs. Marian (Griswold) Chandler-Lane-
Ely, published at the time of her death, says of her:

" She was a woman of strong and vigorous intellectual powers. The earlier part of
her life had been spent at a time when female education was considered (comparatively
speaking) as of little or no consequence : of course, her advantages for mental improvement
were not like those enjoyed by young ladies of the present day. Yet, by the judicious in-
structions of an estimable mother, subsequent reading, and an extensive observation of
men and things, combined with a very retentive memory, her mind had been stored with
such a fund of general information as rendered her not only a very agreeable, but a very
useful companion — one whose society was courted by people of all ages. Remarkably
active in her habits, and a great economist of time, she was ever, during the successive
years of a protracted life, diligently employed in something to benefit herself or others, re-
garding it as an imperative duty to consecrate every moment, and every faculty she pos-
sessed, to some useful employment. Entitled by birth and family-connections (numbering
among her nearest relatives five Governors, and many men of acknowledged talents, oc-
cupying the highest offices in the State) to an elevated rank in society, and placed by three
successive marriages in a commanding sphere in life, she never cherished any of those
contracted feelings of self-importance which too often characterize people of wealth and
influence ; but ever held up the idea and acted upon the principle, that intrinsic personal
merit was all that could entitle a person to respect and esteem ; and under the influence
of this principle her affable and conciliating manners endeared her to all classes of her
fellow-creatures with whom she was in any degree connected. She had lived through a
long period of time, and been deeply interested in many eventful scenes, but amid them
all had been heard to exclaim, ' It is the Lord, let Him do as seemeth Him good.' . . . We
trust that she died in the faith of the Gospel. . . . "f

* Hyde Genealogy, ut supra, ii. 892.

f For further notices of Mrs. Marian (Griswold) Chandler-Lane-Ely, and of her several hus-
bands, see The Chandler Family . . . collected by George Chandler . . . Worcester, 1883, pp.
131, 279-82. In this book it is said that, " when first asked to become Mrs. Ely, her grief and
surprise were manifested in her reply : ' Oh ! I can't think of burying another husband ' " !

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 331

7. Ursula, born Apr. 13, 1754, who inherited the Wolcott beauty ; mar-
ried, Nov. 22, 1777, her cousin Lynde McCurdy of Norwich, Conn. ; had
two sons and one daughter ; and died Nov. 27, 1781. From her descends
Hon. John W. Allen of Cleveland, Ohio (her grandson), formerly State
Senator and Member of Congress, whose sister Ursula McCurdy is the
widow of the late Judge Sherlock J. Andrews of Cleveland.

JOHN, the eldest child of Gov. Matthew and Ursula (Wolcott) Griswold*
was born April 20, 1752; was deacon of the First Church of Lyme from
1797; married Nov. 5, 1772, Sarah daughter of Rev. Stephen Johnson of
Lyme, by Elizabeth daughter of William Diodate of New Haven, Conn,
(of the ancient and highly distinguished Diodati family of Lucca in
Italy). * He was offered public offices of distinction, but preferred to
remain in private life; and died Nov. 22,' 18 12. Their epitaphs in the
Duck River Burying-Ground at Lyme are as follows:

" Deacon John Griswold was born at Lyme the 20th day of April, 1752, and died on
the 22d day of November, 1812. He was the eldest son of the first Governor Griswold,
and Brother of the second. As a friend & neighbor he was hospitable and generous, hon-
est and honorable as a man, and in his faith and life exemplary as a Christian. To tell
those who knew him the place where he was buried, and to offer his character for imita-
tion to those who knew him not, this stone to his memory is erected."

*' Sacred to the memory of Mrs. Sarah Griswold, the amiable consort of Deacon John
Griswold, who died Jany 4th, 1802, aged 53 years, 10 mos. and 26 days.

"Sleep on dear friend till the last morn shall come,
When Christ shall summon all his children home.
Then may we meet in realms of joy above,
And join in bonds of everlasting love."

A funeral sermon preached on the death of Mrs. Sarah (Johnson)
Griswold, by Rev. William Lyman of East Haddam, Conn., says : " She
was a pattern of humility, gentleness, patience, tenderness and affection. "

Their children were:

(1.) Diodate Johnson, born Dec. 16, 1773 ; graduated at Yale College in
1793 ; who married Sarah daughter of Benjamin Colt of Hadley, Mass. ;
and died Mar. 17, 1850, s. p.

* See Mr. William Diodate (of New Haven from 1717 to 175 1) and his Italian Ancestry, in
New Engl. Hist, and Geneal. Register. Boston, 1881, xxxv. 167-81.

332 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTCUT

(2.) Ursula (see below) ;

(3.) Elizabeth, born Oct. 15, 1778; who married, Mar. 28, 1802, Jacob
Barker Gurley of New London, Conn., graduated at Darmouth College in
T793, a lawyer ; and died, a widow, June 22, 1857, having had ten children,
all of whom except one she survived.

" She bore her great griefs with an aimost stoical composure, and to
her last days met her friends with a calm and cheerful mien."

(4.) Sarah, born Aug. 12, 178 1 ; who married, Mar. 4, 1803, John Lyon
Gardiner, Esq., the seventh proprietor of the Manor of Gardiner's Island,
N. Y., by whom she had five children ; and died Feb. 10, 1863. One of her
children, Sarah Diodate, is now the widow of the late David Thompson of
New York, whose daughter Sarah Gardiner is the wife of David L. Gar-
diner of New Haven, Conn. Her eldest son David J. was the last
proprietor who received the island by entail ; he was succeeded by his
brother, John Griswold Gardiner; and he by his brother the late Samuel
Buell Gardiner, the tenth proprietor of the manor.

" Mrs. Gardiner was a lady of much strength of mind and dignity of char-
acter. During a long widowhood she had the management of a large
estate, and administered its hospitalities as a true ' lady of the manor/ '

(5.) John, born Aug. 14, 1783 ; an affluent shipping merchant of New York,
head of the famous old line of London packet-ships which bore his name ;
who married, first, May 16, 18 14, Elizabeth Mary daughter of General Zach-
ariah Huntington of Norwich, Conn. ; and secondly, in 1826, Louisa Wilson
of Newark, N. J., an English lady (who survived him) ; and died Aug. 4,
1856, s. p.

In memory of Mrs. Elizabeth Mary (Huntington) Griswold the follow-
ing lines were written by Mrs. Sigourney :

" She was as a rose
Gathered in loveliness 'mid perfumed flowers,
And warbling birds of love, yet drooping still
For the pure breath of that celestial clime
Where summer hath no cloud. She with firm hand
Grasped the strong hope of everlasting life,
And then, in trembling yet confiding trust,
Did dare the waves of Death's tempestuous flood."*

(6.) Mary Ann, born Feb. 25, 1786; who married, Nov. 6, 1809, Levi H.
Clark of Middletown, Conn., a lawyer*; and died Jan. 31, 1812. Mrs. Eliz-
abeth Brainard (Clark) White, wife of Bushnell White Esq. of Cleveland,
Ohio, is her daughter.

* Hyde Genealogy, ut supra, ii. 885.

THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT 333

(7.) Charles Chandler, born Nov. 9, 1787; who married, July 10, 1822,
his cousin Elizabeth daughter of Thomas Griswold of the Giant's Neck
branch (see above), by whom he had, with other children, Elizabeth Dio-
date, who married Judge William Griswold Lane, and Sarah Johnson, who
married Lorillard Spencer (see p. 150); and died Jan. 27, 1869, leaving a
widow who still survives in Lyme.

URSULA, second child and eldest daughter of Deacon John and Sarah
(Johnson) Griswold, was born Dec. 2, 1775 ; married, Sept. 10, 1794, her
third cousin Richard McCurdy; and died May 25, 181 1.

" Mrs. McCurdy was of a warm and enthusiastic nature, and perhaps
the Italian (Diodati) blood in the family-veins most fully expressed itself
in her. She was affectionate, overflowing with kind words and deeds,
devoted to her husband and children, and above all a devout Christian,
leaving behind her, on her death at the early' age of. thirty-five, many relig-
ious writings."

Rev. F. W. Hotchkiss of Saybrook, Conn., said of her, in a funeral ser-
mon : "Asa daughter, sister, mother and wife she was a worthy descend-
ant of an illustrious line of ancestors, and justly viewed as a woman of
exalted spirit. . . ."

One of their children is Judge Charles Johnson McCurdy of Lyme
who, having served his country in various conspicuous and important
positions at home, and as representative of the United States in Austria,
retired from the bench of the Supreme Court of Connecticut in 1867, on
reaching the constitutional limit of age ; but still retains much of the
sprightliness and vigor of youthful years, to the delight and profit of all who
come into the sunny atmosphere of his society. His only child, Evelyn, is
the wife of the author of this paper. Another child of Richard and Ursula
(Griswold) McCurdy was the late Robert Henry McCurdy of New York,
a leading merchant and public-spirited citizen, one of the first and most
influential movers in support of the Government in the late war; whose
eldest son is Theodore Frelinghuysen McCurdy of Norwich, Conn., and
second son, Richard Aldrich McCurdy, Vice-President of the Mutual Life
Insurance Company of New York. Mr. Robert Henry McCurdy had three
daughters : the eldest of whom, Gertrude Mercer, is the wife of Hon. Gardi-
ner Greene Hubbard of Washington, D.C., and mother of Mrs. Alexander
Graham Bell; and the two others, Sarah Lord and Roberta Wolcott, are
married, respectively, to Dr. Elias Joseph Marsh of Paterson, N. J., and
Charles Mercer Marsh Esq. of New York. The fifth son of Richard and

334 THE GRISWOLD FAMILY OF CONNECTICUT

Ursula (Griswold) McCurdy is Alexander Lynde McCurdy, now living, with
two daughters, in Santa Barbara, California. The youngest child of the Gris-
wold-McCurdy marriage was the late Mrs. Sarah Ann, widow of Stephen
Johnson Lord of Lyme. She was admired in her youth for her great
beauty, and in later years for the refinement, dignity and symmetry of
her character. Two sons, now of Kansas City, Mo., survive her; and a
daughter, the wife of Dr. Edward Dorr Griffin of Lyme, who is himself,
also, a Griswold by descent, through the eminent lawyer George Griffin of
New York, above mentioned.

Here the writer finishes his sketch of the history of the descendants of
the first Matthew Griswold, covering a period of nearly two hundred and
fifty years. They have not been very numerous, and there have never
been many sons of the name. It is the record of a family that has been
unusually free from the vicissitudes which are so apt, in the course of many
generations of a family, to occur to lower the social standing of some
of its persons or branches. It has numbered among its members by
blood and marriage, as we have seen, many individuals of distinction,
while, with only very few exceptions, all have been highly respectable in
position and worthy in character.

THE UTAH EXPEDITION

When the disciples of Joseph Smith, the followers of Brigham Young,
after much wandering, finally pitched their tents in the vicinity of the
Great Salt Lake, they imagined themselves so far removed from civilization
that they could thenceforth practice the peculiar tenets of their faith
without molestation by the rest of mankind.

The country they occupied was almost an unknown region, trodden
only by savage tribes, government exploring parties, and a few restless
white men who subsisted by hunting and trading with the Indians — and
they readily found timber for their dwellings and pasturage for their cat-
tle. The soil when irrigated by the mountain streams produced abundant
crops. They raised and manufactured nearly everything they needed, and
virtually established a little world of their own. The war with Mexico, by
which the United States acquired possession of California, opened the tide
of emigration directly through the Salt Lake valley. The Territory of
Utah was organized and Brigham Young appointed the first Governor.
Complaints v/ere soon heard of outrages committed by the band of Dan-
ites, an organization of Mormons, commanded by one Porter Rockwell,
acting under the authority and protected by the leaders of the Mormon
church. Lieut. John W. Gunnison, an officer of the United States Army,
while engaged in making a topographical survey of the Territory, was
attacked and murdered in his camp at night. A large party of emigrants
from the State of Arkansas was attacked at Mountain Meadow, and the
whole party, with the exception of half a dozen young children, ruthlessly
slaughtered and their bones left to bleach on the prairie. These were
afterward collected and buried by officers of our Army. The writer has
held in his hands long tresses of dark and blonde hair of some of the ten-
der victims of this massacre. The Indians, who have sins enough of their
own to answer for, were at first charged with these outrages, but it was
subsequently proved to have been the work of white savages disguised as
Indians. The little ones spared at Mountain Meadow were carried to the
nearest Mormon settlement. They were supposed to be too young to
observe and remember, but they afterward told how they had seen these
white men take off their disguises and wash the war paint from their faces.
It also became known that in several instances seceding Mormons who
attempted to escape from the country, were pursued and murdered before

336 THE UTAH EXPEDITION

they could reach the borders of the Territory. The government of the
United States was defied and the laws trampled under foot. The reign of
the Mormon " Prophet, Priest and King " was absolute, and his will was
superior to all law, human or divine.

In 1857 ^ was determined to occupy the Territory with a military force.
Accordingly the 2d Regiment of Dragoons, the 5th and 10th Regiments
of Infantry, and Battery " B" of the 4th Artillery, were ordered to rendez-
vous at Fort Leavenworth, on the Missouri River. At that time the 2d
Dragoons was serving in Kansas and Nebraska, the 10th Infantry was at
the head-waters of the Mississippi and Red River, and the 5th Infantry
was engaged against hostile Indians in Florida. The writer, who had
spent part of the winter in the Big Cypress Swamp, and in the Everglades
(where he made an expedition of three hundred miles through saw-grass
and in mud and water nearly waist deep for twenty-eight successive days),
was encamped with two companions at Pavilion Key enduring torment from
myriads of mosquitoes, thus when the order came for a change of base
(even to Utah) it was received with great rejoicing.

The different commands assembled at Fort Leavenworth with as little
delay as possible, and when consolidated received the name of the " Army
of Utah." Brigadier-General W. S. Harney was assigned to the command.
The necessary supply of subsistence, clothing, forage, etc., was collected,
and a contract made with Waddell & Co., of Missouri, for its transporta-
tion to Salt Lake City. Immense trains of large covered wagons, each
drawn by six or eight yoke of oxen, were required for this purpose, and
these were to be escorted and protected by the troops; but requiring no
protection on the first part of the route, many of these trains started ahead
of the column. The season was well advanced when the 5th Infantry, com-
manded by Lieut.-Colonel Carlos A. Waite, the 10th Infantry, commanded
by Colonel Edmund B. Alexander, Battery " B " of the 4th Artillery, com-
manded by Captain John W. Phelps, and an improvised Battery of heavy
guns, the command of which was assigned to First Lieut. Jesse L. Reno of
the Ordnance Corps, started on the march. General Harney and the 2d
Regiment of Dragoons were to start still later and overtake the column
en route, as the march of the Infantry encumbered with the ox trains
would necessarily be slow. Colonel Alexander, being the Senior Officer
present, assumed command of the column. The route taken for most of
the distance was the same as the trail followed by Fremont on his first
expedition in 1842. After striking the Nebraska or Platte River, it fol-
lowed up the valley of the main Platte and the South fork of that river
until near the mouth of Lodge-Pole Creek, then crossing over the North

THE UTAH EXPEDITION 337

fork it followed up that stream by Fort Laramie, and along the valley of
the Sweet-Water and through the South-Pass of the Rocky Mountains.
Before reaching this point intelligence was received that General Harney
had been relieved from command of the Army of Utah, and had been suc-
ceeded by Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston of the 2d Cavalry. Colonel
Johnston, with his escort, the 2d Dragoons, did not overtake and join the
column until after it had crossed Green River. Then winter had com-
menced in earnest. The weather became excessively cold, the whole
country was covered with snow, so that animals could find no grass. Short
forage had long been exhausted. Horses, mules, and oxen were dying of
cold and starvation, and the route was lined with the carcases of these dead
animals. To reach Salt Lake before the next summer became an impossi-
bility. It was necessary now to find a place where the Army could winter
in safety. Several localities were mentioned. - The guide employed for the
advance column was an old mountaineer by the name of Tim Goodwine.
Colonel Johnston had met at Leavenworth the celebrated Jim Bridger
(who said he found it difficult to breathe in that thickly populated place),
and engaged him for his guide. These two men had spent many years in
the mountains, and knew every sheltered valley. Bridger had once owned
a trading station on Black fork, and it was determined to march for that
point. Previous to this a proclamation had appeared, signed by Lieut.-
General Wells, commanding the Nauvoo Legion, forbidding the Army to
enter the Territory of Utah, and threatening its destruction in case it did.
Two or three of the ox-trains, which had gotten too far ahead, were at-
tacked, the cattle ran off, and the wagons and stores contained in them
burned. The draught animals were dying so rapidly that the march was
greatly impeded. It became necessary to attach such cattle as were fit for
work to a part of the wagons, haul them forward a few miles, and then
send the animals back to bring forward another portion. This was slow
work ; and it took about three days to make the last six miles to Fort
Bridger. This fortress was nothing but a rectangle inclosed by stone
walls, about ten or twelve feet high. In the inclosure was placed and
covered with paulins, all the subsistence, clothing, medical stores, camp and
garrison equipage, etc., of the Army.

The column marched three miles farther up the stream, and encamped
for the winter. Captain Robinson, 5th Infantry, with his own company, one
company of the 10th Infantry, and a section of Artillery, was left in command
at Fort Bridger to protect the supplies. Slight earthworks were thrown up
at alternate angles of the inclosure, surrounded by a ditch and abatis of
dead cedar trees. In one of these was placed a six-pounder gun, and in

Vol. XI.— No 4.-23

333 THE UTAH EXPEDITION

the other a twelve-pound howitzer. After the trains were unloaded, and
the supplies secured, all the horned cattle that had survived the march
were slaughtered, and the meat was smoked and dried for the troops to live
on through the winter. That was the only way to preserve it. It could not
be salted, for there was no salt with the army. An officer of the 5th Infantry
was fortunate enough to meet a wagon-master who was about to return to
Missouri, who had in his possession part of a bag of salt, and which the
officer purchased, paying for it three dollars and a half a pound. Before
the winter was over, men offered to place gold on one side of the scales for
an equal weight of salt on the other.

The Dragoons and all horses and mules were sent off to a valley where
the animals could be kept alive on the bunch grass of the country. The
newly appointed Governor of Utah and the new Judges of the Supreme
Court arrived in camp, and remained through the winter. About a month
later, Mr. Thomas L. Kane, of Pennsylvania, came to Fort Bridger from the
direction of Salt Lake City. As he desired to see General Johnston, he
was taken to headquarters, and, after an interview with the general and
Governor Cummings, returned to Salt Lake. He was a brother of Dr.
Elisha K. Kane, the Arctic explorer, and had spent several years of his life
among the Mormons at Nauvoo. He was sent out by the administration,
and entered the Territory by the way of California. What was the object
of his mission, or what he expected to accomplish, was not generally
known. A mail from the east arrived once a month, but not always on
schedule time. One of the first brought orders from Washington organiz-
ing the Department of Utah.

Colonel Johnston was assigned to the command, with the rank of Brevet
Brigadier-General. The usual duties of camp were strictly attended to. A
long picket line was established, and the " field officer of the day " made his
rounds day and night on foot, as there was not a horse in camp. There
were no amusements to break the monotony. There was no hunting, as
the region was destitute of game. In fact, with the exception of a few
antelope and sage-hens, no game was seen after passing the Buffalo range.
Fuel was hauled a long distance by hand. Rations were scarce, and the
men were placed on shortened allowance. A communication was received
from Brigham Young, ordering the troops out of the Territory, but kindly
granting them permission to remain in their present camp until the roads
became passable in the spring.

In midwinter, Captain R. B. Marcy, 5th Infantry, with a small party,
started on a trip over the Wahsatch mountains to Fort Union, New Mex-
ico, to procure a supply of beef cattle. He was successful, but did not re-

THE UTAH EXPEDITION 339

turn until a short time before the army again started on the march for Salt
Lake City. By that time the meat ration was exhausted, and the arrival
of beef on the hoof was a welcome sight to men who had lived for months
on the meat of working cattle, killed on the verge of starvation. After the
column had started, it was overtaken on the march by Senator Powell, of
Kentucky, and Major Ben. McCullough, of Texas, sent out by President
Buchanan to treat with the Mormons. Brigham Young had threatened, if
the troops entered the Salt Lake Valley, that he would destroy everything
and leave Utah a desert. When the army entered Salt Lake City the he-
gira had taken place. Not more than half a dozen Mormons remained.
Among them was Captain Hooper, who afterward represented the Territory
as delegate in Congress. The city was not destroyed, but every dwelling
was deserted and fastened with boards nailed across the doors and win-
dows. Governor Cummings and the two peace commissioners followed
after the Mormons, and induced them to return.

After remaining a few days in camp on the River Jordan, the army
marched about thirty miles further and the soldiers were set at work build-
ing quarters. These were one story high, and built of adobes. To this
permanent post was given the name of Camp Floyd, in honor of the Sec-
retary of War. During the summer the command was reinforced by the
arrival of part of the 2d Regiment of Cavalry, the 6th and 7th Regiments of
Infantry, and a Battery of the 3d Artillery, Commanded by Captain John
F. Reynolds. The 6th Infantry, however, did not remain in Utah, but con-
tinued the march to California. At Camp Floyd all the usual duties of
troops in garrison were practiced with great regularity. Before another
winter arrived, the soldiers of the 5th Infantry had erected a theater, in
which several very clever performances were given. In each regiment
there were found at least two or three good actors, and Salt Lake furnished
the female stars.

The officers and men of the Army of Utah at first supposed that their
mission was to subdue the Mormons, or at least to suppress the spirit of
rebellion and lawlessness manifested by their leaders. After their arrival
in the country, certain events inconsistent with this idea caused much sur-
prise ; among which was the arrival of Mr. Kane at Fort Bridger, author-
ized to treat for the Mormons. Next was the appearance of Peace Com-
missioners Powell and McCullough, who with Governor Cummings
followed after Brigham Young and his fleeing hosts, and persuaded them
to return to their homes. Then in the summer of 1859 Mr. Ben. Halliday
suddenly appeared at Camp Floyd, bringing with him orders from the War
Department to immediately sell at auction all the means of transportation

340 THE UTAH EXPEDITION

with the army, except such wagons and mules as were absolutely neces-
sary for the daily use of the different commands. The great auction sale
took place at once, and of course Mr. Halliday was the principal buyer.
Some of the Mormons, however, had money laid up and availed themselves
of the opportunity to purchase wagons and teams. When the sale was
ended, the Army of Utah found itself in the same condition as Cortez
after he had burned his ships.

Why was this army sent to this distant Territory at an enormous ex-
pense, great discomfort, and no little amount of suffering? It was hard to
understand at the time, but subsequent events fully explain it. It was
part of the scheme for the dissolution of the Union.

When Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated President, he found the whole
South in rebellion. Eleven States had seceded from the Union. Most
of our navy was in foreign waters, and nearly all of the army was west of
the Rocky Mountains. There were two or three regiments in Texas un-
der the command of General Twiggs, who disarmed and surrendered them,
as he was expected to do. The only troops available were a few compa-
nies of artillery along the Atlantic coast. At the South, there were two
companies at Fort Pickens under the command of Lieutenant Slemmer,
two companies under Major Anderson at Fort Sumter, two companies un-
der Major Dimmock at Fortress Monroe, and a hundred recruits under
Captain Robinson at Fort McHenry. The arsenals at the North had been
stripped of arms and ammunition, which had been transferred to the South
by order of Secretary Floyd and been seized by the seceding States. The
Government was never in a more defenceless condition than it was on the
4th day of March, 1861. Had the President been able to send two or three
good ships of war into Charleston harbor, or to mobilize twenty thousand
soldiers in the neighborhood of that city, the rebellion would have been
nipped in the bud. The organizers of the rebellion had managed well to
insure its success. The plans were matured long before Mr. Lincoln's
election. With our little army and navy out of reach, and the Treasury
empty, they imagined that the " wayward sisters " would be allowed to
depart in peace. An army of forty or fifty thousand men could not have
been disposed of in that way. Such a force at that time would have saved
the country from a war that cost half a million of lives, filled the land with
widows and orphans, and imposed upon us a debt which would maintain a
respectable army and navy for all time.

Shall we ever learn wisdom by experience ? Our present army, scat-
tered over an immense territory, is doing the work of a hundred thousand
men. With probably the best officered navy in the world, we have neither

THE UTAH EXPEDITION 341

ships nor cannon, and any foreign power can insult us with impunity.
Although the aggregate of Line Officers is less than it was twenty years be-
fore the rebellion, one-half the promotion has been stopped by law, and it
is now gravely proposed to virtually retire from the service a large num-
ber of these gentlemen, educated expressly for their profession, simply be-
cause Congress has neglected to provide for building modern ships and
guns commensurate to the wants of th.e country. Was ever such folly, in-
justice, and ingratitude contemplated in any civilized government before?
Armies and Navies are a necessity of civilization. They prevent wars
by being prepared to meet them. The government that maintains an ade-
quate military and naval force is always respected. Let our surplus rev-
enue be devoted to building vessels for the navy, the manufacture of
modern artillery and the fortification of our harbors, then, with our volun-
teers always ready, the United States may defy the world in arms.

ctn

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

(Continued from page 257, Vol. XI.)

Neiv York June 17 1781. Capt. Beckwith.

Captain Hatfield * informs me that from information from West Point of last
Tuesday, brought by a Mr. Hatfield, now coming into the city from Jersey, he is
informed that Gen! Washington with the remains of the Continental army (a few
meant for the defence of the Frontiers excepted) will soon march to Virginia :
they are now making every preparation for that purpose. The French are to have
the defence of West Point f

G:B:

* Captain Cornelius Hatfield jr. the noted tory partizan of N. J., and John Smith Hatfield of
Elizabethtown, were, it is believed, the parties here named.

\ This "information from West Point " is the first direct mention of a projected movement to
Virginia by Washington, in all probability, that was brought to Sir Henry Clinton's notice. It is
clear from this entry, that the idea had been mooted and talked of in the American camp prior to
its date, the 17th of June, 1781. It is certain, however, that the possibility of a Southern move-
ment was not contemplated by Washington till the 20th of July — about a month later, that he did
not consider it seriously till the 1st of August, and that he did not decide to make that movement, till
the 14th of August, 1 78 1. His own private Journal in the possession of the State department at
Washington, and printed for the first time in full, by its Librarian, Mr. Theodore F. Dwight, in the
seventh volume of the Magazine of American History, with an admirable introduction., prove
these facts beyond a cavil ; and that the movement, with him, was simply " Hobson's choice."

Under " July 20th" Washington writes, " Count de Rochambeau having called upon me in the
name of Count de Barras, for a definite plan of campaign, that he might communicate it to the
Count de Grasse — I could not but acknowledge, that the uncertainties under which we labour, — the
few men who had joined (either as recruits for the Continental Batt'ns or Militia — & the ignorance
in which I am kept by some of the States on whom I most depended — especially Massachusetts,
from whose Gov! I have not received a line since I addressed him from Weathersfield the 23d of
May last, — rendered it impracticable for me to do more than to prepare, first, for the enterprise
against New York as agreed to at Weathersfield — and secondly, for the relief of the Southern States,
if after all my efforts & earnest application to these States, it should be found on the arrival of the
Count de Grasse, that I had neither men, nor means adequate to the first object. To give this
opinion I was further induced from the uncertainty with respect to the time of the arrival of the
French Fleet & whether land troops would come in it, or not, as had been earnestly requested by
me and enforced by the Minister of France."

Under date of "August 1st" he writes "* * * every thing would have been in perfect
readiness to commence the operation against New York, if the States had furnished their quotas of

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 343

From Z>r Hal — n at Rhode Island to Capn. Beckwith, recd. 19^ June 1781.
On the f. I gave you a full detail of the plan of operations intended. On the
Is.1 of June a council of War was held on board the Admiral, and the result of it
was, to embark 400 more men in addition to the 1000, and put to sea immediately.
The signal was made to answer, and the boats sent for the men ;— In the Evening
an Express arrived from Gen. Washington giving them an account of the ill success
to the Southward which altered the whole system of operations. A second coun-
cil was held and it was there determined that the army should march to join
General W: by land and the fleet to remain in the Harbour of Newport, and for its
security four hundred men were draughted from each regiment with fifty artillery

Men agreeably to my requisitions -but so far have they been from complying with these that of the
first, not more than half the number asked of them have joined the army ; and of the 6200 of the
latter pointedly & continuously called for, to be with the army by the 15th of last month (July) only 176
had arrived from Connecticut, independent of abt. 300 State Troops under the command of Gen1.
Waterbury, which had been on the lines before we took the field, & two companies of York levies
(abt. 80 Men) under similar circumstances. Thus circumstanced, and having little more than
general assurances of getting the succors called for, * * * I could scarce see a ground upon
which to continue my preparations against New York— especially as there was much reason to be-
lieve that part (at least) of the Troops in Virginia were recalled to reinforce New York, and therefore
I turned my views more seriously (than I had before done) to an operation to the Southward— and
in consequence, sent to make enquiry, indirectly, of the principal merchants to the Eastward, what
number, and in what time, Transports could be provided to convey a force to the Southward, if it
should be found necessary to change our plan, and similar application was made in a direct way to
Mr. Morris (Financier) to discover what number could be had by the 20th of this month at Phila-
delphia— or in Chesapeake bay."

Finally, on "August 14," he decided most reluctantly to abandon his long cherished plan against
New York and go to Virginia, and he thus states his decision and the grounds for it : " Received
despatches from the Count de Barras, announcing the intended departure of the Count de Grasse
from Cape Francois with between 25 & 29 sail of the line & 3000 land Troops on the 3d instant for
Chesapeake bay. * * * Matters having now come to a crisis and a decisive plan to be deter-
mined on, — I was obliged from the shortness of Count de Grasse's promised stay on this coast — the
apparent disinclination in their naval officers to force the harbour of New York, and the feeble com-
pliance of the States to my requisitions for men, hitherto, & little prospect of greater exertion in
the future, to give up all idea of attacking New York; and instead thereof to remove the French
Troops & a detachment of the American Army to the Head of Elk, to be transported to Virginia
for the purpose of co-operating with the force from the West Indies against the Troops in that
State."

Three days before this last entry he had notice of the arrival at New York of a Fleet with sup-
plies, and 3000 German troops, as a reinforcement to Sir Henry Clinton. This news, followed by de
Barras's despatches above mentioned, and the utter failure of the New England States to send him
men, thus forced Washington on the 14th of August, 1781, to decide to go to Virginia. Between this
date and the 1st of September, when Clinton became aware of the new movement, began and ended
that brilliant series of deceptive movements and feigned despatches which so completely hoodwinked
and paralyzed the British commander in chief. Such are the real facts, such the simple truth, notwith-
standing the immense amount of fine speaking and fine writing on the subject, regarding the
great Franco-American movement which practically established the Independence of the Thirteen
Colonies, and happily ended forever British preponderance in the Western Hemisphere.

344 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

men and a thousand militia to be instantly demanded.* The Hermione Frigate
was despatched to sea to meet ? the Frigate from Boston in order to cruize for the
expected reinforcement and to conduct them into some port in the Massachusetts.
The Duke of Lauzun was sent Express to Gen! Washington with those resolutions,
it being the system agreed on, if any thing should happen to prevent the first
taking place, f The conduct of the French has been so marked by doubt, irreso-
lution and uncertainty, that although I was acquainted in two hours X after the
council broke up of their designs, yet I chose to wait to see a part of the plan ful-
filled before I communicated it to you. On the 10th the Deux Fonts and Bour-
bonnois regiments embarked in small vessels for Providence and the Gentille and
Ariel frigates sailed for Boston with a view I suppose to strengthen the fleet there,
to bring round such stores as may be Wanted for the Navy, which have lately
arrived there in a fleet of transports, consisting of Seventeen Sail, with about iooo
draughts for the army some seamen for the fleet and stores, supplies &c for both,
under convoy of the Sagittaire of 50 Guns.§ On the 11th the Soisonnois and
Saintonge Regiments with the artillery likewise Embarked for Providence, which is
the last Division, and it is said that the two former Regiments march from Provi-
dence the same day to make room for their reception. This I somewhat doubt as
I was informed by an officer of rank that the whole body would stop some days
to arrange their affairs — Four hundred out of the 1000 Militia are arrived. They
(the French) have left their forts without guns and without Platforms — four small
field pieces and six nine and six pounders are all the artillery at present upon
the Island. These cannon were disembarked on the 7th. I have carefully looked
for them since but cannot finds any vestige of them anywhere and imagine they
again embarked them.

It is said that in case they are attacked the Admiral means to land some of the

* This account of what was done is very correct, but the reason given for the change, "ill suc-
cess " to the Southward is not. The real cause was, the receipt of the news of De Grasse's arrival
at Martinico, and of the movements he proposed, which caused the second council of war on board
the "Due de Bourgogne" the French Flag Ship. Journal of Claude Blanc hard {the chief
commissary of Rochambeau's army), p. 105. Balcfts ed.

f The Duke de Lauzun left Newport on May 31st, saw Washington at New Windsor June 3d,
and departed the next day with Washington's reply to the decision of the French council of war,
practically assenting to its change of the plan adopted at Weathersfield on 23d May, and reached
Newport on his return on June 7th. Blanchard' 's Journal 106. VIII Sparks 64.

% Dr. Haliburton, the writer of this letter, must have had this intelligence so soon from one of
the high French officers at the Council, as they only were present. His prominent position in
Rhode Island as a physician, probably aided him in acquiring information. See note to entry of
15th March, ante (p. 54 Jan. No. Mag. Am. Hist.)

§ This was the frigate and convoy detached from his fleet at sea by De Grasse. " On the road
(to Providence) I met a naval officer, who was going to report at Newport that the Sagittaire, a
ship of 50 guns, had arrived at Boston, after a passage of 80 days, with the greater part of the
convoy we were expecting. Only four ships which had gone astray were missing." Claude
Blanchard 's Journal, under date of August qth, 1781, p. 107.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

345

lower deck guns of the ship. This probably may take place if they have time to
deliberate on means and methods, but the same confused plans and arrangements
that bewildered certain officers in a similar situation appears to affect them.* Two
Mortars are left in the Battery at Brenton's Point. If I might presume to reason
a little on the above particulars it should be thus : Every man of any sense and
discernment must certainly see that the situation of my much beloved country,
Great Britain, is somewhat critical, and to the generous and disinterested Patriot,
truly alarming. Some striking and Spirited Exertions are necessary to relieve her
from her present embarrassments. A powerful and dangerous combination of the
House of Bourbon with her revolted colonies ;— the navy of the former at least
equal, if not superior to hers ; — an ungrateful and unexpected enemy arising against
her in the Dutch Republic ;— with men, money, and infinite resources. On the
contrary— without allies, without friends, without any other support than the Virtue,
Bravery, Skill, and Exemplary dilligence, and uncorrupted integrity of her officers
—what can she have to depend on. I trust a full and perfect confidence may be
placed in the latter. The present situation of the French fleet left to the care of
450 men and 1000 Banditti points out at once what may be attempted. If our in-
formation is right, a strong reinforcement is already arrived. Eleven ships of the
line, with two fifties, 44s and frigates in abundance, form a vast superiority, and on
a supposition of a scarcity of soldiers it has been a custom in former Wars, and in
cases of exigency, to supply that deficiency with the Marines of the fleet. Any
number above 5000 it appears to me would carry the point with much Ease — less
than that would perhaps protect and prolong, so as to make a disappointment pos-
sible. There are three important points to be attended to — viz. : surrounding the
Island with the Navy so as to prevent landing from the Main — taking possession of
Quaker, or Windmill, Hill, so as to cut off all communication with the rebels, and
effecting a landing on Brenton's Neck — that Batteries may be raised against the
(unintelligible) Forts and Shipping. In a Single Week I will be answerable with my
life that the great work would be accomplished, and its glorious effects felt in every
part of the British dominions. The Country is now laboring under every species of
oppression, — Their currency totally annihilated, — at least, 150 and 200 for one may
be considered as such, — the silver money taxes, collected in such a manner as to
create resentment and disgust, — the new taxes multiplying and increasing and loudly
complained of, and generally believed cannot be realized. In such a situation
what may not such a stroke effect ? What may not a bold and necessary enterprise
bring about ? A country ready for a change will grasp at the mild and beneficent
offers of its glorious conquerors and ancient friends, and as many of its bitterest
enemies are now leaning towards their former connection, some from conviction,
some from oppression, and a recollection of their former happiness, f every good

* This allusion is evidently to the D'Estaing-Sullivan fiasco at Newport, in August, 1778.
f This description of the condition of things in New England, from a Tory view, is of the
date of June 19, 1781 ; the following is a French view, three days earlier. On the 16th Claude

346 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

may be expected and hoped for from such an event. I therefore humbly lay this
before you, if you think it fit and proper for the inspection of a certain great and
good officer.* I leave it entirely at your mercy to curtail any part, or to expunge
the whole. If it should take place and he should have any occasion for my ser-
vices, you will make it known to our common friend in due time ; and he will take
care to inform me. His secrecy and fidelity may be depended on. He is a noble
and sincere friend. f

The small army left at Newport is comd by Brigadier General Choisy, famous
for commanding the Confederates at the siege of Cracow in Poland. The number
gone to join Washington amounts to 2600. The French speak confidently of the
reinforcement at Boston — but the papers of Providence and Newport only mention
it as a report. They promise themselves great matters when the hurricane months
approach, and speak positively of powerful succours from the West Indies ; but I
hope their power in America will be annihilated before that period arrives. If any-
thing is designed that way, the fleet must go by way of the Hook — otherwise the
whole country will be alarmed ; and if the wind was to prove contrary, even appear-
ing off the Capes of Delaware would be advantageous, as it would give them a false
scent. It is thought extremely surprising that Boston Bay should be left without a
little squadron, when a French fleet was expected, and the number of prizes carried
in there by their privateers serve greatly to keep up the spirit of the rebellion, which
would perish fast without such support. The suppression of Privateering will con-
tribute as much towards the restoration of peace, as the most bloody defeats.

The master of a Privateer named the Franklin Positively declares that he took a
vessel from Liverpool, belonging to a fleet consisting of four sail of the line, Eight
frigates and 150 sail of transports with Eight thousand troops on board bound for
New York. If this is true, we cannot but hope, &c. &c. To prevent your attempt-
ing anything this way they will no doubt make a show of attacking New York, but
they cannot for their souls collect provisions enough to keep a large body of men
together for a week, and on the supposition that they could I should suppose that
there were enough. Privateersmen, sailors, inhabitants, adventurers &c. at York now

Blanchard. the French Chief Commissary of Rochambeau's army, wrote in his Journal (p. 108) :
"* The Americans supplied us with nothing ; we were obliged to purchase everything, and to provide
ourselves with the most trifling things. It is said that it is better to make war in an enemy's country
than among one's friends. If this is an axiom, it acquires still more truth when war is made in a
poor and exhausted country, where the men are possessed of little information, selfish, and divided
in their opinions."

* The Commander-in-chief.

f There is nothing to form a clue to the identity of this "noble and sincere friend " of Dr.
Haliburton. The very free manner of this letter of the Doctor is striking, as well as its tone, and
the particularity and fullness of the information, and the views of the situation. This is probably
owing to the fact, that it is written to Capt. George Beckwith, who was not a stranger, nor mere
official, but a personal friend, and the brother of the Capt. John Beckwith who was the husband
of Dr. Haliburton's daughter Mary. Introduction, p. 330, Vol. X., Mag. Am. Hist.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 347

to defend it, until this business is accomplished, which is certainly of the highest
importance. It ought to be remembered that no offence must be taken in a free
conversation with my new correspondent ; an honest zeal alone inspires me. There
now remains in the Harbour seven sail of the line, the Romulus and five transports,
with shot, shells, Field artillery, Baggage, &c. &c.

Intelligence by Captn Marquard 20th June 1781.

Sixty or seventy horses were seen at Crompond Sunday last in the afternoon.

The Bakery arrived the same day at Scrubbock.* They have a very large
train of waggons with them, about 400 ox teams with other carriages.

The whole of the French troops were on their march to Peekskill from Danbury
last Sunday, supposed above 3000 strong with a great number of light cannon. Moy-
land's and Sheldon's dragoons have joined the French cavalry on their march. It
is expected the whole of them is now at Crompond, the horse in particular.

The rebels have an account that a bloody battle was fought between Lord Corn-
wallis and Green, the particulars not known.

A number of French officers dined last Sunday near Crompond, who looked at
the ground thereabouts.

Questions by Major De Lancey to Hiram with his answers, given, 20th June, 1781.
Dear Sir

In consequence of our conversation last night I have put down what follows :

.) (answers.)
Ist Is it your opinion that Gen! P — s Ist It is my opinion that he does not
will enter so heartily as to make us hope wish to take an open and avowed part at
he will take an open determined step in present, however determined he may ap-
our favor ? Should that be the case you pear to be (and is really so) to commu-
can hold up the situation of General Ar- nicate any material intelligence in his
nold and say it is in his power to place power, to inculcate principles of recon-
himself in one equally conspicuous ; and ciliation, and detaching his subordinate
as he must lose his present property for officers from French connection,
a time, the C in C.f will, for every man I have no authority to say that he will
he puts in our possession pay three guin- give up any post or men committed to
eas ; or should he choose it, he will his care. This in my opinion must de-
specify the sum that shall be paid on pend upon future contingencies, and the
such an event as we shall wish taking adverse turn their J affairs are like to

* " Scrub Oak," of late years softened into " Shrub Oak," is here intended. It is a small ham-
let in the north-western part of Westchester County, N. Y., about three miles southeast of Peekskill.
f The Commander-in-Chief, Sir Henry Clinton. $ This word is underscored in the MS.

348

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

place. In the meantime should he ex-
ert himself to give us intelligence, »he
need only name the recompense, and
most punctual attention shall be paid
to it.

The greatest secrecy will be observed
on our parts ; anything that in the end
is to be made public will depend upon
himself, and as the method of communi-
cating will be under your management, lit-
tle danger can be apprehended. It being
necessary to establish a more frequent
intercourse, I think your proposal for
Bulkley to take any papers to Cable's, and
to be taken from his house by Knapp \
will be the best, as attended with less
danger. Should anything of great mo-
ment arise, we should hope you will take
such method (which is left to your own
prudence) to communicate it to us with-
out loss of time, and tho' I would not
have you risk yourself, yet where the
end is great, your zeal will induce you
to be a little less cautious than usual.
I need not repeat that gratitude will
prompt us to keep pace in our recom-

take ; for, were he sure that Independence
would take place, his prospects as a Gen-
eral officer would be so great from the
country, that they would outweigh every
other consideration.

I have frequently held up Arnold to
his view, who (I observed) acquired the
esteem, the countenance and protection
of the C. in Chief, * the applause of his
brother officers, and would in the end
of the Nation in general, together with
honour and emoluments, instead of Con-
tempt, f

I have on a former occasion described
the man to you, his local attachments, his
scruples, his prejudices, and talents at in-
trigue ; and as he has already embarked
half way, your own acquaintance with
the human heart, will enable you to judge
whether it is not probable, that in time,
he will go through the several gradations
you would wish and expect of him.

To effect this something generous
ought to be given him in hand, but (in
my opinion) not so much as I know
he would ask. His expectations may

* This opinion of Heron's was probably more the result of his wishes as to Parsons than based
upon knowledge of the facts alleged. Clinton, weak and vacillating as he was, is not fairly charge-
able with " esteem" for Arnold. Dunlap, in his History of New York {vol. 2, p. 201) says: "I
have been assured by a gentleman of the most unblemished character, now far advanced in years,
that when Arnold departed from New York, in the command of the armies with which he wm-
mitted depredations in the Chesapeake, a dormant commission was given to Colonels Dundas
and Simcoe, jointly, by Sir Henry Clinton, authorizing them if they suspected Arnold of sinister
intent, to supersede him and put him in arrest. This proves that Clinton did not trust him. * * *
The gentleman who communicated this fact to me was in his youth a confidential clerk of Sir Henry
Clinton's office, and copied and delivered the dormant commission as directed." A private letter of
Cornwallis to Lord Rawdon, of July 23, 1781, from Portsmouth, in referring to his correspondence
with Clinton, also throws light on Clinton's view of Arnold. It thus closes : "I offered to return
to Carolina, but it was not approved of, and it became absolutely necessary to send Leslie, lest the

command should have devolved on -. I. Cornwallis Correspondence, 107. The dash is put by

the editor, Ross, for the name written by Cornwallis. f Underscored in the MS.

% "Bulkley" has been mentioned before ; " Cable " was one of three or four of the name, na-
tives of Long Island ; " Knapp " was probably Moses Knapp of Reading ; all were agents of
William Heron of Reading, the " Hiram" who writes these letters. The names are underscored
in the MS.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

349

pense to you, with the rewards given to
our friend.

I give you the general heads of what
we could wish our friend should inform
us of.

I* The State of the American Army.

2nd The State of the French Army.

3d How each Army is situated.

4th What enterprize they mean to un-
dertake, and the method of counteracting
them.

5* What supplies and from whence
they expect to subsist.

6* Where the magazines
how to be destroyed.

are,

and

7* The movement of
fleet, and their intentions.

the French

be raised. It is for you to judge how much
you would be willing to give at present,
as an adequate reward for what I have
given you reason to expect ; and I find
myself disposed to fall short, rather than
raise your expectations, as I think it the
more pardonable error of the two. What-
ever you are willing to give, shall be my
business to safe convey.

The mode of conveyance thro' Bulk-
ley, Cable, and K — p shall be punctually
attended to, if you think it the most eli-
gible : but since we conversed on the
subject I have thought of a less ex-
pensive -and equally safe (if not more
so) method. It is this. The Refugees
ought to be directed to make descents
from Lloyd's Neck at certain periods, viz,
the Ist and 15th of each month, on the
shore adjacent to Bulkley's house, * for
the ostensible purpose of destroying
whale boats, driving off cattle, &c. — as
they could land in force, the small Rebel
guards would be drove back into the
country sufficiently remote from Bulk-
ley's house, so as to give some prudent
officer (whose business it ought to be
made) an opportunity of receiving from
Bulkley the papers left with him. As the
Refugees would conceive these little ex-
cursions to be in the line of their duty,f
no additional expense to government
would accrue. Perhaps I am mistaken.
Should any event occur in the interme-
diate spaces of time, which would re-
quire immediate notice to be given here,
I would ride down to Knapps and charge
him with the delivery of it. \ Which of

* " Bulkley's house" was on the shore of the Sound near Fairfield, Connecticut.

\ They were under the orders and pay of the " Board of Associated Loyalists " in New York,
established by the order of Lord George Germaine, described before in these notes, a body inde-
pendent of the British army, and subject only to the general authority of the Commander-in-Chief.

% Heron lived on Readding Ridge, and " Knapps " was probably somewhere between his house
and "Bulkley's" house on the shore at Fairfield. Reading was about 16 miles from Fairfield.

35o

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

8* News from the Southward of con-
sequence.

9* The situation of the different
forts.

io* News from Europe.

II* The hopes of the ensuing cam-

paign.

12* As much of the correspondence
between General Washington and the
Congress as possible.

The above are general heads. His
own knowledge will point out any fur-
ther information that may be of use,
and I hope his zeal will make these com-
munications frequent.

As the endeavour of our friend may
principally tend to promote a speedy
reconciliation, at the end of the war he
has ever to be assured that the gratitude
of the Nation, which he has contributed
to restore peace and happiness, will place
him in the most honorable and most lu-
crative situations.

As it is necessary I should report to ,

these modes of conveyance appears to
you to be the most preferable, shall be
attended to.

The several heads from the ist to the
12th inclusive shall be attended to ; but
as I may not retain them, and it not
being safe to carry such minutes out
with me now, it will be best to send
them out to Bulkley, and order him to
leave them at the usual place.* They
ought to be in cypher. I shall look for
them about the 28th inst. and shall col-
lect such intelligence [to convey back
by the same hand] as I find are deserv-
ing notice.

The necessity of our friend's giving
me frequent and particular information
of every occurrence, in order to trans-
mit them here f shall be urged.

Nothing shall be wanting on my part
tfyat may tend to beget in him a firm and
perfect reliance on those offers you are
pleased to authorize me to make. The
ascendency I have over him, the influ-
ence I have with him, the confidence he
has already reposed in me, the alluring
prospect of Pecuniary, as well as hono-
rary rewards, together with the plaudits
of a grateful \ nation, shall all be com-
bined together and placed in a con-
spicuous point of view, to engage him
heartily in the cause.

I know of no better method to try his
sincerity, than for him to select out of
the foregoing heads from the ist to the
12th inclusive, such as he can imme-
diately give proper and precise answers
to, and entrust me with the care of com-

* This was apparently some hidden receptacle or cavity in the rocks, or stone fences, or earth,
at no great distance from his house above mentioned, where Bulkley obtained and placed the
communications from and to Heron. The italics are underscored in the MS.

f New York City, as Heron wrote this letter while there. % Underscored in the MS.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

35i

the C. in C, he will think the business
in no great forwardness unless 1 could
give him some marks of the sincerity of
our friends intentions. To you I leave
the method of procuring it.

With respect to the scheme of tram ck,
if you will point out the best method,
every assistance shall be given.

I must now request you will give me
the fullest information on the margin of
this letter, which will add to the many
obligations you have conferred on
&c. &c.

O. DeL.

municating them. In this service it
would not be amiss for me to be able to
tell what he may expect at present. I
urge this to prevent his making an un-
reasonable and extravagant demand.

As to the scheme of trafnck if I find
it can be carried on without great danger,
I shall point out to Mr McNeill * the
method of carrying it into execution
without any expense to the government.

The danger attending it one side, is
greater now than when I first proposed
it.

To promote the real interest of my
king and country, and to approve my-
self deserving the approbation of the C.
in C, and you, shall be the constant ob-
jects of my attention.

I am &c. &c.

W. H. f

* Charles McNeill of Reading, a neighbour of Heron's, probably.

f In Washington's private journal above referred to, appear some items of his " Secret Daily
Intelligence " recorded by himself, contemporary in point of time with this of Clinton recorded
byCapt. Beckwith. The compai-ison is interesting. The similarity is great. Under May i?1, 1781,
Washington writes, " Major Talmadge was requested to press the C s Senr and Junr to con-
tinue their correspondence — and was authorized to assure the elder C that he should be repaid the

100 guineas or more with interest : provided he advanced the same for the purpose of defraying the
expense of the correspondence, as he had offered to do. Colo. Dayton was also written to, to
establish a correspondence with New York by way of Elizabethtown for the purpose of obtaining
intelligence of the enemy's movements and designs ; that by a comparison of accts. proper and just
conclusions maybe drawn."

May 15th, Information dated 12 o'clock yesterday, reports 15 sail of vessels a number of
flat boats to be off Fort Lee.

Intelligence from C Senr, dated 729 {a cipher date) — "a detachment is expected to sail to-
morrow from New York," and then specifically names the regiments " to be convoyed by 7 ships of
the line, 2 fifties, & 3 forty-fours, which are to cruise off the Capes of Virginia. He gives it as the

opinion of C Junr. that the above detachment does not exceed 2000 men — that not more than

400 remain — which is only (he adds) to be accounted for on the supposition of their expecting a
reinforcement immediately from Europe.

May 22d. A letter from Gen. St. Clair came to hand with accts. of an apparent intention of
the enemy to evacuate New York.

May 31. A letter from Major Talmadge enclosing one from C. Senr & another from S. G.,
dated the 27th, were totally silent on the subject of an evacuation of New York ; but speak of an.
order for marching the Troops from Long Island — and the countermand of it after they had com-
menced their march — Neither C. Senr nor S. G. estimate the enemy's force at New York & its de-

352 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

pendencies at more than 4500 men including the new Levies ; but C. says it is reported that they
can command five, & some add, 6000 militia & refugees — S. G. disposes of the enemy's force as
follows — (giving in detail the names, positions, and strength of all the British Regiments on New York
Island, Staten Island, and at Newtown, Jamaica, Hempstead, and Floyd's Neck on Long Island,
in all 2600 men. Then follows the names and strength of the Regiments forming "the detachment
which left Sandy Hook the 13th inst. according to S. G^'s acct," amounting to 1450 men.

June Ist Letters from Doctor Smith of Albany, & Shepherd, principal armorer at that place,

were intercepted, giving to the enemy, with acct. of our distresses, the strength and disposition of
our troops — The disaffection of particular settlements — the provision these settlements had made
to subsist them, their readiness to join them, — the gen1 temper of the people, and their earnest
wishes for their advance in force — assuring them of the happy consequences which would derive to
the Kings arms if they would move rapidly to Albany.

{To be Continued.}

MINOR TOPICS

Letter from Mr. Thomas C. Amory

[We are requested to publish the following communication from Mr. Amory concerning the
course pursued by General Sullivan and his brother Daniel in 1781, as revealed through the official
Private Intelligence papers of Sir Henry Clinton in progress of publication, from month to
month, in this Magazine. Mr. Amory, in offering this explanation to the public, seeks to do justice
to his kinsmen, claiming that " no one can fairly judge of the matter without knowing more than
can be found in the Secret Journal itself." — Editor.]

Editor of Magazine of American History : —

The only evidence of any disloyalty on the part of Gen. Sullivan in the Clinton
Journal, as far as published, is a declaration drawn -up, not by Daniel Sullivan, but
by Major Holland. It purported to give an account of what took place between
the brothers the sixth and seventh of May, 1781, in Philadelphia, about ten days
before. In February a frigate had been sent to Frenchman's Bay, to capture his
brother Daniel. A party landed at night near his residence, had taken him pris-
oner, driven his wife and children into the snow, burnt his house and carried him to
Castine. Offered in vain the usual inducements to swear allegiance to the crown,
he was sent to New York and imprisoned in the Jersey hulks. He was perishing
in this noisome prison house, anxious for his health and life and for the safety of
his family, when Holland, a refugee loyalist, who had left New Hampshire in 1778
under suspicion of disaffection, then a major in the British service, came to visit
him. Daniel was soon after permitted to go on parole to Philadelphia to see his
brother John, then a member of the Congress, to effect his exchange carrying a
letter to his brother from Holland, who had known him before the war.

All known of Holland's letter is from what John told Luzerne a day or two
afterwards, and Luzerne wrote Vergennes on the 13th. The answer John wrote
Holland, for fear of its being misconstrued, he sent for Daniel next morning, as he
was returning to New York, and took away. So that this declaration drawn up by-
Holland, it is fair to presume with a view to effect Daniel's liberation, is the only
evidence of what took place. If having any basis of fact to rest upon, it is clearly
too exaggerated and otherwise improbable to accept without a very large share of
allowance. Gen. Sullivan did not probably care to send his brother away without
expressing his readiness to do all he could for his rescue, but the declaration states
he made no such promise as Daniel suggested, promised nothing else but to comply
with Holland's letter, which was doubtless a request to do what he could to set
Daniel free by promoting his exchange. John would not have gone at once and
told Luzerne of Daniel's visit had he been inclined to violate any obligation.

The declaration would not have been needed if Holland had heard from

Vol. XI.— No. 4.-24

354 MINOR TOPICS

Gen. Sullivan by the seventeenth, and it does not appear that there was any such
correspondence. Had he encouraged Holland or Clinton to believe that he fa-
vored peace to save his brother's life, or, as suggested to Luzerne, to obtain informa-
tion from the enemy with the concurrence of Congress, one of its committees, or a
few of his friends in that body, if he did not betray any secret neither Clinton nor
Holland could complain. But there is no evidence that by word or deed he had
any correspondence with the enemy, that he ever gave them any comfort, informa-
tion or advice, entertained any expectation of favor or reward. At the same time,
if in the usual channels there was any course to be pursued to save Daniel, it is
fair to presume from his generous nature that he preserved it as far as he honora-
bly might.

But a very conclusive argument with some, perhaps, against the probability of
any want of fidelity would be the want of time and chance. For seven years no
one had been more devoted to the cause of independence than himself, sacrificing
freely health and estate to bring it about. If America had reasons for discourage-
ment, so had England. But even if John had wavered, Holland was a com-
parative stranger and he was not likely to forfeit his claim to esteem which he said
the British entertained for him, by any venality. On the 2 2d, within two weeks
from Daniel's departure, Luzerne received a letter from the King to the Congress,
in answer to one written him at the suggestion of Sullivan in November, promis-
ing immediate re-enforcements, military and naval supplies, and ten million
francs, at the same time announcing England had made overtures for peace
through Russia and Austria, and urging redoubled efforts for the campaign to bet-
ter the terms ; and on the 26th Sullivan was appointed on the committee to consult
with Luzerne, and till he left Congress in September he was engaged in drafting
commissions for Franklin, Adams, Laurens, Jay, and Jefferson, corresponding with
them and the states.

That same month, on the fourteenth, his colleague Livermore arrived. Robert
Morris accepted the Department of Finance and reported the plans of the Bank of
America, which were approved on the 26th. His committee on providing means
for the war, suggested by him but of which Witherspoon was chairman, had had
the principal charge of these financial reforms. Questions that had occurred
between the treasury and loan offices, led to the resolutions that the war should
be carried on upon a specie basis; and also that all contracts for rations should
be in coin. The proposed sale of the frigate at Portsmouth to Spain, supplies of
provisions to Wayne's army at the south, sending back Gates to the field,
reorganizing the army establishment, its clothing and rations, urging the states to
pay up their assessments, all occupied his attention, besides many other public
duties, these three weeks to which alone any question could attach, for after
that time there could be no reason to doubt with all Europe arrayed against Eng-
land and she suing for peace, France insisting on independence, but the victory
needed little to be gained. We desire to explain what may need explanation and

minor topics 355

prevent injustice from future historians. The character and good reputation of
our American leaders in camp and counsel in the war of Independence are safe-
guards of our free institutions too precious to be placed in jeopardy by misappre-
hension.

Thomas C. Amory
Boston, March 14, 1884

THE MASSACRE OF ST. ANDRE

Charles Dimitry, in his prize sketch of the massacre of the French on the Mis-
sissippi River, by the Natchez Indians, in 1729, which, from its having occurred on
the saint's-day, he denominates the "Massacre of St. Andre," says: "Accounts
differ as to the loss of life in this terrible slaughter. The Chevalier Bossu, in his
'Voyage a la Louisiane,' puts the number of slain at twenty thousand. Regarded
in its least shadowy light, the massacre fills a dark page in the history of Louisiana,
and its causes, its preliminaries, and its execution possess a romantic interest."
The scene on the fatal morning is thus described by Mr. Dimitry :

" A little before sunrise the Natchez began to appear in considerable numbers
at the fort and on the plantations. Their calm, imperturbable faces betrayed no
purpose, revealed no secret. They came as shadows out of the forest paths,
thronging into the fort through the unguarded gate, and through the breaches in the
palisades which neglect had left unrepaired, as if to invite the entrance of a foe.
On the river bank, too, near where the galley lay moored, they stood and held con-
verse with the men on the boat. They were gathered, also (but this the French
did not know), on the other side of the river. These detachments were stationed
at the galley and on the opposite shore to cut off the retreat of the French by way
of the Mississippi. At the fort and on the plantations they had a simple and not
unreasonable story to tell to account for their presence. They were going on a
great hunt — that was all. To secure their game, more guns and ammunition were
needed. These they borrowed from the French, promising to share the products
of their hunt with the leaders. By this strategy they at once disarmed the French
and armed themselves. It will thus be seen that, from the inception of the plot to
its terrible ending, through all its minutiae and exigencies, the Natchez had com
bined and prearranged with a marvelous skill. Like a piece of vast machinery that
worked without a flaw, the plot moved on from the beginning, silently, regularly,
efficaciously. Nowhere does any evidence exist that on that fatal morning the
French felt any suspicion of their guests."

Soon after eight o'clock in the morning the carnage began. " Like heavy drops
of rain falling at brief intervals on a roof, came the sputtering of repeated firings
throughout the settlement, drowsily reverberating through the woods. Flight ?

356 MINOR TOPICS

flight was out of the question. Thereafter— at the house, in the fort, in the houses
of the planters far and near— the merciless reports drowned the utterances of pain,
of agony, of terror. The soldiers of the post, without officers, and taken by sur-
prise, were killed on the spot where the call of fate found them. . . .With that supreme
contempt for all things except the sun and their own class, which distinguished the
royal family of the Natchez, the Great Sun sat with imperious indifference, during
the entire massacre, under the shed of one of the Company's structures, calmly
smoking his pipe. As the victims fell their heads were brought to him. Nearest
to him was placed the head of Chepart — a fact which would seem to indicate that
the commandant was slain early in the day. Around him, a horrible circle of de-
formed, distorted and bleeding human faces, were set the heads of the other officers
and the principal planters. On a pile near by were cast promiscuously the heads
of the common people.

" Terrible as were the scenes at and around the fort, the plantations witnessed
still more fearful ones. Not for a moment did the slaughter cease as long as a
victim remained to share the fate of those who had preceded him. Separated as
were the plantations, for one instant of conscious horror, perhaps, the unfortunate
planters, their families and slaves, could only conjecture that for them and all of
the community the end of the world had come indeed. Only on one plantation,
that of Mons. De la Loire, previously mentioned, was resistance offered. In a
sharply contested battle that occurred between that gentleman's servants and the
Natchez, eight of the latter were killed. But eventually the slayers were them-
selves slain, and Mons. De la Loire, returning to his house when the firing began,
was shot down, after killing two of his assailants. Mons. Du Cader, commandant
of the post at the Yazoos, who had just arrived in his carriage on a visit to Chepart,
was met and killed, together with a companion, a priest, while on his way, on
foot, from the river to the house of the commandant.

" Only two Frenchmen were spared, and they owed their lives to the possession
of a certain mechanical skill of which the Natchez wished to avail themselves. One
was a wheelwright, and the other, strange as it may seem, was a tailor. . . .When the
news of the massacre reached New Orleans several days later, grief, terror, and
apprehension struggled for the mastery in the hearts of the people and the
authorities. The troops were drawn up in the Place d'Armes ; every house be-
came an armory, every citizen a prospective defender. The forts were strengthened,
and at every street corner was posted a sentinel. The planters everywhere were
warned, and the militia was called out. Throughout the town the long-roll vehe-
mently beat an alarm such as Louisiana never had known. The Choctaws and the
Tunicas, living about ninety miles above the city, marched with the French against
the Natchez " — and the sequel is well known.

NOTES

357

Dr. franklin as a courtier —
The original of the following note in
Franklin's own handwriting is shown
under glass to strangers visiting the
Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. So far
as known it has never yet appeared in
print. The Abbe de la Roche, to whom
it was addressed, was the friend of Hel-
vetius, the philosopher, and his wife,
and is chiefly known in literature as the
editor of complete editions of Helvetius
and Montesquieu. The neatly turned
compliment of the note suggests the re-
flection that Franklin's philosophy did
not prevent his being a very agreeable
courtier.

Billet de Benj. Franklin
a l'Abbe de la Roche.

M. Franklin n'oublie jamais aucune
Partie ou Me. Helvetius doit etre. II
croit merae que s'il etait engage d'aller
a Paradis ce matin, il ferai supplication
d'etre permis de rester sur terre jusqu'a
une heure & demi, pour recevoir l'em-
brassade qu'elle a bienvoulu lui pro-
mettre en le rencontrant chez M.
Turgot,

Translation.

Mr, Franklin never forgets any party
where Madame Helvetius is to be. He
believes even that if he were engaged to
go to Paradise this morning, he would
beg to be allowed to remain on earth
until half-past one o'clock, in order to
receive the salutation she kindly promised
him on meeting him at M. Turgot's.

W. B. B.

A poetic morceau of 1772 — Lines
addressed to Miss Love Frye, of Salem,
Massachusetts.

[Miss Frye was the daughter of the
Hon. Peter Frye, Judge of the Supreme
Court of Massachusetts prior to the Rev-
olution, who died at Camberwell, Eng-
land, Jan. 31, 1820 (the day he com-
pleted his 98th year), at the house of
Admiral Sir John Knight, his son-in-law.
Her first husband was the Hon. Peter
Oliver, LL.D., Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of Massachusetts prior
to the Revolution, who died in England,
Oct. 13th, 1 791. Her second husband
was Sir John Knight. The lines, copied
from Lady Knight's album, were re-
ceived from Mrs. J. W. Fabens, of Eliza-
beth, New Jersey, a great granddaughter
of Judge Frye — whose portrait hangs on
her parlor wall. As a historical relic,
hitherto unprinted, we offer it to the
Magazine. W. H.]

" To a swain all unskilled in poetical lays,

His aid, O ye Muses, supply !
Assist my first efforts to sing in the praise

Of the sprightly, accomplished Miss Frye.

The snow-drop in Spring, and the rosebud
in June,
In her face may each other outvie,
Where sweetness and modesty, blushing
assume
The Graces' fond looks in Miss Frye.

With beauty and merit possessed,
The delight of each ear and each eye,

How happy the man that is born to be blest
With the sensible, lovely Miss Frye.

Then hear me, ye Powers, that o'er virtue
preside ;
Guard her mind from each sorrow and
sigh,
Make choice of a man who shall make her
his bride,
And dispense every bliss to Miss Frye."

358

NOTES

The murphy sale of Americana —
There is no higher proof of the progress
of culture and taste in this country than
the results of the important sale of the
unique and valuable collection of Hon.
Henry C. Murphy, LL.D., of Brooklyn,
New York, which terminated on Satur-
day, March 8, 1884. About 5,000
volumes were sold, and the amount of
money realized was $52,000. The for-
mation of this library had been the labor
of a long and active life, and its biblio-
maniac treasures were among the rarest
ever offered for sale in the United States,
or even in Europe. Mr. Murphy was
born in Brooklyn, July 5, 1810, and died
in that city December 1, 1882. He was
graduated from Columbia College, New
York, at the age of twenty, and after
three years close application to the study
of law, was admitted to the bar in 1833.
At the age of thirty-two he was elected
Mayor of Brooklyn, and in 1843 became
a member of Congress. In 1857 he was
appointed Minister to Holland, and
after his return in 1861, was a State
Senator for twelve consecutive years. It
was under his auspices, as President of
the East River Bridge Company, that
the great structure between New York
and Brooklyn was achieved. He was, in
short, a prominent figure of his time, and
was recognized as a scholar in politics.
His writings on historical and other sub-
jects, and his valuable translations, are
well known to the public. He was the
founder and proprietor of the Brooklyn
Daily Eagle, and the Kings County
Democrat, a trustee and one of the or-
ganizers of the " Brooklyn City Library,"
and one of the initial founders of the
" Long Island Historical Society." Of
his remarkable library it would be in-

teresting to speak in detail, if space per-
mitted. It was exceptionally rich in
volumes relating to geography, ancient
and modern, also in what related to.
early American history, to local American
history, and to later American history.
The largest buyers at the sale are said
to have been Hon. John Russell Bartlett,
of Providence, Mr. Joseph Sabin, and
Brentano, of New York.

A SCRAP OF UNWRITTEN HISTORY

William Muckleston, M.D., of the old
English gentry, born in Oswestry, County
of Salop, removed in early manhood to the
State of Connecticut, leaving behind
him his father and an elder brother, who
was, by English laws, heir to the whole
property. He made his home in Mid-
dletown, Conn., and there married and
became the father of two daughters,
Mary and Lucy. While Lucy was yet
an infant, Dr. Muckleston received news
from home of the death of both his
father and elder brother ; which left
him sole heir to the great English estate.
Making temporary arrangements for his
family, he sailed alone for England with
a view to the settlement of affairs, and
perished at sea, never reaching his des-
tination. This event, owing to difficult
communication in that early day, re-
mained for a long time unknown, and
no effort was ever made to obtain pos-
session of the inheritance, which indis-
putably belonged to the American de-
scendants of Dr. Muckleston. Mary,
the elder daughter, married Elisha Burge
of Connecticut, then, and by some of
his descendants now, erroneously spelled
Birge, and was the mother of the late
James and Joseph Burge of Litchfield,
Connecticut, and also of Tryphena Burge

NOTES

359

who married Elizur Griswold (died in
Litchfield, 1787). James Burge was the
father of the late Rev. Lemuel Burge of
Brooklyn, New York. Tryphena was
the mother of the late Chester Griswold,
long of Utica, New York (died in Balti-
more, 1867), whose surviving sons are
Maj. Elias Griswold, of Hancock, Hay
& Griswold, attorneys-at-law in Wash-
ington, D. C., and the Rev. Benjamin
Burge Griswold, D.D., Chapel of the
Holy Cross, Baltimore. Chester Gris-
wold's daughter, Mary Tryphena, be-
came the first wife of Gen. H. Wessells,
U.S.A., of Connecticut, and another son
was the late Rev. Whiting Griswold,
founder of St. John's Church and of the
Orphans' Home in St. Louis, Mo.,
whose son, Mr. Benj. H. Griswold, of
Baltimore, is prominently connected with
the Western Maryland Railway.

Lucy, second daughter of Dr. William
Muckleston, married David Beach of
Connecticut. Among her descendants
was the late Jesse Beach, a revolutionary
officer and father of Mrs. William Hum-
phreys, formerly of Humphreysville and
Derby, Connecticut.

The Muckleston family trace their an-
cestry to Hocskin Muckleston, born in
1345, who married Gertrude, daughter
of Hugh Kynaston. The estate of Mer-
rington came to the Muckleston s by the
marriage of Edward Muckleston with
Mary, daughter and heir of Thomas
Colefaxe, of Merrington. The curious
in such matters will find to-day the fol-
lowing entries among the parish records
of Oswestry :

John Muckleston, of Oswestry, Gen-
tleman, buried April 6, 1682. Aged
64 years.

John Muckleston, eldest son of above,

born 1652. Buried July 16, 1702, aged
50 years. [This one died without issue.]
William Muckleston. Born April 5,
1663. There is no record of his mar-
riage or death. — B. B. G.

Wayne's Indian name — Weld, the
traveler, noted in his journal in October,
1796, that the Indians at Detroit, disap-
pointed at not receiving from Gen. An-
thony Wayne the oft-promised presents
from the United States, called him Gen-
eral Wabangy that is, General To-Mor-
row. — Petersfield

Mrs. Fletcher's tomb — The read-
ers of the Magazine of American
History may feel an interest in the fol-
lowing inscription. It may be found
upon a slab on one of the pillars which
support the south gallery in St. James's
Church, Piccadilly, London. The curate
directed the attention of one of our
party to it as being probably the oldest
memorial stone in this old church of Sir
Christopher Wren's.

Banyer Clarkson

Mar. n, 1884

" Beneath this Pillar lies the body
of Elizabeth, wife of Colonell
Benjamin Fletcher late Captain
Generall & Governour in Chiefe
of his Majesties Province of New Yorke
in America and Daughter
to Doctor John Hodson Ld Bishop
of Elphin in Ireland who after her
Return from that long voyage
in which she accompanied her
Husband, Departed this life the
Fifth day of November, A,n0 Dni
1698 leaving one Son and two
Daughters behind her
and a sweet & lasting Monument
in the memorie of all
that knew her."

360

QUERIES

Webster chowder — As the Lenten
season opens I notice frequent references
to " Webste?' Chowder.'' During the sum-
mer the local columns of our newspapers
abound with notices of pleasure parties
served with " Webster Chowder." Will
not some of your readers inform us when
or where Daniel Webster manufactured
chowder ? Is not the name applied to
this savory compound a trick of the res-
taurateur ? In my opinion there would
be as much reason in identifying the
father of our country with that delec-
table luxury " Washington Pie." To a
foreigner it looks very much as if the
great Daniel made chowder for a reputa-
tion and expounded the Constitution
between times. Minto

Bourdieu [ix. 288.] — Who was the
Mr. Bourdieu mentioned in Franklin's
letter to Laurens, as bearer of a dis-
patch ?

Was he the Peregrine Bordieu, m.
June 21, 1 785, to Maria Sears, by Rev.
Samuel Provoost, at Trinity Church, New
York : and was Maria daughter to King
Isaac Sears ? S. P. May

Newton, Mass.

First piece of artillery — (1) Will
some one kindly inform me when the first
piece of artillery was cast in America, or
more exactly, within the colonies which
became the United States ? Does any
history of ordnance (whether of bronze
or iron) in America exist in an accessible
form? (2) After which Van Curler is
the apartment house in New York City
of that name called ?

Dorp

Schenectady, March 5, 1884

Flags of the revolution [xi. 260]
— What is the date of Franklin and
Adams's reply to the ambassador of
Naples, giving a description of the flag,
as quoted by " Minto " ? The American
Commissioners, under date of Nov. 7,
1778, communicated to Congress the
ambassador's request, and desired in-
structions as to the colors of the flag and
form of the sea papers. The letter was
read Feb. 24, 1779, and referred to the
Marine Committee for answer. I. J. G.

The Washington ode — In my early
school-boy days — it was not so very long
after the death of Washington — there
was an ode printed in the form of a
small handbill, that the boys used to
" speak on the stage." I can recall only
the first stanza :
" Our hero's dead ! a doleful sound !

How large the stroke — how deep the wound ;
The man who did his country save,
Lies cold and silent in the grave ! "
What are the other stanzas ? I think
there were three or more in all — and
where may the ode be found ? H. K.
Washington, Dec. 14, 1883

The leaden plate — The leaden
plate deposited by Oloron at " The In-
dian God Rock," nine miles below Frank-
lin, Pa., Aug. 3, 1749 (see Mag. Amer.
Mist, vol. ii.,p. 141) was found by a boat-
man named Andrew Shall in 1832. He
resided about ten miles northeast of Kit-
tanning, Pa., but is now long dead. I
desire further particulars of the dis-
covery of the plate, and what became of
it ? Can any of your readers throw light

on the subject ?

A. A. Lambing
Pittsburg, Pa.

REPLIES

361

REPLIES

Colonel jackson [xi. 263.] — Henry
Jackson commanded the famous "Bos-
ton Regiment " that entered Philadelphia
the day after the British evacuated that
city. He also served on the court mar-
tial that tried Arnold in 1779, taking the
place of Col. Hazen, as a member of the
board.

The brave Col. Michael Jackson, of
Newton, Mass., was shot at the attack on
Randall's Island, N. Y., in Sept., 1776.
In Jan., 1777, he was commissioned col-
onel of the 8th Continental Regiment, but
on account of disability from his wound,
the regiment was led by Lieut.-Col.
John Brooks. Minto

Valentine on weaving [xi. 263.]
— A careful examination of the cata-
logues of libraries in the United States
has failed to bring to light a copy of
Valentine's book. If printed, it was
probably the first publication in this
country relating to the important indus-
try of weaving. I have transcribed a
copy of the author's prospectus, issued
at New York, in December, 1771. The
garret of some farmhouse on Long Island
may contain the volume sought for by
your correspondent, Oyster Bay.

Petersfield

proposals
For Printing by Subscription
A Treatise on Weaving.
Consisting of near 300 different Draughts,
with full and plain Directions of the Pre-
parations of the Yarn, Warping, and
Weaving of Barrogan, Tammy, Durant,
Paragon, Duroys, Sergedenim, Grograne,
Crossbarr'd, and figured Stuffs, Stanets,
Kersey, Shalloon, Twill, Sagathies, Bed-
ticks, plain, rib'd, and flower'd Ever-

lastings, Fustian, Dimity, and Dimity-
Fustians, Diamond and Bird Eye, German
Serge, Calimancoe, Barcelona, Prunella,
Huckaback of many sorts and figures, of
the newest mode, Pannel, Clouting, Shag-
rean and Compass Work, Diaper of many
sorts and figures, Scotch Carpeting, and
sundry other sorts of work not here men-
tioned.— With particular Rules for the
drawing of draughts.

All explained and laid down in the
most plain and easy Manner, that a per-
son of the smallest capacity may under-
stand it ; there being very particular
draughts, with full directions of the
hanging, and likewise the treading or
weaving thereof. By David Valentine,
of Suffolk County, Long-Island.

CONDITIONS

I. This Work will be comprised in a
Quarto Volume and it is computed to
make about 200 Pages ; shall be printed
on good Paper, and new Type.

II. The Price to each Subscriber will
be Three Dollars, One Dollar to be paid
at the time of subscribing, and the re-
mainder upon their receiving the books.

Subscriptions are taken in by Mr. James
Valentine, of Dutches County, Mr. James
Fullton, of Ulster Comity, Mr. James
Varian, of West- Chester County, Mr.
George Dibble, of Stamford, in Con-
necticut, Abraham Andres, Esq. of Fair-
field, in Connecticut, Mr. John Burris,
of Elizabeth- Town, New Jersey, Mr.
Thomas Sands, of Suffolk County, Long-
Island, by the Author in Queens County,
and by Samuel Inslee and Anthony Carr?
at Neiv York, the Printers hereof.

N. B. The Public may be assured
no more Books will be printed than are
subscribed for.

362

SOCIETIES

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY — At

the meeting of the society, March 4,
1884, Edwin M. Wight, Augustus Van
Cortlandt and William Watson were
elected resident members. The Re-
cording Secretary, Mr. Warner, read an
interesting autograph letter, recently add-
ed to the archives of the society, from
John Quincy Adams, in reference to the
address delivered by him before the
society at its celebration (April 30,
1839) of the Semi-Centennial Anniver-
sary of the Inauguration of George
Washington, April 30, 1789. Resolu-
tions were adopted on the recent decease
of John William Wallace, LL.D., Presi-
dent of the Historical Society of Penn-
sylvania, and for many years an honored
associate of this society. Resolutions
were also adopted in honor of the late
Miss Eliza Susan Quincy, which, re-
ported by Mr. Edward F. De Lancey,
for the Executive Committee, were as
follows :

Resolved, That the New York His-
torical Society places upon its records
this expression of the great regret with
which it has learned of the decease of
one of its most honored corresponding
members, the venerable Miss Eliza Susan
Quincy, of Quincy, Massachusetts.

Born in 1798, a daughter of an ancient
and honored line, distinguished through
two centuries and a half for birth, in-
tellect, position, and influence ; dwelling
in her ancestral home of Mount Wollas-
ton, which she had long graced with a
warm hospitality that none who have en-
joyed it can ever forget — she has passed
from earth in the fullness of years, after

a life adorned with all that is revered in
woman.

Inheriting a superior mind, and ful-
filling to the utmost the duties of a
daughter, a sister, and a friend, in her
were united good sense, sound judgment,
high intelligence, and a manner that made
her society as sought for as it was de-
lightful, and added to the charm with
which she was ever ready to impart to
others the great information of which she
was possessed.

A granddaughter of that John Mor-
ton, of New York, who, from his early aid
to the American cause, was styled by
the British " The Rebel Banker," she ever
honored the native home of her mother,
whose vivid memoir of her own girlhood's
days in New York, from the close of the
Revolution to the end of the century,
and of her early married life in Boston
to 1 82 1 — continued, by the gifted daugh-
ter's graphic pen, to her death in 1850,
and privately printed by the daughter, in
1 86 1 — will ever remain one of the most
valuable, as it is one of the most perfect,
delineations of the scenes and the society
of the two cities during the period, and
of the brilliant social life and surround-
ings of the great men of America among
whom both mother and daughter moved
and with whom they were connected. It
added another leaf to the laurels which
grace the name of Quincy, and cast
a bright light upon the early history of
the United States. Confided to the
keeping of this society by the venerable
lady herself, the copy in this Library will
ever be regarded as among its valued
treasures.

SOCIETIES

3<53

Resolved, That a copy of this minute,
duly attested, be transmitted to the fam-
ily of the deceased.

The paper of the evening, on " James
Duane, of the Continental Congress,''
was read by J. Bleecker Miller, Esq., a
descendant of the distinguished son of
New York, whose life and public services
were the subject of his interesting sketch.
In the course of it, Mr. Miller read sev-
eral original letters of Duane, which ex-
hibited his characteristic ability, patriot-
ism and probity, and the zeal with which
he sought for the establishment and
progress of the Republic and the sub-
stantial welfare of his native State.

The following resolutions were re-
ported by the Executive Committee and
adopted by the society :

Resolved, That the New York Histor-
ical Society will celebrate the Centen-
nial Anniversary of the Inauguration of
George Washington as President of the
United States on the 30th day of April,
1789.

Resolved, That it be referred to the
Executive Committee to take such ac-
tion as may be necessary and expedient,
and in due time report a plan, to carry
out the purpose of the society in a man-
ner suitable to the occasion — the com-
memoration of the most important event
in the history of the City, the State, and
the Nation.

Dr. George H. Moore, in reporting
these resolutions on behalf of the Exec-
utive Committee, remarked :

" The historical genius and ability of
all America cannot be better employed
during the coming five years than in de-
veloping the real history of the forma-
tion of the Federal Constitution, under
which the government of the United

States was established. It is a history
which remains to be written. Each and
every one of the original States should
be called upon to provide from all
sources at command, in its own archives
or elsewhere, a thorough and exhaustive
account of its own part in the work, in-
cluding careful and discriminating biog-
raphies of its delegates to the Federal
Convention, and the principal actors in
its subsequent State Convention. The
neglected bibliography of the Federal
Convention should be written up. There
is a copious literature of no small value
hidden away in neglected pamphlets and
newspapers, embracing not only the act-
ual proceedings of the several conven-
tions but the discussions to which their
work gave rise, exhibiting every phase
of the political wisdom or folly of the
day and all the phenomena of heated
political strife. Among the permanent
and most valuable results of this cele-
bration, I shall be greatly disappointed
if we fail to secure a thorough catalogue
raisonee 'of all these materials, now neg-
lected and unknown to any but a very
few scholars and students, who have in-
vaded the dusty realm in which they rest
in pursuit of some special name or fact.
The very existence of the journals of
some of the State Conventions has ap-
parently been unknown to the historians
of the Constitution, and they have fallen
into errors which have marred their
work from that very fact.

"Unhappily, the historic building,
which ought to have been preserved in
perpetuam rei memoriam, itself the most
suggestive monument of the event which
took place within its old walls, already
laden with the memories of a century of
occupation and use for public purposes,

364

SOCIETIES

was heedlessly swept away within a few
years after it had been decorated by its
greatest honor. I have no words to ex-
press my sense of the indifference with
which the people of New York permitted
it to be destroyed. It would seem that
such an act would have been impossible
in a community which knew or cared for
its own or any history, yet it was the
same generation in which the Historical
Society was established and the repre-
sentatives of the ancient settlers of New
Amsterdam were roused to fierce re-
sentment by Mr. Irving's pleasant chroni-
cles of the Dutch period."

The annual meeting of the new
jersey historical society was held at
Trenton on January 17. The following
officers were elected for the ensuing
year : President, The Rev. Samuel M.
Hamill, D.D.; Vice-Presidents, John
T. Nixon, U. S. District Judge, John
Clement, of the New Jersey Court of
Errors and Appeals, Samuel H. Pen-
nington, M.D.; Corresponding Secre-
tary, William A. Whitehead, of Newark ;
Recording Secretary, William Nelson, of
Paterson ; Treasurer and Librarian,
Frederick W. Ricord, of Newark. A
valuable contribution to the history of
the Revolution was read by Adjutant-
General W. S. Stryker, of New Jersey,
who described the part taken by the
New Jersey troops in the expedition
against the Six Nations. The paper was
accompanied by a complete roster of the
Jerseymen in that important expedition,
which General Stryker has spared no
pains to make perfect. The late Judge
Lucius Q. C. Elmer, who for sixty years
occupied a conspicuous position in New
Jersey affairs, as member of the Legis-

lature, member of Congress at various
times, and Judge of the Supreme Court,
and who for many years was a leading
officer of the society, was the subject of
an interesting address by Colonel Will-
iam E. Potter, who was followed by
Judge Nixon in some timely remarks on
the same theme. It was resolved to re-
quest Congress to provide for the publi-
cation of the Peter Force Collection of
Papers covering the history of the coun-
try from 1777 to 1783, inclusive. It is
understood that Secretary Frelinghuy-
sen favors such action, and it is thought
the Committee on Appropriations will
act favorably in the matter. The next
meeting of the society will be held at
Newark on the third Thursday in May.

Virginia historical society — At a
meeting held on the 16th of February
at the rooms of the society in the West-
morland Club-house, a number of valu-
able gifts of books were reported, letters
were read from various sources, and
several honorary and corresponding
members were elected. William W.
Corcoran, of Washington, D. C, was
elected first Vice-President, vice Con-
way Robinson, deceased, and Honora-
bles William Wirt Henry and J. L. M.
Curry, second and third Vice-Presidents.

Wyoming historical and geologi-
cal society — The 26th Annual Meet-
ing of the Wyoming Historical and Geo-
logical Society was held at its rooms,
Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, January 11,
1884. The following officers were elect-
ed for the ensuing year : Hon. E. L.
Dana, President ; Dr. C. F. Ingham,
Rev. H. L. Jones, Capt. Calvin Parsons,
Hon. E. B. Coxe, Vice-Presidents ;

SOCIETIES

3^5

Harrison Wright, Ph.D., Secretary ;
Sheldon Reynolds, Cor. Sec.; A. F.
Derr, Treasurer ; A. H. McClintock,
Librarian. A paper was read by H. C.
Davis, A.M., on "The Importance of
Greek in Scientific Nomenclature."
This was followed by a translation by
Harrison Wright, Ph.D., of the Report
to the Minister of Public Instruction
and Fine Arts from M. Leopold Lelisle
on the Manuscripts of the Earl of Ash-
burnham, which it is claimed were
largely stolen from the French govern-
ment and are to be offered for sale in
this country. The report of the Cabinet
Committee showed an addition to the
Library, 900 volumes ; to the Cabinet,
300 specimens ; to the Numismatic
Dep., 200 coins and medals.

Rhode island historical society —
An interesting and scholarly paper on
" The Destruction of Ancient Works of
Art " was read before the Rhode Island
Historical Society on the evening of
March 4, by William S. Liscomb, A.M.
The essay described graphically and
minutely the work of devastation which
was wrought in the earlier ages of the
Christian Era, in the art centers of
Italy,^ Greece and Turkey, particularly
in the chief cities, Rome, Athens and
Constantinople, by iconoclastic Chris-
tians, by conquering barbarians, by
conflagration and by earthquake.
At the close of the reading Dr.
Charles W. Parsons moved a vote of
thanks of the society, and took occasion
to speak in highly commendatory lan-
guage of Mr. Liscomb's effort, saying
that such an erudite and finished essay
had required deep scholarship and great
research ; and also spoke briefly and
comparatively of the art of the age of

Angelo, and of the age of the ancients
in Greece and Rome. The motion mov-
ing thanks was seconded by ex-Gov-
ernor Dyer and unanimously carried.

The newburgh bay historical soci-
ety held its first public meeting on the
evening of February 22, in Calvary
Church. The exercises were opened
with prayer by Rev. Jeremiah Searle,
after which Major E. C. Boynton, Pres-
ident of the Society, delivered a brief
but eloquent address. Hon. James G.
Graham followed with a few pertinent
remarks, and introduced Hon. Erastus
Brooks, the orator of the evening. Mr.
Brooks reviewed ably and forcibly the
chief events of the Revolutionary War,
dwelling upon the heroic achievements
of the people of the Hudson in particu-
lar. " What we are most reminded of,
to-day," he said, "is the fact that the
Hudson was the most exposed, and with
one exception, the best guarded highway
of the whole war."

THE ROCKLAND HISTORICAL AND

forestry society, held its annual
meeting at Nyack, on the evening of
February 22. The president, Mr. Quen-
tin McAdam, called the meeting to order,
and the following officers were elected
for the ensuing year : President, E. M.
Taft ; Vice-Presidents, Wm. S. Govan,
M.D., of Haverstraw, Wm. H. Whiton,
of Piermont, Garret Van Nostrand, of
South Nyack, George Van Houten, of
Orangeville, Rev. A. S. Freeman, D.D.,
of Haverstraw; Recording Secretary,
George F. Morse, of Nyack; Corre-
sponding Secretary, Merritt E. Sawyer,
of Nyack; Treasurer, Charles H. Wes-
sels, of Nyack. After the business
meeting, Rev. A. S. Freeman, D.D.,
delivered an interesting address.

366

BOOK NOTICES

THE HESSIANS AND THE OTHER
GERMAN AUXILIARIES OF GREAT
BRITAIN IN THE REVOLUTIONARY
WAR. By Edward J. Lowell. With
maps and plans. i2mo, pp. 328. New-
York : Harper & Brothers. 1884.

This work is an interesting and impor-
tant contribution to the history of the Amer-
ican Revolution. We have heard much of
the French soldiers and seamen who aided
our honored patriots in their struggle for
independence; but it should be remembered as
well, that a force of between fifteen and twenty
thousand German auxiliaries served against
us for seven years, adding materially to the
disadvantages and difficulties with which our
forefathers contended. Upwards of 29,000 Ger-
mans (or Hessians) were brought to this country
by the British, more than 12,000 of whom never
returned to their native land. Mr. Lowell shows
what sort of people these auxiliaries were, and
the impression made upon them by America and
the Americans. He has no sympathy for the
German despots who sold their subjects into a
foreign land to fight in a quarrel in which their
own country had no part or interest whatever.
But having studied with pains-taking care the
original German records and accounts of every
engagement of the Revolutionary war in which
the Hessians took part, he is able to throw new
light upon many points, and to add some fresh
material to our storehouse of knowledge relating
to these events. The book will be highly val-
ued by students ; and the subject is presented
in a style so clear, forcible and flowing as to be
peculiarly engaging to the general reader. One
of the most graphic chapters in the volume con-
cerns the passage of the purchased troops from
Germany to America. The German writers are
themselves no apologists for the treatment of
their unhappy countrymen by avaricious poten-
tates. Mr. Lowell says : " But the infamy of
the man-selling princes is perpetuated in Ger-
many more by the words of the best-beloved of
her poets than by those of the two greatest gen-
erals of the last century. In his tragedy of ' Ca-
bale and Liebe,' written during the progress of
the American war, Schiller has left an eloquent
protest against the vile traffic. ' But none were
forced to go?' says Lady Milford to the old
chamberlain, who is telling her how his two
sons, with 7,000 of their countrymen have been
sent off to America. ' Oh, God ! no,' he an-
swers— ' all volunteers. It is true, a few saucy
fellows stepped out of the ranks and asked the
colonels how much a yoke the prince sold
men ; but our most gracious master ordered
all the regiments to march on the parade ground,

and had the jackanapes shot down. We heard,
the crack of the rifles, saw their brains spatter
to the pavement, and the whole army shouted,
' Hurrah ! to America ! ' "

NEWFOUNDLAND. ITS HISTORY, ITS
PRESENT CONDITION, AND ITS
PROSPECTS IN THE FUTURE. By
Joseph Hatton, and the Rev. M. Harvey.
Reprinted from the English edition ; revised,
corrected and enlarged. Illustrated. 8vo.,
pp. 431. Boston : Doyle & Whittle. 1883.

We cordially welcome this American edition of
a new history of England's oldest colony. Dis-
covered three hundred years ago, Newfound-
land has only in these latter days been explored.
Seventy years since it was unlawful to build a
house on the island without government per-
mission. Until a recent date the cultivation of
the soil even was not in order. Half a century
ago there were no regularly constructed roads
in the country, and hardly a dwelling worthy of
the name. The result of scientific investigation
has finally demonstrated that the land is not only
fertile, but rich in useful minerals ; and New-
foundland has now entered upon a course of
self-development that promises a bountiful har-
vest in the future. Its history is thus ren-
dered all the more interesting ; and it is told in
this volume, by a resident of the island for
a quarter of a century, a clerical gentleman
of studious tastes and wide information — well
known to the learned societies of Europe, and
through his writings to the general world of let-
ters— aided by the accomplished London author,
Mr. Hatton, whose editorial skill is discernable
on every page. The work treats not only of
history, but of the fisheries, the agricultural and
mineral resources of the island, and also of its
topography, physical geography, and other feat-
ures of general moment. The first step toward
the construction of a railway in Newfoundland
was taken in 1875, when a preliminary survey of
a line from St. John's to St. George's Bay was
made under the direction of Mr. Sandford Flem-
ing, then engineer-in-chief of Canadian railways.
The first sod of the first railway was turned on
the gth of August, 1881, and in September, 1882,
thirty-five miles were completed and in running
order. In July, 1883, forty-five miles were com-
pleted. It was not until 1843 that the Legis-
lature of Newfoundland took any action con-
cerning education in the colony. The volume
before us contains much valuable statistical in-
formation in relation to schools, churches, postal
communications, banks, newspapers, etc., etc.,
and presents some thirty illustrations.

BOOK NOTICES

367

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA, from the Discovery of the Con-
tinent. By George Bancroft. The author's
last Revision. Vol. IV. 8vo. , pp.452. New
York : D. Appleton & Co. 1884.
Mr. Bancroft's fourth volume covers the ex-
citing period from May, 1774, to July, 1776.
" America takes up arms for self-defence and
arrives at independence." In his opening para-
graph he says : " The people of the continent
obeyed one general impulse, as the earth in
spring listens to the command of Nature and
without the appearance of effort bursts into life.
The movement was quickened, even when it
was most resisted ; and its fiercest adversaries
worked with the most effect for its fulfillment."
In this fine passage we strike the key-note of the
volume. The situation of Boston is described
with characteristic eloquence. The slow torture
was applied. Presently the busy workshops
were changed into scenes of compulsory idleness.
Want scowled on the inhabitants. The boats
that plied between Boston and Charlestown
could not ferry a parcel of goods across Charles
River. And all these coercive measures were
regarded by their authors as masterpieces of
statesmanship. But they accomplished just the
opposite results from those intended. The whole
continent sympathized with and made the cause
of Boston its own. The British ministry
failed even to allure, intimidate, or divide New
York, which was supposed to be more loyal to
the crown than the other colonies. And to the
amazement of Britain — "the mighty mother who
bred men capable of laying the foundation of so
noble an empire " — a general congress of the
colonies was called at Philadelphia.

The new generation of readers will hardly
take up this revised edition of Mr. Bancroft's
history for the purpose of criticism, or of com-
paring it line by line and chapter by chapter
with the product of his pen many years ago.
But the benefit of his artistic touches — his prun-
ing and softening and condensing, while care-
fully preserving all the substantial features of
his earlier work — will be none the less admired
and appreciated as the years roll on. The
beauty and symmetry of his plan, and the breadth
of his research, is perhaps more forcibly illus-
trated in the present volume than in either of
its predecessors. Treating of only two mo-
mentous years, the author is obliged to travel
over a vast extent of territory, and gather the
innumerable threads of his subject from widely
separated sources into a firm, vigorous grasp. The
reader is carried along the smooth current, from
one colony to another, looks into the assemblies
and congresses on this continent, and into the
king's cabinet and Parliament on the other, and
becomes acquainted with the leaders of opinion
and of revolution. Of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, with which the volume closes, Mr.

Bancroft says : " This immortal state paper was
' the genuine effusion of the soul of the countiy
at that time,' the revelation of its mind, when, in
its youth, its enthusiasm, its sublime confront-
ing of danger, it rose to the highest creative
powers of which man is capable. The bill of
rights which it promulgates is of rights that are
older than human institutions, and spring from
eternal justice. Two politic theories divided the
world ; one founded the commonwealth on the
advantage of the state, the policy of Expe-
diency, the other on the immutable principles
of morals ; the new republic, as it took its place
among the powers of the world, proclaimed its
faith in the truth and reality and unchangeable-
ness of freedom, virtue and right. And the
astonished nations, as they read that all men
are created equal, started out of their lethargy,
like those who have been exiles from childhood,
when they suddenly hear the dimly-remembered
accents of their mother tongue."

MY HOUSE : An Ideal. By Oliver B. Bunce.

i6mo, pp. 108. New York : Charles Scribner's

Sons. 1884.

This unique little volume tells its own story.
It is a picture, and one so pleasing that it cannot
fail to be well studied. The author says: " My
house is not a congregation of strange forms and
devices, nor a medley of things known and un-
known. It does not pierce the sky with pin-
nacles, nor confront one with towers and tur-
rets that are suspiciously only toy towers and
make-believe turrets. Its roof is not mounted
with a would-be cupola that holds nothing but
its own weight, that is accessible to nothing
but the fowls of the air, and resembles nothing
but an exaggerated bird-cage. It does not stand
overweighted by a Mansard roof, nor is it en-
compassed by a piazza distorted with feeble or-
namentation or variegated in badly composed
pigments. It is not a costly house, nor is it yet
a mean house. It is not a mansion, but it is
something more than a cottage. It is not an
architect's house, because if it were it would
have been built after the latest ruling fashion ;
nor is it a builder's house, as in that case it
would include all the regulation pretensions and
infelicities of the time.

" My house was meant to delight the in-
structed taste as well as to charm the heart ; there-
fore, it was not built solely as a screen from the
weather, nor with all the practical purposes of a
house solely in view. It serves all the needs of
a house, inasmuch as it secures the physical
comfort of its inmates ; but that at the best is
only an elementary idea of a house. My house
is a home ; it is a retreat ; it is a place that
charms ; it is a spot that endears ; it is a haven
wherein the best that is within us may blossom."

The reader is cordially invited into this ideal
house, and we predict more than one agreeable

36S

BOOK NOTICES

and instructive lesson will be the result of the
visit. The author's theme is art and not trick-
ery ; his purpose is to show how to bring about
good results by right methods. The book can
be read with profit, and we heartily commend it
to every household in the country.

THE SEMI-CENTENNIAL OF IOWA. A
Record of the Commemoration of the Fiftieth
Anniversary of the Settlement of Iowa, held
at Burlington, June I, 18S3. i2mo, pamphlet,
pp. 104. Burlington : Hawkeye Book and
Job Printing House, 1883.
Fifty years ago Iowa contained only scattered
Indian villages, and here and there a trading
post. It had no roads save Indian trails across
the prairies. " In the fall of 1833," said Dr.
Wm. R. Ross — first postmaster and first sur-
veyor in the State — " I had two cabins built on
my claim west of this Park (in Burlington) which
were occupied by my family in March, 1834 ;
also a cabin for a school-house, and for preach-
ing, occupied by Mr. Philips, whom I hired to
make rails and fence the ground for pasture and
garden." During the same autumn the town
was surveyed, and in January, 1 834, the citizens
met and named it Burlington. The first minis-
ter was Rev. Baron G. Cartwright, who had an ox
team " to plow and break prairie through the
week," and was to preach on Sunday.

The first permanent settlement in Iowa was
in the summer of 1833, following the ratification
of the treaty with the Indians. The first day of
June, 1833, was the date fixed for the quiet de-
parture of the savages from the territory. In
1836 the town of Burlington was made the seat
of government for the whole region now em-
braced in the three States of Iowa, Wisconsin
and Minnesota, and the Territory of Dakota. In
1838, Congress divided Wisconsin from Iowa,
"and the 'Hawkeyes' said to the 'Badgers,'
you may go and not stand upon the order in
which you retire. Our hearts' best wishes will
ever attend Grandma Michigan and Mother Wis-
consin, but look out or your daughter will
' eclipse her progenitors.' " An up-river
steamer arriving the same day (June 12), the
Governor and the Wisconsin officials of the
Legislature took passage for their Northern
homes. Since then Iowa has grown with such
rapidity that at the recent census it was found
that her population had reached upward of one
and one-half millions. And the value of prop-
erty in the State is estimated at about $1,200,-
000,000.

This pamphlet is a collection of speeches
made on the occasion of Iowa's fiftieth anniver-
sary, and embraces no small amount of historical
and statistical information in reference to the
State.

DOROTHEA SCOTT, OTHERWISE
GOTHERSON AND HOGLEEN, OF
EGERTON HOUSE, KENT, 1611-1680,
A new and enlarged edition. By G. D.
Scull, i2mo (square), pp. 216. Printed for
private circulation, by Parker & Co., Oxford,
England, 1883.

Dorothea Scott, born in 161 1, was the daugh-
ter of Thomas Scott, of Egerton, in Kent, and
the great grand-daughter of Sir Reginald, the
head of the ancient family of the Scotts, of
Scot's hall. Her grandmother was the daughter
of Sir Thomas Wyatt, of Arlington Castle, Kent,
son of Sir Thomas Wyatt, the poet and minister
of Henry VIII. The manor of Egerton became
in due course of events the property of Dorothea
Scott, and her estate at that time was valued at
£500 per annum. About the year 1680 she with
her family removed to Long Island, where she
resided until her death, and her descendants are
now scattered through this country. The
volume contains many of the incidents of her
troubled life, and a reprint of a little book she
wrote, entitled "A Call to Repentance," ad-
dressed to Charles II., in 1661 ; also a brief
notice of a religious appeal written by her hus-
band, Daniel Gotherson, and printed in 1660,
containing some curious particulars connected
with a public dispute in 1659, between a clergy-
man of Sandwich and three members of the
Society of Friends. A considerable portion of
the work is devoted to genealogical and family
matters, and a valuable pedigree follows the
appendix.

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES IN
RHYME. By Robert C. Adams. i2mo,
pp. 72. Boston, 1884. D. Lothrop & Co.
This is a companion volume to Mr. Adams'
clever little History of England in Rhyme,
published a year or two since. The author
claims for it no special literary merit, but has
aimed to impress dates, names, and events
upon the minds of young readers by the aid of
agreeable rhymes. We are sorry to see some
notable errors which should not be perpetuated
among the children ; but the principle of con-
densation in such rhyming is good. The best
part of the work is the summary of Colonies and
States, which closes the book.

THE BAY STATE MONTHLY. Nos. I.,
II., III. A new Massachusetts Magazine.
Each number contains sixty-four pages of excel-
lent reading matter, a steel engraving and other
illustrations. It promises to develop the ro-
mance in Massachusetts Colonial and State
history ; and also to illustrate descriptions of
manufacturing towns, their rise, growth, and
present status with many other valuable features.

WILLIAM III. OF ENGLAND.
(l689— 1702.)

MAGAZINE OF AMERICAN HISTORY

Vol. XI MAY, 1884 No. 5

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

A GROUP OF VIRGINIA STATESMEN

THE Virginia Convention, which assembled at Williamsburg in May,
1776, committed the whole country to revolution. If a " properly
limited " monarchy is the best form of government and was still attain-
able, the statesmen of the time blundered. If a properly limited republic,
which they had in view, is the best, they were the soundest political
thinkers of history. Their action precipitated the issue. A small body
of farmers in a provincial town not only declared war against an empire,
but brought on the definite conflict between the monarchic and republican
ideas, which is the great political feature of the modern world.

The phrase "properly limited " was used by Jefferson in a letter to
John Randolph in August, 1775. " I would rather be in dependence on
Great Britain properly limited, " he said, " than upon any other nation
upon earth, or than on no nation." Thus the statesman of more advanced
views, perhaps, than any of his contemporaries, thought on the very
threshold of the revolution, that a limited monarchy was to be pre-
ferred to a republic. Within less than a year he and nearly all other
Americans had made up their minds that a republic was best ; and the
result was a new departure of the human race. The revolution followed,
and if it had failed the whole current of modern history would have set in
another direction. It was an open trial of strength between the Old
World and the New. When the representatives of the people of Virginia
asserted that " All power is vested in and consequently derived from the
people," and, after directing their delegates in Congress to propose a gen-
eral declaration of independence, proceeded to declare Virginia an inde-
pendent Commonwealth, and adopt a republican constitution, the two con-
flicting principles of government had come to deadly issue, and nothing
but the appeal to arms could decide it.

Vol. XI.— No. 5.-25

3/0

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

This action of the Virginia- Convention, which brought on the armed
struggle with Great Britain, may be summed up in a few words. The first
step was taken on the 15th of May, and the last on the 29th of June, 1776.

I. The Virginia delegates in Congress were instructed " to propose to
that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent
States."

II. A " Declaration of Rights made by the Good People of Virginia,"
laying down the fundamental principles of republican government, was
made — the first written charter of equal rights in history.

THE OLD RALEIGH TAVERN.

(As it appeared during the Revolution. From an antique print.)

III. All further political connection between Virginia and Great Britain
was declared to be " totally dissolved."

IV. A Constitution for the Commonwealth of Virginia was adopted
without conditions looking to its abrogation, and asserting the claim of
absolute sovereignty — " the first written Constitution of a free State in the
annals of the world."

The incidents surrounding this great proclamation of human rights,
and the real characters of the men who made it, deserve attention. It is
doubtful whether many besides students are familiar with the subject ;

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

371

and, worse still, the men themselves have been persistently misrepre-
sented. Historians, as well as the writers of polemic, have conspired to
caricature them, and the student, in order to arrive at the truth, is com-
pelled to clear away a great mass of misstatements. Virginia historians
have led the way in casting slurs upon their ancestors. Mr. Jefferson

a^y^^^2^^^

began the work. He described the planters in favor of deliberate
action as mere " cyphers of aristocracy," who were behind the times ; and
Mr. Wirt, in his Life of Henry, gladly took up the cry that the opponents
of the great orator were laggards. Mr. Burk, a passionate radical and
admirer of Jefferson, echoed the same views ; Mr. Campbell and others
followed him; and Mr. Grigsby violently repudiated the idea that the
planter or cavalier element amounted to anything in Virginia society or

372

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

affairs. " Miserable figment ! outrageous calumny ! " he exclaimed, with
indignation ; " the Cavalier was a compound slave — a slave to the King
and a slave to the Church ! I look with contempt on the miserable
figment which seeks to trace the distinguishing points of the Virginia
character to the influence of those butterflies of the British aristocracy,
who came over to the colony to feed on whatever crumbs they might
gather in some petty office."

Thus the great Virginia leaders, if we are to listen to the historians,

APOLLO ROOM OF THE RALEIGH TAVERN.

were ciphers or butterflies ; for nothing is more certain than that the men
who directed the revolutionary outburst in Virginia were Cavaliers, or
Church and King's men.* Their critics represent them as having been
hostile from habit and conviction to popular right. At least, the slaves of
Church and King did a good work in their generation, since they pro-
claimed religious freedom, overthrew monarchy, and established republican
government.

The time has come now when it is incumbent on historical writers to
no longer follow each other like a flock of sheep. More accurate study of
the original records has shown the futility of these stereotyped views.

* Bishop Meade, in his "Old Churches," makes the remarkable statement : " From our exami-
nation of the old vestry books, we are convinced that there are not three on this list (of the
members of the Convention of 1776) who were not vestrymen of the Episcopal Church."

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

373

Those old Virginians were not " pieces of perfection," and had a great many
faults, like other people ; but the historians ought to have understood that
they were neither ciphers nor butterflies, and that the "high pride " justly
attributed to them was the origin of their resistance to wrong. No men
oppose an invasion of their rights more stubbornly than those who possess
this personal pride ; the habit of command makes them the last people to
submit to it. The Virginia planters were English subjects, and until the
end of 1775 never wished to be anything else. Even Jefferson, the revo-

BERKELEY

Residence of Benjamin Harrison. Birthplace 0/ President William Henry Harrison.

lutionist, preferred dependence, he said, on Great Britain rather than on
any other nation, " or than on no nation," if the rights of the Americans
were respected. When it was seen that these rights were to be dis-
regarded by the Mother Country, the " compound slaves, cyphers and
butterflies," of the historical imagination, not only resisted the wrong, but
became the leaders of the revolutionary movement which resulted in the
independence of the whole country.

These facts are so plain from the records that it is surprising to find
writers asserting the contrary. The explanation is personal prejudice,
either of race or opinion — but neither should be an apology for distorting

374

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

OLD CAPITO:,,

" The focus of Rebellion in Virginia.

history. The present article aims at giving, without fear or favor, the real
likenesses of the Virginia leaders; and the material for their portraits fortu-
nately exists. It is not to be found in the general histories, but in detached
memoirs, the private correspondence of the time, and in authentic tradition
handed down from father to son. The events are also framed in the con-
temporary details, and are best understood from them ; and in embodying
these forgotten details, the writer believes that he is doing a service to
history.

When the Virginia Convention met, American affairs had reached a
crisis. The country had drifted into war, and it was raging without any
formal declaration of hostilities. It had begun at Concord a year before ;
fighting had followed in Canada; and Lord Howe was now moving from
Boston followed by Washington, who was hastening to the defence of New
York. The country was thus in flagrant war, and the status of the colonies
remained undefined — were the Americans fighting for their rights to be
regarded as rebels or as belligerents ? The time had come to decide that
question, and the leaders felt the enormous responsibility resting upon
them. It was a question of life and death ; for nothing was more certain
than the fate of the country as conquered territory. The absolute subjec-
tion of the entire population to a King and Parliament inflamed by hate;

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

375

the halter for the leaders ; the confiscation of private property ; the grind-
ing despotism which was sure to be visited on the revolted provinces to
punish them — these were the certain results of an unsuccessful struggle.
There was long hesitation before the boldest determined to take the last
step. A few lines from a private letter of Thomas Nelson, a member of
the Virginia Convention, written early in May, 1776, probably record
the sentiment of the leaders in all the colonies at the moment. " My
thoughts have been sorely employed," he wrote, " on the great question
whether independence ought, or ought not, to be immediately declared.
Having weighed the arguments on both sides, I am clearly of opinion that
we must, as we value the liberties of America, or even her existence, with-
out a moment's delay declare for independence." These patriotic words,
as will now be seen, expressed the general conviction. The leaders of the
Virginia people, long waiting, saw that the moment had come ; and the
condition of affairs in the colony called especially for prompt action.

Lord Dunmore, the royal governor,
had fled from the capital a year before,
and at the head of a motley rout of ne-
groes and rabble, was laying waste the
banks of the Chesapeake. In the absence
of an executive, the colony had been
governed by a Committee of Safety, but
this organization was merely provisional,
and trouble had already arisen from it.
Patrick Henry had been appointed Com-
mander-in-chief of the Virginia forces,
and when the committee sent a subordi-
nate officer to attack Dunmore at Norfolk,
with orders to report directly to them,
Henry bitterly protested against this sup-
posed slight. A fully empowered execu-
tive was plainly essential to the public
welfare, and it was necessary to deter-
mine by what authority he was to hold
his office. If as the representative of
George III. there was an end to all _^^
further discussion. If as the rep- vJQ
resentative of the Virginia people,

and of them alone, the fact ought

to be authoritatively proclaimed ; {imported from England in i77o.)

376

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and the appointment of such an executive necessarily involved the estab-
lishment of a government under which he was to act.

The Convention met at Williamsburg on May 6, 1776, and held its ses-
sions in the historic " Old Capitol,"which had been the scene of so many strug-
gles, among the rest of that on the Stamp Act. This building, which was
of considerable size and pretension for the time, stood at one end of Duke
of Gloucester Street, the main thoroughfare of the provincial capital. In
shape it resembled an H, a covered gallery thirty feet in length, surmount-
ed by a cupola and clock, connecting the two wings. The fronts on each

side were approached through lofty porti-
coes, with iron balconies above ; and double
doors, each six feet wide, gave access to
the hall of the Convention, and the cor-
responding room in the opposite wing,
which was that of the General Court. The
hall was fifty feet long and twenty-five
feet wide, with a floor of flagstones. The
Speaker's chair stood on a dais, with a red
curtain supported by a gilded rod behind
it ; and the clerk's desk was below, with
the silver mace lying upon it whenever the
body was in full session. To complete this
sketch of the historic hall of the old House
of Burgesses, the members sat on chairs
or benches, and the room was heated by an
ancient and curious stove, which, with the
Speaker's chair and curtain, may still be
seen in the Capitol at Richmond.

The time had been when, at the sum-
mons of the royal governors, the Burgesses
marched in procession to the Council
Chamber above — to be received with cor-
dial respect if the governor's name was
Fauquier or Botetourt, or with scowls and
reprimands if his name was Dunmore.
Times had changed now, and when Patrick
Henry came to take the seat of Dunmore, as he soon did, that ceremony
went with other things into the past.

The Convention began its session with a great crowd looking on from
the lobby and gallery ; and Edmund Pendleton was elected to preside over

THE SPEAKERS CHAIR.

{Engraved from a photograph.

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

377

it. As President of the Committee of Safety, he had been held responsi-
ble for the alleged slight offered Patrick Henry, and the friends of the latter
nominated Thomas Ludwell Lee. Pendleton's " fortunate star" prevailed,
and he was elected and ad-
dressed the Convention, after
which the body proceeded to
the work before it. The work
was hard and thoroughly per-
formed, as a private letter of
the time shows. The commit-
tees met at seven in the morn-
ing, and sat until nine ; then
the Convention assembled, and,
with a brief intermission for
dinner, sat until ten at night.
From the first day of the ses-
sion the main business for which
they had come together absorb-
ed them; and on the 15th of
May the first great step was
taken. Thomas Nelson on that
day presented to the Conven-
tion, sitting as a Committee of
the Whole House, a preamble

and resolutions written by Edmund Pendleton. The preamble recited the
wrongs of the colonies, and the first resolution instructed the Virginia dele-
gates in Congress " to propose to that respectable body to declare the
United colonies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance
to, or dependence upon, the crown or parliament of Great Britain ; and
that they give the assent of the Colony to such declaration." The second
resolution was for the appointment of a committee " to prepare a Decla-
ration of Rights, and such a plan of government as will be most likely
to maintain peace and order in this Colony, and secure substantial and
equal liberty to the people."

These resolutions passed the Convention by a unanimous vote — " the
opponents being so few, " wrote George Mason to Richard Henry Lee,
" that they did not think fit to divide or contradict the general voice."

Patrick Henry had supported the resolutions with all the fire of his
wonderful eloquence, and thus the names of Pendleton, Nelson and Henry
are inseparably connected with this first great step inaugurating revolution.

EDMUND PENDLETON.

3/8 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Henry's career is so familiar that only a. few personal details in refer-
ence to him need be presented ; as some of them have never before been
published, they may interest the reader. There exists a very prevalent
error as to his social origin, which is said to have been ignoble. This state-
ment has no foundation. His father, Colonel Henry, was a gentleman of re-
spectability, a classical scholar, a presiding magistrate when that office was
only conferred upon persons of social position, and a good churchman and
royalist who " drank the King's health at the head of his regiment." An-
other error in relation to Patrick Henry is his supposed want of education,
and Mr. Wirt dwells upon all these points as tending to enhance the splen-
dor of his genius. Unfortunately, the statements are all untrue. The
famous " Man of the People " and " Prophet of Revolution," as his con-
temporaries styled him, was not uneducated, any more than he was of
low origin. On the contrary, he was so well educated that at fifteen he
read Livy and Virgil in the original, and his " standard volume" through-
out life was that difficult book, Butler's Analogy of Religion. He remained
a poor scholar for no other reason than that he had little taste for reading.
He was also indolent by nature, and only capable of sustained exertion
when his interest was excited. The fact explains the early failures so
much dwelt upon by Mr. Wirt. He failed in farming because he had no
taste for agriculture, and became bankrupt as a country store-keeper be-
cause trade was equally repugnant to him. This is the sufficient explana-
tion of all those idle hunting and fishing excursions, the violin playing and
story telling when he ought to have been attending to his business, which
his biographers have so much emphasized as a contrast to his subsequent
career. Like other human beings, he avoided what was disagreeable to
him and turned to what was agreeable. He was a natural and genuine
man; loved plain company and rustic humor; and was once discovered,
when he was old and famous, lying on his back and playing his violin for a
crowd of children tumbling over him — traits attributable, one and all, to
his strong human sympathies. There is nothing to show that he was con-
sidered by his contemporaries a rude or ignorant person. From some chance
phrases in his private letters he seems to have shared Jefferson's distrust
of the planter class ; but the old " nabobs " were not so absurd as to re-
gard him as their social inferior.

His wonderful oratory made him a thousand times their superior. By
the common consent of all his contemporaries his eloquence was inde-
scribable ; and even Jefferson, who indulged in somewhat undemocratic
sneers at his origin, said that " he spoke as Homer wrote." Mr. Wirt has
cast a doubt by his rhetoric upon this point as upon others. His exag-

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

379

geration enfeebles the delineation. But enough has been established to
make it certain that Patrick Henry was one of the two or three greatest
orators of the world. One of his contemporaries, who had often felt the
spell of his eloquence, declared that his force lay rather in his manner than

(From the Portrait by Sully.)

in his matter — " in the greatness of his emotion and passion, the match-
less perfection of the organs of expression ; the intonation, pause, gesture,
attitude, and indescribable play of countenance." It is certain that he
swayed every assembly which he addressed, apparently at his pleasure.
Whenever he was fully aroused he overthrew all opposition, and forced his

380 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

listeners as from a species of magnetism to accept his views as the only true
ones. Any comparison of him with the very greatest of his contemporaries,
would only establish their inferiority. His superiority was acknowledged.
When he rose in Congress and exclaimed, " British oppression has effaced
the boundaries of the several colonies — the distinctions between Virginians,
Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more — I am
not a Virginian but an American ! " his listeners are said to have declared
him the greatest public speaker on the continent.

No writer speaking of Henry should omit to notice his devout piety.
He wrote in his will, " I have now disposed of all my property to my
family : there is one thing more I wish I could give them, and that is the
Christian religion. If they have that, and I had not given them one shilling
they would be rich : and if they have not that, and I had given them all
this world, they would be poor." In person Henry was tall, ungraceful,
and stooped. His eyes were blue, his expression grave, and he wore buck-
skin short-clothes, yarn stockings, and a wig without powder. These
details are set down as parts of the personal portrait of one in reference
to whom every trifle must interest — for this man changed the destiny of
the North American Continent.

In the Convention which had now assembled Henry was naturally one
of the foremost advocates of decisive action. This had been his one idea
throughout his whole career — in his first speech in the Parsons' Cause, his
resolutions against the Stamp Act, and his great outburst in the Conven-
tion of 1775, when he had exclaimed, " The war is inevitable— let it come !"
A year had passed and events had shown that his passionate appeals
were wiser than moderate counsels. The country was plunged into
war, and the Virginia Convention had again met to decide upon the
course of Virginia. When the resolution was introduced instructing the
delegates of the colony in Congress to propose independence, Henry
ardently supported it, and his speech is said to have been the great
feature of the debate. The discussion, however, was brief. The party for
deliberate action had at last joined hands with the extreme revolutionists
— a fact sufficiently plain since the resolutions had been written by Ed-
mund Pendleton.

Pendleton was the leader of the party for deliberate action. He be-
longed to a " good family fallen to decay," as he wrote in his old age, the
first of whom had come to Virginia about a century before, and in his
boyhood was left an orphan without resources. His poor estate soon
changed. He worked industriously and bought books, became clerk of
Caroline Court, then a member of the bar, and entering the Burgesses at

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

3« i

about thirty, soon rose to distinction. The whole constitution of his mind
was opposed to revolution and separation from England. He was a de-
voted and ardent churchman, believed that a leveling democracy was
dangerous to society, and " had that intuitive love of prescription, so
marked a trait in the eminent lawyers of England." Like Washington
and many other eminent men of the time, he hoped and believed that
American wrongs would be redressed ; but rinding this hope vain, he u op-
posed the violent who were for plunging us into rash measures " with the

SEAT OF PATRICK HENRY.

(From a Picture in Howe's Historical Collections of Virginia.')

view to " raise the spirits of the timid to a general united opposition."
The policy here set forth in his own words, in his latter years, was that
which made him the leader of the planter class, to which he belonged.
He and they were the " slaves of Church and King " so bitterly denounced ;
and as the representative of the views of that influential class the most re-
sponsible positions were accorded to him as of right. He was made president
of nearly all the conventions : represented Virginia in the General Congress ;
and at the most critical moment of the struggle, when there was no ex-
ecutive and all was in confusion, was appointed President of the Com-

382 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

mittee of Safety which held control of the purse and sword of the
Commonwealth.*

Pendleton's distinction in the eyes of the community was rather that
of the statesman and jurisconsult than of the public speaker; but in
this direction also he was one of the most eminent men of his epoch.
Jefferson, his bitter opponent on the social questions of the time, said that
he was " the ablest man in debate he had ever met with ; " and Mr. Wirt
on the authority of tradition, characterized his oratory as " a perennial
stream of transparent, cool and sweet elocution," which carried persuasion
to all who listened to it. His person is said to have added to the effect of
his oratory. His face was " of the first order of manly beauty, his voice
clear and silver-toned and under perfect control, and his manner so fasci-
nating as to charm all who came in contact with him." His portrait,
which has been preserved, supports the statement in regard to his appear-
ance. It is a fine, strong face, framed in a flowing peruke, and full of
mildness and courtesy. When this leader of the party who may be styled
the conservative revolutionists, went foremost for armed resistance by
drawing up the resolutions inaugurating it, the temper of the entire Con-
vention may be understood.f

Thomas Nelson, who was selected to present the resolutions, belonged
to a family many members of which had been prominent in public affairs
under the old colonial regime. As yet unknown beyond the limits of
Virginia, he was to secure three titles to wide distinction — as one of the
signers of the Declaration of Independence, as Governor of Virginia, and
as Commander of the Virginia forces at Yorktown, where he directed with
his own hands the American fire on the Nelson house in the town. His
memory has a peculiar claim on the people of Virginia, since he ruined his
private fortune to supply food for the troops, and retain them in the field.
A tardy acknowledgment of his patriotism was the erection of the bronze
statue of him at Richmond. It represents accurately, in the broad brow,
the firm lips and the resolute attitude of the figure, a man whose name
belongs to the roll of illustrious Virginians.

The three persons here selected from the group of celebrities for
special notice, were those most directly connected with the resolution for
independence. The resolution passed the Convention by a unanimous

* The names of this corps d'elite of revolutionary worthies ought not to be forgotten. They
were Edmund Pendleton, George Mason, John Page, Richard Bland, Thomas Ludwell Lee, Paul
Carrington, Dudley Digges, William Cabell, Carter Braxton, James Mercer, and John Tabb,

f Edmund Pendleton was a brother of Nathaniel Pendleton, the second of Hamilton in his
duel with Burr.

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

383

vote, was at once transmitted to the delegates in Philadelphia, and the
Convention then proceeded to a step more important than any before
taken — that of declaring Virginia an independent Commonwealth in
advance of the action of the general Congress.

The dates of the great events of this critical period will show their
relation to each other.

On June 7th, Richard Henry Lee, in obedience to the Virginia instruc-
tions, moved in Congress : " That these United Colonies are and ought to
be free and independent States, and that all political connection between
them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved."
The debate on this resolution took place on Saturday the 8th and Monday —

June 10th, when, as six of the colonies were not yet prepared to vote,
the further consideration of the subject was deferred until —

July 1st, when the debate was resumed, and continued for nine hours

384 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

uninterruptedly, but no vote was taken. Final action was postponed to
the next day —

July 2d, when the resolution offered by Richard Henry Lee was
carried, and —

July 4th, the Declaration of Independence was adopted by Congress.

The second day of July was thus the date of the American decision
that all further political connection with Great Britain should be " totally
dissolved." On the 29th of June, about three days before, the Virginia
Convention, speaking for Virginia, had taken the same step, and had
employed the same phrase, ''totally dissolved." These are the dates:

June 15th.— " A Declaration of Rights of the good people of Virginia"
— passed by a unanimous vote.

June 24th. — "A Constitution or Form of Government" was reported
to the Convention, with a preamble declaring that all political connection
between Virginia and Great Britain was " totally dissolved."

June 29th. — The Constitution and preamble were adopted by a unani-
mous vote.

Thus, whatever might be the action of Congress, the Virginia people
had decided upon their own course. They had declared themselves inde-
pendent of Great Britain, adopted a republican form of government, and
were ready to defend it with the sword.

The Declaration of Rights and Constitution were written by George
Mason ; the preamble by Jefferson, then absent in Congress.

Mason was, from many points of view, a remarkable man. He was the
descendant of a Colonel in the army of Charles II., and a planter of large
possessions on the Potomac, not far from Mount Vernon. He had lived in
retirement with the exception of one session spent as a member of the House
of Burgesses, enjoying the " unreserved friendship " of Washington, wrapped
up in his " dear little family," absorbed in his favorite study of political
law and the ancient charters, and had yielded, it seems unwillingly, to the
wish of his neighbors that he should represent them in the Convention.
In person he was large and athletic, with a swarthy complexion, an
expression of the eyes described as "half 'sad, half severe," an/I under his
formal and reserved manner, Jefferson said, had "a dash of biting cyni-
cism." Of this, and the resolution of his character, two anecdotes give an
illustration. When an opponent in politics said that the people of Fairfax
knew that " Colonel Mason's mind was failing him from age," he retorted
that his opponent had one consolation, " When his mind failed him, no
one would ever discover it ! " And when, in 1788, he was informed that if
he opposed the ratification of the Federal Constitution the people of

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

385

Alexandria would mob him, he mounted his horse, rode to the town, and
going up the Court-house steps, said to the Sheriff, " Mr. Sheriff, will you
make proclamation that George Mason will address the people ? " A
crowd assembled, and Mason addressed them, denouncing the Constitution
with bitter invective, after which he mounted his horse and returned home.
He was not opposed to Union, for he wrote in 1778 : " If I can only live
to see the American Union firmly fixed, and can leave to my children but

a crust of bread and liberty, I shall die satisfied ; " and speaking of the
Virginia Constitution, he wrote: " I trust that neither the power of Great
Britain nor the power of Hell will be able to prevail against it."

It was this man of royalist descent, a thorough churchman and repre-
sentative of the class denounced as ciphers of aristocracy, who was now
called upon to draw up the Bill of Rights proclaiming religious freedom
and the rights of man. The paper was written in his room in the Raleigh
tavern at Williamsburg, without books to refer to, and has been described

Vol. XL— No. 5.-26

386 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

as containing " the quintessence of all the great principles and doctrines of
freedom wrought out by the people of England from the earliest times,
and which lie at the foundations of society." Its scope is much more ex-
tensive than either Magna Charta or the Petition of Rights, and it may be
called with truth the first written charter of equal rights in history. The
writer lays down as a fundamental principle that all men are " by nature
equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights of which
they cannot by any compact deprive their posterity," namely, " the enjoy-
ment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing prop-
erty, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety." All the powers
of society are "vested in, and consequently derived from, the people ; " and
" magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to
them." Government is instituted for the benefit of all, and when it trans-
cends its powers, "a majority of the community has the right to alter or
abolish it;" but the majority ought to be of those possessing "sufficient evi-
dence of permanent interest with and attachment to the community." The
freedom of the press is " one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never
be restrained but by despotic governments." The natural defense of a
state is u a well regulated militia." Standing armies are " dangerous to
liberty;" and "in all cases the military should be under strict subordina-
tion to, and governed by, the civil power." As to religion, as that is " the
duty which we owe to our Creator, the manner of discharging it can be di-
rected only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence ; and, there-
fore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion according
to the dictates of conscience."

The great principles here laid down, with a single exception, are now so
thoroughly established that American readers of the nineteenth century
may think that little merit is due to the men who proclaimed them. They
were not so plain a century ago. A large part of mankind then believed
that all the powers of government were not vested in the people ; that a
majority of the people had not the right to abolish them ; that the free-
dom of the press was dangerous, and ought to be restrained ; that standing
armies were necessary ; and that the exercise of religion ought to be regu-
lated by, and in subjection to, the civil authority. That Mason and his
associates rose above these old prejudices of the past, and announced the
true principles which ought to govern society, constitutes their claim to
be regarded as benefactors of humanity.

The one principle of the Declaration which is the exception to its full
adoption by the men of to-day, is the restriction of the electoral franchise.
The leaders of the time meant to establish a republic, not a democracy;

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

387

GUNSTON HALL.

Home of George Mason.

and believed that the right of suffrage ought to be confined to those having
a permanent interest in the community. This principle had been first pro-
claimed by the Virginia Cromwellians of the old English Commonwealth
period, and for a century it had been the law of the colony that those only
should be allowed to vote who, " by their estates, real or personal, had in-
terest enough to tye them to the endeavour of the publique good." They
had tried universal suffrage, and it produced " tumults at elections ; " so that
the Declaration of Rights restricted the franchise to freeholders. Which
were right, these men of the Revolution or the political philosophers of to-
day ? Let the statesmen of the future, taught by experience, determine.

The Constitution adopted was fundamentally republican. The govern-
ment of Virginia was to consist of a Governor chosen annually by a Senate

388 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and House of Delegates, elected by freeholders; and the two Houses were
also to choose a Privy Council and the Judges of the appellate courts.
Thus all power in Virginia was to spring from the body of the people hav-
ing a permanent interest in the community, since they were to choose the
Legislature, which was in turn to choose the Executive and the Judiciary.
Such was the instrument which has been described as " the first written
Constitution of a free State in the annals of the world. "

The preamble, as already stated, was written by Jefferson, and sent
from Congress. After reciting the wrongs of the colonies, it declared that,
in consequence of these, " the government of this country, as formerly ex-
ercised under the crown of Great Britain, is TOTALLY DISSOLVED "—
the last words being written in the original paper in capital letters. Thus
the Convention left nothing in doubt ; their action was meant to be final.
As all power in a community was rightfully vested in the people, the people
of Virginia had separated from Great Britain, and established a Constitu-
tion for their own government in future.

Both the Declaration of Rights and the Constitution were reported by
Archibald Cary, who is selected for special mention, like the other leaders
spoken of in this article, from his direct connection with the work of the
Convention. He had already distinguished himself throughout the whole
revolutionary agitation in Virginia, and was at this time about forty-five —
low of stature, with a peculiar brightness of the eyes, and of stern and iras-
cible temper. The expression of his portrait is smiling, but this was prob-
ably a flattery of the painter. In " The Contest," a contemporary poem,
describing the leaders, the writer speaks of

" The grimful face
Of Ampthill's rustic chief;"

" Ampthill " being the name of Cary's estate : and the message sent to
Henry when there was a question of appointing him Dictator, that he
should fall by his (Cary's) dagger before the sunset of that day, would seem
rather to support the poem than the portrait.

Cary belonged to the family of Lord Falkland, and was a prosperous
planter, fond of agriculture, of blooded stock, and of the management of
his iron foundry, from which, as from his resolute character, he was
known as " Old Iron." Under the new government he was to be chosen
to preside over the Senate of Virginia which he had been so prominent in
establishing, and his life thereafter was spent in retirement at "Ampthill."

It is impossible in a brief paper to mention even the names of the long
list of eminent Virginians who were members of the Convention and took
a prominent part in its deliberations. Many of these enjoyed a local

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

389

celebrity as great as that of the actors on a larger arena ; and a number of
the latter even have been necessarily passed over. A few of those espe-
cially prominent were Edmund Randolph, William Cabell, Henry Tazewell,

COL. ARCHIBALD CARY.

{Engraved for the December Magazine from the Portrait by Benjamin West.')

Robert C. Nicholas, Richard Bland, Paul Carrington, George Wythe and
James Madison, who was to preside as Chief Magistrate over the Repub-
lic of which he and his associates were laying the foundation.

Several of the members were also delegates to the General Congress

390 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

at Philadelphia — among them Benjamin Harrison of " Berkeley," one of
the most resolute patriots of the time ; a man of the highest honor, for
whom his most eminent contemporaries had the utmost respect, as full of
humor as of determination, large of person, cordial in manners, who was
to become one of the " Signers," then Governor of Virginia, and to remain,
through storm and sunshine, the friend of Washington. Two other great
Virginians were also members of the Convention and of Congress — in
which latter body they were so prominent that they were rarely able to
sit in the former. Their names were, however, associated so closely with
the great movement in Virginia, that in a paper treating of that move-
ment it is necessary to speak of them, however briefly.

Richard Henry Lee, who offered the resolution proposing independ-
ence in Congress, was another of the Cavalier " butterflies " and " ciphers
of aristocracy" who are said to have opposed resistance. He belonged to
the family of Richard Lee, who had conspired with Berkeley to erect the
flag of Charles II. in Virginia during the Commonwealth period, and
every one of his name, for generations, had been a royalist and church-
man. His early education was acquired in England, and thus he was the
last man to look to as a republican leader ; but it was soon seen that his
views were as extreme as those of Patrick Henry. He had entered public
life early, and as far back as 1768 had advocated the scheme of a "Com-
mittee of Correspondence." In 1773 he procured its adoption in the
Burgesses, and was thus the originator of the great engine of resistance
which united all the colonies and brought on the struggle. He was at
this time a man of forty-two, tall and graceful in person, and wore
a bandage on one hand to hide a wound received in shooting on the
Potomac. He was called the " Gentleman of the Silver Hand," either
in allusion to this or to his grace in speaking,— for he was one of the
most eloquent orators of a period famous for eloquence. His resi-
dence was in Westmoreland, not far from the Potomac, and he had
been chosen a delegate to Congress as one thoroughly in rapport with
the views of the leaders, among them of Henry, with whom he enjoyed
an intimate friendship. As a member of the first Congress in 1774 he
had prepared the Address to the People of the Colonies, in which he had
advised the Americans to "extend their views to mournful events."
Now the mournful events had come, and he was selected to propose the
resolution of independence.

This was done, as has been seen, on the 7th of June, and on June
nth, "that no time be lost," a committee was appointed to draw up the
Declaration. Of this committee, Lee, by parliamentary usage, must

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

391

have been chairman ; and his known literary ability made his assignment
to the work of preparing the Declaration a foregone conclusion.* He was
suddenly called away, however, by the illness of his wife, and " Richard
Henry Lee, author of the Declaration of Independence," was not to be
carved on his tombstone.

It was carved on the tomb of Jefferson. As in the case of Henry, the

life of Jefferson is so familiar as to demand only brief notice. He was
the son of a planter ; had practiced law with great success, though he
was almost incapable of making a speech in public ; and entering the
Burgesses when he was twenty-six, had become one of the extreme

* The curious questions connected with this subject, so elaborately discussed in Mr. Randall's
Life of Jefferson, cannot be noticed here for want of space.

392 THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

leaders. From the constitution of his mind he was a radical in his social
and political opinions. His " Summary View," of 1774, is as resolute as
the Declaration of 1776; and it is the grand illustration of the hesitation
of the time that the author of the former should, more than a year after-
ward, have written that he preferred a redress of grievances to inde-
pendence. In person Jefferson was tall and slender, and his manners were
plain and cordial. He was a tender husband, an affectionate father, a
kind master, and personally beloved by his neighbors and friends, who

were as warm in his praise as his political foes were rancorous in their
abuse of him. Sent to Congress in the critical year 1776, when all
things were narrowing to the crisis, Jefferson at once took his place among
the leaders. His ability as a writer was seen from his " Summary View,"
and, when Lee was called away, the task of preparing the Declaration
was assigned to him. It is impossible to read this famous paper without
observing the resemblance of many of its phrases to those employed in
Mason's Declaration of Rights, and Pendleton's resolutions to propose
independence. A comparison will show this similarity.

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

393

MASON. — " All men are by nature equally free and independent, and
have certain inherent rights of which they cannot divest their poster-
ity, namely the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of pursuing
and obtaining happiness and safety." JEFFERSON. — "All men are
created equal . . . are endowed by their Creator with certain in-
alienable rights . . . among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness." MASON. — " Government is or ought to be instituted for the

y/Ph- :

common benefit." JEFFERSON. — "To secure these rights governments are
instituted." Mason. — " When any government shall be found inad-
equate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community have
an indubitable right to alter, reform or abolish it." Jefferson. — " When-
ever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the
right of the people to alter or abolish it."

A similar resemblance will be seen between the following passages in
the Declaration and in Pendleton's resolutions of May 15th. PENDLETON.
— " Appealing to the Searcher of Hearts for the sincerity of former dec-

394

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

larations." JEFFERSON. — " Appealing to the Supreme Judge of the
world for the rectitude of our intentions." PENDLETON. — " That the
delegates ... be instructed to propose ... to declare the United
Colonies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to or
dependence upon the crown or parliament of Great Britain." JEFFER-
SON.— "We therefore . . . do declare that these United Colonies are
and of right ought to be free and independent States absolved from all
allegiance to the British crown." Thus the general Declaration of all the
colonies at Philadelphia was similar in many of its expressions to that
made in Virginia.

In bringing this paper to a close it is necessary to notice a last point —
the statement above quoted that the Virginia Constitution of 1776 was " the
first written Constitution of a free State in the annals of the world." This

THE VIRGINIA DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 395

is apparently contradicted by the fact that both South Carolina and New
Hampshire had already adopted republican forms of government. But
these were expressly declared to be void when the wrongs of the colonies
were redressed ; or, in the words of the Mecklenburg County Declaration
of May, 1775, when ''Great Britain resigned her unjust and arbitrary pre-
tensions." The action in Virginia was without this limitation, since the
preamble to the Constitution declared that all political connection with
England was " totally dissolved." It has also been urged that the Virginia
instructions to propose a declaration of independence had been anticipated
by North Carolina about one month before. But the North Carolina in-
structions were only "to concur with the delegates of the other colonies in
declaring independence," which writers at that time complained of, as
merely conferring a discretion to be exercised according to circumstances.
But the questions here involved are more curious than important. The
spirit of resistance was in the universal blood, and the colonies moved
nearly together. Whether Virginia first took the decisive step of breaking
with the past is simply a question of dates.

Was that step for good or for evil ? Let the historical student of the
twentieth century answer. It is certain that the action of Virginia erected
a principle which has already leavened Europe, and transformed England
into a republic under the form of monarchy. A force was unloosed which
will eventually rule the world. When in May '76 the Virginians, in their
Bill of Rights declared that all political power was vested in the people of
a country, the republican world was born, and the American Republic of
to-day is the result.

/^s/^SstiU

[The excellent portraits of Edmund Pendleton and Col. Archibald Cary, engraved expressly
for our December Magazine of 1883, are by request republished to accompany the foregoing
article, as these two gentlemen were prominent leaders in the Virginia movement toward inde-
pendence, and the omission of their pictures in this connection would be almost inexcusable.
For the rare copy of the portrait of Benjamin Harrison, from which the admirable engraving is
made on page 371, the Magazine is indebted to the whole souled courtesy of Dr. Thomas Addis
Emmet — and also for copies of those of George Mason, Patrick Henry, and others not easily ob-
tainable elsewhere. — Editor.]

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

In 1876, Prof. Lucien Carr, assistant curator of the Peabody Museum,
opened a mound in Lee County, Virginia, in which he made certain dis-
coveries that, taken together with the form of the mound and the historical
data, led him to the conclusion that it was the work of the Cherokees.

This monument, as he informs us, was a truncated oval, the level space
on the top measuring forty feet in length by fifteen in width.

" At a distance of eight feet from the brow of the mound on the slope,"
Professor Carr says, " there were found buried in the earth the de-
caying stumps of a series of cedar posts, which, I was informed by Mr. Ely,
[the owner] at one time completely encircled it. He also told me that at
every plowing he struck more or less of these posts ; and on digging for
them, some six or seven were found at different places, and in such order
as showed that they had been placed in the earth at regular intervals and
according to a definite plan. On the top, in the line of the greatest
diameter, and near the center of the mound, another and a larger post or
column, also of cedar, was found." *

Quoting Bartram's description (given below) of the Council House of
the Cherokees in the town of Cowe, he concludes, and I think correctly,
that this mound was the site of a similar building.

Bartram's description is as follows : f " The Council or Town House is
a large rotunda capable of accommodating several hundred people. It
stands on the top of an ancient artificial mound of earth of about twenty
feet perpendicular, and the rotunda on the top of it being above thirty feet
more, gives the whole fabric an elevation of about sixty feet from the com-
mon surface of the ground. But it may be proper to observe that this
mound on which the rotunda stands is of a much ancienter date than the
building, and perhaps was raised for another purpose. The Cherokees
themselves are as ignorant as we are by what people or for what purpose
these artificial hills were raised.

" The rotunda is constructed after the following manner : They first
fix in the ground a circular range of posts or trunks of trees, about six feet
high, at equal distances, which are notched at the top to receive into them,

* Tenth Report Peabody Museum p. 75.
f Travels, p. 368.

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 397

from one to another, a range of beams or wall-plates. Within this is
another circular order of very large and strong pillars, above twelve feet
high, notched in like manner at the top to receive another range of wall-
plates, and within this is yet another or third range of stronger and higher
pillars, but fewer in number, and standing at a greater distance from each
other ; and, lastly, in the center stands a very strong pillar, which forms the
pinnacle of the building and to which the rafters center at top ; these
rafters are strengthened and bound together by cross-beams and laths,
which sustain the roof or covering, which is a layer of bark neatly placed
and tight enough to exclude the rain, and sometimes they cast a thin
superficies of earth over all.

" There is but one large door, which serves at the same time to admit
light from without and the smoak to escape when a fire is kindled ; but as
there is but a small fire kept, sufficient to give light at night, and that fed
with dry, small, sound wood divested of its bark, there is but little smoak ;
all around the inside of the building, betwixt the second range of pillars
and the wall, is a range of cabins or sophas consisting of two or three
steps, one above or behind the other in theatrical order, where the assem-
bly sit or lean down ; these sophas are covered with matts or carpets very
curiously made with thin splits of Ash or Oakwood, woven or platted to-
gether ; near the great pillar in the center the fire is kindled for light, near
which the musicians seat themselves, and around about this performers
exhibit their dances and other shows at public festivals, which happen
almost every night throughout the year."

From indications not necessary to be mentioned here, Prof. Carr
argues that the mound could not have been intended for burial purposes,
but was evidently erected for the foundation of a building of some kind.

In a subsequent paper, " Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," * Prof. Carr
not only adheres to the theory advanced in the tenth report of the Peabody
Museum, but gives additional reasons for believing it to be true.

As much additional data bearing on this subject has been obtained
during the mound explorations carried on under the Bureau of Ethnology,
I have concluded to discuss somewhat briefly this theory (which I am in-
clined to believe correct) in the light of these new facts.

As the mounds and other remains to be referred to are located in the
northwest part of North Carolina and the northern part of East Tennessee,
the first point to be established is that the Cherokees did actually at some
time occupy this region.

In the first place, it is well known that they claimed all that portion of

* Vol. II. of the Memoirs of the Kentucky Geol. Surv.

398 CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

the country east of Clinch River and west of the Alleghanies, northward to
Kanawha, and also the northwest part of North Carolina, at least to the
Yadkin — a claim which was conceded by the whites and acted on officially
by State and National authority, and denied by no Indian tribe.

Haywood expressly states that * " the Cherokees were firmly established
on the Tennessee River or Hogohega [the Holston] before the year 1650,
and had dominion over all the country on the east side of the Alleghany
mountains, which includes the head-waters of the Yadkin, Catawba, Broad
River, and the head-waters of the Savannah " — a statement borne out by
the fact that as late as 1756, when the English built Fort Dobbs on the
Yadkin, not far from Salisbury, they first obtained the privilege of doing
so by treaty with Attacullaculla, the Cherokee chief, f

Haywood asserts, £ upon what authority is not known, that " before the
year 1690 the Cherokees, who were once settled on the Appomattox River
and in the neighborhood of Monticello, left their former abodes and came
to the West. The Powhatans are said by their descendants to have been
once a part of this nation. The probability is that migration took place
about, or soon after, the year 1632, when the Virginians suddenly and un-
expectedly fell upon the Indians, killing all they could find, cutting up and
destroying their crops, and causing vast numbers to perish by famine.
They came to New River and made a temporary settlement, and also on
the head of the Holston."

That they formerly had settlements on New River (Upper Kanawha)
and on the Holston is, as I believe, true, but that they came from the
vicinity of Monticello and the Appomattox River, were connected with
the Powhatans or first appeared in Tennessee in 1632, cannot be believed.
First, because Jefferson makes no mention of their having resided in this
part of Virginia ; on the contrary, he locates them in the " western part of
North Carolina." Second, because John Lederer, who visited this region in
1669-70, speaking of the Indians of the " Apalatean Mountains," doubtless
the Cherokees, as he was at that time somewhere in North Carolina, says :
" The Indians of these parts are none of those which the English removed
from Virginia, but were driven by an enemy from the northwest, and in-
vited to fix here by an oracle, as they pretend, above four hundred years
ago ; for the inhabitants of Virginia were far more rude and barbarous,
feeding only upon raw flesh and fish until those taught them to sow corn
and shewed them the use of it ;" § and third, because it is evident that they

* Natural and Aboriginal His. Tenn., p. 225.

f Ramsey, Annals of Tenn., p. 51.

\ Nat. and Ab. Hist. Tenn., p. 223. § Discoveries, &c., p. 3. London edition, 1672.

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 399

were located in substantially the same territory when De Soto passed
through the northern part of Georgia, as it is now admitted that the
" Chelaques " or " Achelaques," mentioned by the chroniclers of his ill-
starred expedition, were the Cherokees. That they extended their ter-
ritory a considerable distance further southward after the time of the
Adelantado's visit can be easily demonstrated, but it is unnecessary for me
to present the proof of this assertion at this time, as I presume it will be
admitted.

Their traditions in regard to their migrations are uncertain and some-
what conflicting, still there are a few items to be gleaned from them which,
I think, may be relied upon as pointing in the proper direction. The first
is, the positive statement that they formerly had a settlement, or were
settled on or near the Nolichucky. The second is, that they were driven
from some more northern section by their enemies ; and third, their constant
and persistent claim that, of right, the country northward from the Holston
to the Kanawha belonged to them.

From all the light, therefore, that I can obtain on this subject, I am
satisfied that the Cherokees had at some time in the past moved southward
from a more northern location than that they were found occupying when
first encountered by the whites. That they did at one time actually occupy
the section in which the mounds to which we allude are situated cannot be
doubted.

Turning now to the mounds of East Tennessee and North Carolina, to
which allusion has been made, let us see what testimony they furnish on
the point now under discussion.

The particular works to which we refer are located in Caldwell County,
North Carolina, and Sullivan County, East Tennessee. A brief descrip-
tion of their construction and contents will be found in the American
Naturalist for March, 1884, and Science, 1884. Although we cannot
say positively that no other tribe occupied this particular section between
1540 and 1690, still the evidence and indications leading to that conclusion
are so strong as to justify us in assuming it. We find their frontiers on the
borders of Georgia in 1540; we can trace back their settlements on the
Hiawassee to a period preceding 1652. We have evidence that the settle-
ments on the Little Tennessee were still older, and that even these were
made subsequent to those on the Nolichucky. We have their own traditions,
as given by Lederer, that they migrated to this region about the close of
the thirteenth century ; and, finally, their uniform and persistent statement,
from the time first encountered by Europeans, that when they came to
this region they found it uninhabited, with the exception of a Creek settle-

400 CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

ment on the lower Hiawassee. This clearly indicates a movement south-
ward—a fact of much importance in the study of the history of this some-
what abnormal tribe.

If, therefore, we can show that these mounds, or any of the typical ones,
were constructed since the discovery of America, we have good reason to
believe that they are to be attributed to the Cherokees, notwithstanding
their statement to Bartram that they did not build the one at Cowe.

At the bottom of one of the largest mounds found in this region, and
by the side of the skeleton of the principal personage interred in it, as
shown by the arrangement of the bodies of those buried with him, and by
the ornaments and implements found with him, were discovered three
pieces of iron. That one, at least, of the pieces is part of an implement of
European manufacture, I think no one who examines it will doubt. It ap-
pears to be part of a sword-blade, or the blade of a large knife. Another
of the pieces is apparently a large awl or punch, a part of the deer-horn
handle yet remaining attached to it.

That these cannot be attributed to an intrusive burial is evident from
the following facts : First, that they were found at the very bottom of the
pit, which had been dug before depositing the bodies ; second, that they
were found with engraved shells, celts, and other relics of this character ;
and third, that they were deposited with the principal personage who had
been buried in the mound.

In the same mound and under the same circumstances some large cop-
per beads or cylinders were also found. A careful examination of these
specimens shows, as I think, very clearly, that the copper plate of which
they were made was not manufactured by any means at command of the
Indians or the more civilized races of Mexico or Central America, as it
is as smooth and even as any rolled copper ; moreover, they appear to have
been cut into the proper shape by some metallic implement. If this sup-
position be correct (and I believe an inspection of the specimens will satisfy
any one that it is), it certainly indicates contact with civilized people. If
so, then we have proof that this mound was made subsequent to the dis-
covery of America by Columbus, and, in all probability, after the date of
De Soto's expedition in 1540.

As I have shown, and I think satisfactorily, that the Cherokees alone
inhabited this particular section from the time of De Soto's expedition
until it was settled by the whites, it follows that if the mound was built
subsequent to that date, it must have been by the Cherokees. The near-
est neighbors of this tribe on the east, at the time the whites came in con-
tact with them on their eastern borders, were the Tuscaroras. We learn

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 401

from John Lederer, who visited them in 1670, on his return from the Cher-
okee country, that they were in the habit of " decking themselves very fine
with pieces of bright copper in their hair and ears and about their neck,
which, upon festival occasions, they use as an extraordinary bravery."*

It is well known that these two tribes were constantly at war with
each other until the latter removed to the North and joined the Five
Nations. But it is more likely that these articles of European workman-
ship were obtained from the Spaniards, who, as is now known, worked at
an early date the gold mines in northern Georgia. We learn from Barcia's
" Ensayo Cronologico " f that Tristan de Luna, who, in 1559, went in search
of the mines of " Coza " (the name by which the region of northern
Georgia was then known), succeeded in reaching the region sought and even
heard while there of the negro Robles, who was left behind by De Soto.
When John Lederer reached the borders of Georgia, the Spaniards were
then at work at these mines, which fact, as he informs us, checked his
further advance, as he feared he might be made a captive by them. As
further and conclusive evidence of this, we have only to state that the re-
mains of their cabins in the vicinity of the mines were found in 1834 with
trees from two to three feet in diameter growing over them. The old
shafts were discovered in which they worked, as also some of the machin-
ery and implements which they used. £ Be this supposition correct or not,
if the articles we have mentioned were of European workmanship, or if the
material was obtained of civilized people, we must take for granted, until
evidence to the contrary is produced, that the mound in which they were
found was built after the commencement of the sixteenth century, hence
by Indians, and in all probability by the Cherokees.

Our fourth argument is found in the fact that in the ancient works
of this region are discovered evidences of habits and customs similar to
those of the Cherokees and some of the immediately surrounding tribes.

I have already alluded to the evidence, found in the mound opened by
Prof. Carr, of its once having supported a building similar to the council
house observed by Bartram on a mound at the old Cherokee town, Cowe\
Both were on mounds, both were circular, both were built on posts set in
the ground at equal distances from each other, and both had a central
pillar. As confirming this statement of Bartram, we are informed in Ram-
say's History of Tennessee § that when Col. Christian marched against the
Cherokee towns in 1776 he found in the center of each "a circular tower
rudely built and covered with dirt, thirty feet in diameter and about

* Discoveries, London edition, p. 20. % Jones, Southern Indians, p. 18.

t PP- 33-39- § p- l69-

Vol. XL— No. 5.-27

402 CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

twenty feet high. This tower was used as a council house, and as a place
for celebrating the green-corn dance and other national ceremonials."
Lawson, who traveled through North Carolina in 1700, says,* " They "
[the Indians] " oftentimes make of this shell " (alluding to a certain large
sea-shell), a sort of gorge which they wear about their neck in a string, so
it hangs on their collar whereon sometimes is engraven a cross or some odd
sort of figure which comes next in their fancy." Beverly, speaking of the
Indians of Virginia, says, f " Of this shell they also make round tablets of
about four inches in diameter, which they polish as smooth as the other,
and sometimes they etch or grave thereon circles, stars, a half-moon, or any
other figure suitable to their fancy."

Now it so happens, that in the same mound in which the iron speci-
mens before alluded to were found, and in other mounds in the same sec-
tion, the Bureau assistants discovered shell ornaments precisely of the
character described by these old writers. Some of them smooth, and with-
out any devices engraved on them, but with holes for inserting the strings
by which they were to b,e held in position ; others engraved with figures
which would readily be taken for stars and half-moons, and one among the
number with a cross engraved on it. The testimony in this case that these
relics were the wrork of the Indians found in possession of the country at
the time of the discovery is, therefore, too strong to be put aside by mere
conjectures or inferences. If the work of Indians, then they must have
been used by the Cherokees and buried with their dead. The engraved
figures are strangely uniform, indicating some common origin, but the at-
tempt to trace this is foreign to our present purpose. In these mounds
were found a large number of nicely carved soapstone pipes, usually with
the stem made in connection with the bowl, though some were without
this addition, consisting only of the bowl, with a hole for the insertion of
a wooden or cane stem.

By turning to x\dair's " History of the North American Indians," J we
find the following statement : " They" [the Indians] " make beautiful stone
pipes ; and the Cherokees the best of any of the Indians ; for their mount-
ainous country contains many different sorts and colors of soils proper for
such uses. They easily form them with their tomahawks, and afterward
finish them in any desired form with their knives, the pipes being of a very
soft quality till they are smoked with and used with the fire, when they
become quite hard. They are often a full span long, and the bowls are

* Hist, of Carolina. Raleigh. Reprint 1850, p. 315.
f Hist. Virginia. London, 1705, p. 58.
t P. 423.

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 403

about half as long again as those of our English pipes. The fore part of
each commonly runs out with a sharp peak two or three fingers broad and
a quarter of an inch thick." Not only were pipes made of soapstone found
in these mounds, but two or three were obtained precisely of the form
mentioned by Adair, with the fore part running out in front of the bowl ;
and another of the same form has been found in a mound on the Kanawha,
which is at least suggestive. Jones says, * " It has been more than hinted
by at least one person whose statement is entitled to every belief, that
among the Cherokees dwelling in the mountains, there existed certain art-
ists whose professed occupation was the manufacture of stone pipes, which
were by them transported to the coast and there bartered away for articles
of use and ornament, foreign to and highly esteemed among the members
of their own tribe."

This not only strengthens our conclusion drawn from the presence of
such pipes in the mounds alluded to, but may also assist in explaining the
presence of the copper ornaments in them. The writer last quoted says,t
" Copper implements are rarely found in Georgia. The present " (a copper
axe) " is the finest specimen which, after no mean search, has rewarded our
investigations. Native copper exists in portions of Cherokee Georgia,
Tennessee, North Carolina, and Alabama, but it is generally found in com-
bination with sulphur and not in malleable form. We are not aware of any
locality among those enumerated whence the Indians could have secured
that metal either in quantity or purity sufficient to have enabled them to
manufacture this implement."

Adair says, $ " From the time we supplied them with our European
ornaments they have used brass and silver ear-rings and finger-rings ; the
young warriors now frequently fasten bell-buttons or pieces of tinkling
brass to their moccasins."

From these facts I am inclined to believe that most of the copper used
by them was obtained directly or indirectly from the whites, and hence
subsequent to the discovery of America. But should this supposition be
erroneous, the fact still remains that the Cherokees were in the habit of
using just such ornaments as we find in these mounds. As showing that
the Europeans began to trade copper to the Indians at a very early day, I
call attention to a statement made by Beverly in his " History of Vir-
ginia." § Speaking of a settlement made at Powhatan, six miles below the
falls of James River, in 1609, he says it was "bought of Powhatan for a
certain quantity of copper."

* Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 400.
, f P. 228. J Hist, of N. Am. § P. 19.

404 CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

But we are not yet through with the items under this class of testimony.

Haywood says, in his " Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee," *
that ei Mr. Brown, a Scotchman, came into the Cherokee nation in the year
1761 and settled on the Hiawassee River or near it. He saw on the Hiawas-
see and Tennessee the remains of old forts, about which were axes, guns,
hoes and other metallic utensils. The Indians at that time told him that
the French had formerly been there and built these forts." I am fully
aware that this author cannot be relied on with implicit confidence ; still,
so far as I have tested his original statements of facts, I have generally
found them correct. During the past year, one of the assistants of the Bu-
reau was sent to this particular region, which is too limited to admit of the
'question of locality being raised. An overflow and change in the channel
of the river brought to light the remains of old habitations, and numerous
relics of the people who formerly dwelt there. Moreover, this was in the
precise locality where tradition located a Cherokee town. Digging was
resorted to, in order to complete what the water had begun.

Now let me mention some of the things obtained here:

10 discoidal stones, precisely like those from the mounds of Caldwell
County, North Carolina.

9 strings of glass beads.

A large number of shell-beads, exactly like those from the mounds.

A number of flint arrow-points.

I soapstone pipe.

Some pieces of rolled sheet copper.

3 conical copper ear-pendants, like those from North Carolina mounds.

3 buttons of modern type.

I small brass gouge.

Fragments of iron articles belonging to a bridle.

1 bronze sleigh-bell.

1 stone awl or drill.

Fragment of a soapstone pot.

1 soapstone gorget.

Several polished stone celts, of the same pattern as those found in the
North Carolina mounds.

Grooved stone axes.

A piece of sheet lead.

This admixture of articles of civilized and savage life confirms the
statement made by Haywood, at least so far as regards the early presence
of white people in this section. It follows from what has been before pre-

* P. 234.

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 405

sented, that the Indians must have been Cherokees, and the fact that the
implements and ornaments of aboriginal manufacture found here are
throughout precisely like those found in the mounds before mentioned,
affords a very strong proof that they were built by Cherokees.

Another fact worthy of notice is that close by the side of this wash-
out stands a mound, but permission to open it has not yet been obtained.

Returning to our mounds, we note the fact that a large number of
stones, evidently used for cracking nuts, were found in and about them;
some charred acorns or nuts of some kind were also found in them. We
have only to refer to Adair, and other early writers, to see how well the
indications agree with the customs of the Cherokees.

As it may be claimed that the Creeks, the near neighbors of the Cher-
okees on the south, might have built these mounds, let us now see if we
can eliminate this possibility.

According to the Cherokee tradition, there was a settlement of Creeks
on the lower Hiawassee, when they reached that region, whom they drove
away. Hence the southern boundary of their possessions, at this early
date, which must have been before the time of De Soto's expedition, was
about the present northern boundary of Georgia. That their borders, at
the time of De Soto's irrarch, did not extend as far south as Bartow County,
can be shown from one somewhat singular fact, which at the same time
will furnish strong reasons for believing the Creeks could not have built
the mounds we have been considering. It will be admitted, I presume, by
everyone, that the people over whom the famous Caciqua of Cutifachiqui
reigned could not have been Cherokees. That the town of Guaxule was
within the territory of her tribe is expressly stated by the chroniclers of the
Adelantado's expedition. I think it may be safely assumed that her peo-
ple were Creeks ; at any rate, if our Tennessee and Carolina mounds were
built by any other people than Cherokees, it would most likely be by this
southern mound-building tribe, call them by what name we may.

Garcilasso, who is our authority in this, says : " La casa estava en un
cerro alto, como de otras, remejantes hemas dicho. Tenio toda ella al der-
redor un paseadero que podian pasearse por el seis hombres juntos." *
"The house was on a high hill (mound) similar to others we have already
mentioned. It had all round about it a roadway on which six men could
walk abreast."

This language is peculiar, and, so far as I am aware, can apply to no
other mound in Georgia than the large one near Cartersville. The words
" similar to others we have mentioned," are evidently intended to signify

* Hist. Florida. Edn. 1723. Lib, III., Cap. XX., p. 139, and ed. of 1605.

406 CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS

that it was artificial, and this is conceded by all who have noted the pas-
sage. The word " alto " (high), in the mouth of the explorers indicates
something more elevated than the ordinary mounds. The roadway or pas-
sage-way (" paseadero ") " round about it " is peculiar, and is the only men-
tion of the kind by either of the three chroniclers. How is it to be ex-
plained ?

As Garcilasso wrote from information, and not from personal observa-
tion, he often fai-led to catch from his informants a correct notion of the
things described to him ; this is frequently apparent in, his work where
there is no reason to attribute it to his vivid imagination. In this case it
is clear he understood there was a terrace running entirely round the
mound, or possibly a roadway around the top outside of a rampart or
stockade.

But, as neither conclusion could have been correct, as no such terrace
has been found in any part of this region, and a walk around the summit
would have thwarted the very design they had in view in building the
mound, what was it Garcilasso's informants saw ? C. C. Jones says " a ter-
race," but it is scarcely possible that any terrace at the end or side of a
southern mound, forming an apron-like extension (which is the only form
found there) could have been so described as to convey the idea of a road-
way, as the mode of estimating the width shows clearly was intended.

The broad way winding around and up the side of the Etowah mound
appears to answer the description better than any other in Georgia. " It is
a large mound, high, and one that would doubtless attract the attention
of the Spanish soldiers ; its dimensions indicate that the tribe by which it
was built was strong in numbers, and might easily send forth five hundred
warriors to greet the Adelantado. The locality is also within the limits
of De Soto's route as given by the best authorities ; and lastly there is no
other mound within the possible limits of his route which will in any
respect answer the description. As Garcilasso must have learned of this
mound from his informants, and has described it according to the impres-
sion conveyed to his mind, we are justified in accepting it as a statement
of fact. I am, therefore, satisfied that the work alluded to is none other
than the Etowah mound near Cartersville, Georgia, and that here we can
point to the spot where the unfortunate Adelantado rested his weary
limbs and where the ambassadors of the noted Caciqua of Cutifachiqui
delivered their final message.

Recently the smallest of the three large mounds of this group has been
opened by one of my assistants, and the result tends very strongly to con-
firm the conclusion drawn from the historical evidence, as the contents

CHEROKEES PROBABLY MOUND-BUILDERS 407

indicate very clearly that they are the work of a different people from
those who built the Carolina and East Tennessee mounds.

The burials were found to be in rectangular stone graves similar to
those found in middle Tennessee and southern Illinois, there are no celts
or soapstone pipes, the copper found was in plates with elaborate indented
figures on them, one unique, but another similar to others found in middle
Tennessee. A carved shell was found, but it also differed from those ob-
tained in North Carolina. In fact, everything found goes to prove that
the builders were a different people from those who erected the East Ten-
nessee and North Carolina mounds.

Numerous other corroborating facts might be mentioned, but our limits
will not admit of this. I therefore close by referring to the historical evi-
dence quoted by Prof. Carr, showing that notwithstanding the repeated
assertions to the contrary, there were traditions among this tribe that their
forefathers had erected mounds. Even at the present day, in the vicinity
of one of the mounds opened in eastern Tennessee there is a tradition that
it was built by Cherokees after a battle with some Indians who had invaded
their territory. Although but little reliance is to be placed on such tradi-
tions, yet in this case, the burials in the mound agree very well with the
tradition, as they were undoubtedly, as shown by the arrangement, made
at one time.

>^£LiS<\^L>>4 c^i^ryy^u>

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

Twenty-five years ago the discussion, or even the historical unfolding of
such a subject as the one announced above would have been the signal
for an animated discussion throughout the United States concerning the
moral right of " the divine institution." Now that slavery de facto has
ceased throughout the land, the student of history may address himself
without prejudice, and with unbiased judgment, to the narrative of the
institution as it existed in the Empire State down to the year 1827. From
that day to this the obsolete remnants of legislation on this subject have
remained upon the statute-books; but the recent (1883) repeal of the Re-
vised Statutes " concerning the importation into this State of persons held
in slavery, their exportation, their services, and prohibiting their sale,"
makes an inquiry into the past particularly valuable and pertinent at the
present time. The most natural division of the subject is that which takes
note of the historical sequence, and considers, in turn, the periods of
Dutch, English, and American domination.

I. THE Dutch PERIOD — There is no doubt in regard to the responsibil-
ity of the Dutch for introducing slavery into several of the colonies. It is a
well-known fact that one of their ships landed African slaves at Jamestown
in 1620. As early as 1628 frequent mention is made of blacks owned as
slaves in the colony of New Netherlands. Among the " Freedoms and
Exemptions" granted by the West India Company, in 1629, "to all
Patrons, Masters, or private persons who will plant colonies in New
Netherland," is the following clause : "The Company will use their en-
deavors to supply the Colonists with as many Blacks as they conveniently
can, on the conditions hereafter to be made ; in such manner, however, that
they shall not be bound to do it for a longer time than they shall think
proper." In 1639, Jacob StofTelsen, at the request of Governor Kieft, de-
clared that he had employed negro slaves in the construction of Fort
Amsterdam during the rule of Wouter Van Twiller. An inventory of the
property belonging to the West India Company, in the same year, showed
that the value of a negro slave was 40 guilders, or about $16 of our modern
currency. It also appeared that parties who leased fend of the Company
leased servants, or slaves, of individuals for a term of years. The Com-
pany, itself, was not above this business, since we learn that, in 1644,
Nicholas Toorn, of Rensselaerwyck, acknowledged the receipt of a young
black girl — to be returned at the end of four years, " if yet alive," to the
Director-General or his successor.

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 4°9

The Governor and his Council, in 1648, granted a " dispensation " which
required " private persons " to give security if they wished to transport
slaves. Two years later " a provisional plan " was submitted to the
States-General by the Deputies of the West India Company, in which it
was recommended " that the Inhabitants of New Netherland shall be at
liberty to purchase Negroes wheresoever they may think necessary except
on the coast of Guinea, and bring them to work on their Bouweries on pay-
ment of a duty of — per head." In 1652, the Directors at Amsterdam —
which was the Chamber, or Department, that controlled the trade with
Africa — gave their consent to this in a communication to Director Stuyves-
ant. They also gave permission to import as many negroes as were re-
quired for the cultivation of the soil under certain " Conditions & Regu-
lations." Unfortunately, these papers have not been preserved ; but docu-
ments among the Colonial manuscripts show that the negro-dealing mer-
chants of New Amsterdam were not to go farther than Popo Soude, on the
African coast ; and that they were excluded from the Gold Coast, Cape
Verde, Sierra Leone, the Pepper Coast, and the Qua Qua Coast. What-
ever negroes were imported were to be taxed 15 guilders per head, to be
paid in beavers or tobacco. These terms were so discouraging to the
traders that, in the same year, Fiscal Van Dyck wrote : " No request for
Negroes has been presented from Patrons or Colonists here, to my knowl-
edge." A few years later the Amsterdam Chamber granted permission to
Jan de Sweerts and Dirck Pietersen Wittepaert to take slaves from Africa
to the colony, and their cargo is supposed to have been the first direct
importation within the present territory of New York. Such direct import-
ation, however, soon brought down the wrath of the Director-General and
the Council, because the slaves had been landed without any revenue
therefrom to the Company. The Directors then secured a monopoly by
confiscating a slave ship fitted out under the auspices of the Department
of West Friesland ; and also by bearing three-fourths of the expense of
sending a vessel to the coast of Africa — the magistrates of Amsterdam to
bear the remainder.

The price of slaves, under the Dutch rdgime, was a varying quantity. In
165 1, black women, between 18 and 30 years of age, sold at Curacoa for a
sum that is represented by $200 of our money. At the same time negro
men, between 16 and 40, brought $100 apiece at New Netherland, nearly
one-half of which value was to be the penalty of selling the purchased
black out of the colony. We read of a public sale by the Directors, in
1664, at which payment was required " in good beavers at 3 guilders each ;
or in commodities at beavers' value, or in provisions." When the sale

410 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

took place, one negro was sold to the Rev. Johannes Polhemus, the Colonial
Minister, for $176, and the sum total of the sales was about $5,000 in the
mixed pay above noted. A later consignment of 300 negroes from Cura-
coa brought fear to the Directors, lest " the largest part of them shall re-
main at our charge." In those days of barter, it was no uncommon thing
for the traders of old and New Amsterdam to throw in a slave or two by
way of making change when they balanced their accounts to date. In this
manner many slaves strayed away from New Amsterdam in spite of the.
heavy penalties that were imposed in order to keep them there.

For the most part the slaves of the Dutch colony were employed as
domestic servants, and theirs was not the hard condition of the slaves who
worked out-of-doors in the more southern colonies. The records show
that masters frequently applied to the court for permission to chastise
their bondmen. The Governor and Council, in 1642, decreed that the ex-
treme penalty " for inflicting wounds with knives " should be " to work
three months with the negroes in chains." An offender received this sen-
tence for a longer period " for killing a goat and wounding two of the
Company's negroes." The treatment of the negroes was, on the whole,
humane. If they were sick or insane it was allowable to transport them to
the colony whence they came, so that they might be among their kindred ;
but it was stipulated that for each one so returned, another should be im-
ported at once. The Directors also thought the slaves capable of caring
for themselves when they made a number of grants of land to negroes,
who, as a matter of public safety, had pulled down their houses " in the
vicinity of the General's Bouwery ; " and when Lieut.-Governor Beeckman
made a piteous appeal to the Directors for slaves which he might use at
his South River settlement, no one could expect other than kind treatment
at his hands. In a word, the stories of cruelties by the Dutch are few and
far between.

As early as 1644 an ordinance was passed which emancipated certain
slaves who had served the Company eighteen or nineteen years, and who
were burdened with many children. As a condition subsequent, each slave
so released was required to pay to the Company annually during his life
" thirty skessels of Maize, or Wheat, Pease or Beans & one fat Hog valued
at 20 Guilders," failure to pay which caused the return of the laggard to
slavery. The children of these persons were still held as slaves. The
Governor and Council, in 1663, agreed to the request of a large number of
slaves, "that they shall enjoy the half of their liberty; so that said negroes,
when they shall have worked for the Co. during one week may then
labour one week for themselves," and one month alternately in the same
manner.

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 41 1

II. THE ENGLISH Period — The era of the English domination in New
York begins with 1664 (although the Dutch regained the New Netherland
temporarily in 1673), and, for our purpose, ends with 1777. The "Duke's
Laws," which were given in 1674 to the colony newly acquired by the
English, thus defined the status of the slaves :

" Bond slavery, villinage or captivity, except such as shall be judged thereunto by
Authority, or such as willingly have sold, or shall sell, themselves, in which case a record
of such servitude shall be entered in the Court of Sessions held for that Jurisdiction where
each Master shall Inhabit. Provided that nothing in this Law contained shall be to the
Prejudice of Master or Dame who have or shall by such Indenture or Contract taken ap-
prentices for terms of years, or life; and also Provided that this law shall not extend to set
at Liberty any Negro or Indian Servant who shall have turned Christians after they have
been bought by any person."

According to the Minutes of 1679, it was resolved that all Indians within
the colony were free — nor could they be forced to be servants or slaves —
and if they were brought hither as slaves, a residence of six months should
entitle them to freedom.

The first real enactment of the English General Assembly relating to
slaves was that of 1683. This provided that " No Servant or Slave, either
Male or Female shall either give, sell or trust any Commodity whatsover
during the time of their Service under the penalty of such Corporal Punish-
ment as shall be ordered to be inflicted by warrant under the Hands of
two Justices of the Peace of the County where the said Servant or Slave
doth reside. And if any Person whatsoever shall buy of, receive from or
trust with any Servant or Slave contrary to this Law they shall be com-
pelled by Warrant, as aforesaid, to restore the said commodity so bought,
received or trusted for to the Master of such Servant or Slave and forfeit
for every such offence the sum of £$. And if any Person whatsoever shall
credit or trust any Servant or Slave for Clothes, Drink or any other Com-
modity whatsover the said Person shall lose his Debt & be forever de-
barred from maintaining any writ at Law against the said Servant or Slave
for any matter or thing so trusted as aforesaid. If any Servant or Slave
shall run away from their Master or Dame, every Justice of Peace in this
Province is hereby authorized & impowered to grant Hue & Cry after the
said Servant or Slave, the Master or Dame having first given in Security for
the payment of the Charges that shall thereby attend. And all Constables
& inferior Officers are hereby strictly required & commanded authorized
& empowered to press Men, Horses, Boats or Pinnaces to pursue such
persons by Sea or Land, and to make diligent Hue and Cry as by the
Law required."

4J2 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

A colonial act " for regulating slaves " was passed in 1702 which forbade
all trading with those who were in bondage. Owners might punish, at
discretion " not extending to life or member; " no more than three slaves
were allowed to meet together under penalty of a whipping ; and, to in-
force the law, a " common whipper " was appointed who was paid by a tax
levied upon all the slave owners. The slave who struck a man or woman
" professing Christianity " must be imprisoned fourteen days and suffer
corporal punishment ; and whereas slaves were the property of Christians
" it was provided that the owners should be responsible for any damage
done by them." Nor was their testimony good save in cases of plotting
among themselves. Another act forbade all slaves to be farther away from
Albany than Saratoga. Any slave thus absenting himself, except with
master or mistress " shall suffer the pains of death." The value of any
slave executed for crime was assessed upon the whole number of slave
owners — all slaves above the age of 15 being rated at £30 for that purpose.
" An act to encourage the baptizing of Negroes, Indians and Mulatto Slaves"
was passed in 1706 — having been called for by a wide-spread opinion that
much baptism conveyed freedom. The act states that such is not the case ;
that the children of any kind of slave woman shall follow the state and
condition of the mother and be adjudged slaves; and that no slave shall
be a witness against a freeman in any matter whatsoever. This latter pro-
vision was more strongly enacted in the law of 1730. The act of 1708 " for
suppressing of immorality " relates the punishments (of the stocks, etc.),
that shall fall to " all Christians whatsoever who shall be convicted of
drunkenness, cursing or swearing," and then proceeds : " Every negro, In-
dian or other slaves that shall be found guilty of any of the abovesaid Facts,
or talk imprudently to any Christian, shall suffer so many stripes," etc.

The most elaborate law of colonial times was that of 1730, which re-
pealed and provided : that no person shall traffic with a slave, without the
consent of the master — the penalty being £5 for each offence ; that no one
shall sell a slave rum or other strong liquor or take anything in pawn from
him under penalty of 40 shillings for such offence ; that the master may
punish the slave but " not extending to life and limb ; " that no more than
three slaves shall meet at any one place ; that each town or manor may
have a whipper of slaves to be paid not exceeding three shillings per head
for all slaves whipped ; that any slave u presuming to strike any Christian or
Jew " shall be committed to prison and shall suffer corporal punishment ;
that any one harboring a slave shall forfeit to the master £5 for every 24
hours — the fine not to exceed the value of the slave — and shall forfeit the
entire value if the slave dies on his hands ; that any attempt to compound

SLAVERY IN, THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 413

such harboring shall cost the master a fine of double the value of the slave ;
that any person knowing of such harboring shall be fined 40 shillings if no
information is given to the master; that any free negro so harboring shall
be fined ^40 ; that every master, or the executor of a will, who frees a
slave must give ^"200 security to the proper authorities, that such slave
shall not become a public charge ; that masters or mistresses shall be liable
for thefts by a slave to the value of £$ ; that the slave convicted of mur-
der, arson or other terrible crimes shall be tried and executed summarily ;
that the owners of slaves so executed shall be paid for the same ; that, if
in the city of New York, the amount so paid shall not exceed £2$ per
slave ; and that no slave shall carry firearms.

As an undercurrent in this stream of legislation we find numerous peti-
tions in the way of protests. Harmanse Fisher of Albany, in 1710, states
that his negro " York " had been found guilty of burglary and sentenced to
be whipped round the said city, receiving nine lashes on his bare back at
each corner. This sentence, Fisher affirms, has never been executed ; and
the sheriff is dunning him for £13 7 shillings on account of York. In the
same year Joris Elswort of New York, petitions the Governor and Coun-
cil relative to a suit brought against him by his negro slave and praying
for the rendition of the said negro. Abraham Santford, a mariner, com-
plains that his slave " Torey " has run away to England ; and he asks re-
dress because " in the room of the said negro he is forced to hire another
able-bodied man." Isaac Gouverneur and others whose slaves had been exe-
cuted for conspiracy petition, in 1712, for compensation at the rate of £2$
each, according to an existing law. Sundry free-born subjects of Spain
who had been captured by privateers and held as slaves in New York,
petition that they may be given their freedom. The Governor and Coun-
cil are implored by slave owners in Ulster County to prevent the running
away of slaves, who conceal themselves in the Minisinks, " where they inter-
marry with Indian women." It is also a subject of complaint, that the
Indians of Pekkemeek secrete Indian slaves. Our sympathy goes out to
Richard Elliott of New York, who, in 1693, petitions for the pardon of
his two negro slaves, who have been convicted as abettors of a felony.
Elliott sets forth his reasons as follows : — " Being now grown old and im-
potent and not able in the least to help himself, and hath a great family
of children to maintain and hath no other help or dependence for getting
of a livelihood but by the labour of two negro slaves, which by much pain
he hath brought up to work at his own trade, that of a cooper."

On the nth of April, 1741, the Common Council of New York offered
rewards for the discovery and conviction of any parties concerned in setting

414 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

the recent fires in that city. Among the English manuscripts of the colo-
nial period may be found nearly one hundred statements from various
slaves relative to this insurrection of 1741, which time and space both for-
bid us to notice at length. There also appear several indictments against
negroes for conspiring " to set on fire, burn and consume the House of our
Lord the King, and also to kill and murder the inhabitants of the city of
New York's aforesaid liege people and subjects of our Lord the King."
These rewards and indictments led to a large number of confessions and
arrests. Thirteen of the conspirators were burned alive, in some cases
making confessions that are found among these manuscripts; eighteen
were hung : and thirty were transported to the West Indies, with the fol-
lowing proclamation : " To be sold a parcel of likely young negroes, im-
ported from Africa cheap for cash. Inquire of John Avery, also if any
person have any negro men, strong and hearty, though not of the best
moral character, which are proper subjects of transportation, they may
have an exchange for small negroes."

The history of this almost baseless conspiracy and the vindictiveness
displayed in suppressing it form the one dark chapter in the record of
slavery as it existed in the English Colony of New York. It is absurd to
believe that a white innkeeper should have conspired with a few negroes
with any hope of arousing the two thousand negroes to kill the eight
thousand whites in New York City — the sole hope of the white conspirator
being the offer of a subordinate position under a negro king or dictator.
Verily the tongue of Mary Burton was the forerunner of great evils.

Aside from the insurrection of 1741, both the city and Province of New
York, under English rule, were remarkably free from the uprisings that
troubled Virginia, and some of the other colonies, nor were the horrors of
St. Domingo ever enacted on the soil of the Province, even on a smaller
and less fiendish scale. Once more, in 1755, there was apprehension,
which was soon terminated by a proclamation of Lieut.-Governor De
Lancy, to the effect that the " law for the punishment for conspiracy " must
be rigidly enforced. Instead of fearing their slaves, the English appear to
have followed in the ways of the Dutch. Among the colonial records we
find many orders of the Governor in Council declaring that when a black
man declares himself to be free, the burden of proving him a slave shall lie
with the master. In 1761 a law was passed which laid a fine of £10 on
every master who allowed his slave to beg ; and also punished, by double
that amount, any collusion in the fraudulent sale of an aged or decrepit
slave. Mrs. Grant, in her " Memoirs of an American Lady " published in
1764, bears witness to the happy condition of slaves in Albany.

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 4*5

As colonists the English did not to any great extent follow in the lead
of Sir John Hawkins, the great negro importer of the sixteenth century.
Still we find many allusions to the traffic in the manuscript records of the
Province of New York. Complaint was made by the Royal African Com-
pany, in 1687, that their charter had been infringed upon by the importing
of negroes and elephants' teeth from Africa. It was announced, in 1720,
that Captain Van Burgh had arrived from Barbadoes with four negroes ;
but that " Simon the Jew don't expect his ship from Guinea before late in
the fall." " Negroes are scarce," says another informant,. " but Captain
Hopkins will sell one for £50, cash." Between 1701 and 1725 an annual
average of less than one hundred negroes was imported. The total number
was two thousand three hundred and ninety-five, of which one thousand
five hundred and seventy-three were from the West Indies and eight hun-
dred and twenty-two from the coast of Africa. In 171 2 the list for Kings
County showed one thousand six hundred and ninety-nine " Christians "
and two hundred and ninety-eight slaves; Orange County, four hundred
and thirty-nine whites and forty-one slaves ; Albany, two thousand eight
hundred and seventy-nine whites and four hundred and fifty slaves ; New
York, four thousand eight hundred and forty-six whites and nine hundred
and seventy slaves. In 1723 there were six thousand one hundred and
seventy-one slaves in the Province, in a total population of forty thousand
five hundred and sixty-four; in 1746, slaves nine thousand seven hundred
and seventeen, total sixty-one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine ; in
1774, slaves twenty-one thousand one hundred and forty-nine, total one
hundred and eighty-two thousand two hundred and forty-seven. Virginia,
at this time, had about two hundred and fifty thousand slaves, or forty per
cent, of the whole number in the colonies.

The American Period — Thomas Jefferson complained that the sev-
eral colonies had never been allowed by England to put in operation any
laws that were passed either to hinder or to prevent the introduction of
slaves; and his original draft of the Constitution of the United States gave
a terrible scoring to George III. for prolonging the existence of the slave
trade. At this time New York was one of the eleven States which reluc-
tantly yielded to the desire of Georgia and South Carolina for continuing
the slave trade until 1808. When the constitution of the State of New
York was forming— 1777 — John Jay urged the early abolition of slavery,
declaring:— " Till America comes to this measure her prayers to Heaven
will be. impious." In 1786, Jay, Hamilton, Livingston, Duane and others
memorialized the legislature for " those who although free by the laws of

4l6 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

God are held in slavery by the laws of this State," and adding, " We view
with pain and regret the additional miseries which these unhappy people ex-
perience from the practice of exporting them like cattle to the West Indies
and the Southern States."

The early laws of the State of New York relative to slaves referred to
their service in the American army. Special privileges were given to the
slaves of Tories. The act of 1788, revising the existing laws, provided that
every negro slave should retain his condition until manumitted ; that the
children of a slave woman should follow the condition of the mother; that
no one should sell within this State any person imported into this State
after June 1st, 1785, under penalty of ^"ioo for each offence ; that no one
should buy a slave for the purpose of selling him in some other State, under
the same penalty ; that the harborer of a slave should be fined £$ for each
twenty-four hours, and be liable for damages in case of his death ; that the
seller of rum to slaves should be fined 40 shillings for each offence; that
the owner of a slave should be liable for all thefts, etc., committed by him
to the value of £$ or under ; that the slave who struck a white person
should be committed and tried as for petit larceny; that slaves should be
tried by jury in capital cases ; that no slave should be a competent witness
except as for or against another slave ; that the owner of a slave should
not allow him to beg, under a penalty of ^10 for each offence; that no
conspiracy should be entered into for the sale of a decrepit slave to a buyer
who was unable to keep him, under penalty of ^"20, and the voidance of the
sale; that the owner of a slave who desired to manumit him must first
procure a certificate from the overseers of the poor or from the city
authorities, stating that the slave is under fifty years of age and able to
take care of himself ; that a slave of this description might be manumitted
by will ; that the owners of any other kind of slave might manumit him by
giving sureties in not less than ^"200 that said slave shall not become a
public charge ; and that the heirs and administrators should be liable for
the support of a non-supporting slave who is freed by a will.

A law as stringent as the Curfew prevailed in 1793, binding all owners
of slaves to have them housed at an early hour. A slave having attempted
to poison the family of her master, and being unsalable, he petitioned to
the legislature and a law was passed allowing the transportation of a slave
convicted of a crime less than capital. In 1798 the manumissions of the
Quakers were declared valid, but subject to the restrictions of the existing
laws. At that time the corporations of Albany and New York frequently
granted warranty deeds of slaves. Bills of sale were also given to these
corporations. Advertisements for the sale of negroes seldom gave the

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 417

name of the owner; but reference was made u to the printer," who would
furnish all particulars. The following is a specimen from the Albany
Gazette : —

To BE SOLD, A NEGRO Boy — For the term of fourteen years, at which period he is
to go free. He is ten years old ; very active, lively and honest. His master is forced to
dispose of him only because the little fellow cannot please every person in the house.
Price, ^60.

The " act for the gradual abolition of slavery" — 1799 — provided, that any
child born of a slave within this State after the next 4th of July should be
born free ; but such child should be the servant of the owner of the mother
until he was twenty-eight years old, or, if a female, until she was twenty-
five years old ; that such proprietor should be entitled to the same service
as if the child had been bound to him by the overseers of the poor. Pro-
vision was also made for recording the birth of all such servants and for
supporting those who could not care for themselves.

In 1794, the Abolition societies of the various States sent delegates to a
general convention in Philadelphia. The New York society sent Peter
Jay Monroe, Moses Rogers, Thomas Franklin, and William Dunlap. John
Jay was President of this society, until he was made Chief-Justice of the
State ; whereupon Alexander Hamilton became his successor. The society
was incorporated in 1808 " for promoting the manumission of slaves, and
protecting such of them as have been or may be liberated."

The Legislature was petitioned in 1801, to take ground against the slave
trade, and to throw safeguards around the law of 1799. A law was at once
passed providing that no slave should be imported into this State, unless
the owner came hither to reside permanently — any slave brought under
other conditions to be free ; that owners of slaves residing in other States
might bring their slaves here but they must not leave them ; and that
owners of slaves residing in this State might take them to other States if
they would bring them back. In 1804, the above law was amended so
that any male servant born of a slave after July 4, 1799, might be
abandoned at the age of twenty-one, and any female at the age of eighteen.
In 1807, the Act of 1801 was still further amended so that the owner of a
slave, who had resided in this State ten years, and had owned said slave
during that period, might take with him said slave if he were about to re-
move permanently to some other State.

The law of 1809 provided that all persons who had been slaves within
this State, and who had been or should be manumitted, were as capable of
taking by devise as if they had been born free. They were also allowed to sue
in the courts, and their marriages were to be considered as valid as free

Vol. XI.— No 5.-28

41 8 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

marriages. In 1810, it was enacted that the slave of every person moving
into this State and residing here for nine months should be free at the ex-
piration of that period ; and that no indenture for the services of a slave
entered into outside this State should be obligatory within this State — any
person so held to be free. Certain privileges were also granted to emi-
grants who brought their slaves from Virginia and Maryland to the west-
ern part of the State. It was also enjoined upon all masters to teach their
slaves to read the Scriptures before reaching the age of twenty-one — the
penalty for neglect being the freedom of the slave.

Governor Tompkins, in 18 12, called attention to the injustice of the
law authorizing the transportation of slaves. De Witt Clinton, also, while
a Senator, introduced several bills to prevent the kidnapping, inhuman
treatment or further importation of slaves. Laws were enacted in 1813
relative to vagabond slaves, and to the forfeiture^of licenses by innkeepers
who sold them liquor. Severe penalties were named for those who kid-
napped free blacks. Still more severe penalties were named in 1 817 in a
new law which condensed all previous laws into one. A more important
amendment — no less than a decree of the final abolition of slavery in the
State of New York — was added in § 32 : " And be it further enacted that
every negro, mulatto or mustee within this State, born before the 4th day
of July, 1799, shall, from and after the 4th day of July, 1827, be free."
This law was passed by twenty affirmative votes, out of a total of thirty-two
in the Senate ; and by seventy-five affirmative votes, out of a total of one
hundred and twenty-eight in the Assembly. It was signed by Governor
Tompkins.

In 1 8 19, it was made a misdemeanor to send away from the State — save
as the law provided — any slave or servant except such slave as might have
been pardoned by the executive for some offence ; and owners of slaves
who resided for a time in other States were forbidden to sell to parties not
resident within this State. This was the last enactment in regard to
slavery. The institution ceased to exist in 1827, but the revised statutes
contained the remnants of all the laws until they were wiped out by Chapter
thirty-six of the laws of 1883.

While New York was thus taking steps to abolish slavery in her midst,
meetings were held, in 18 19, to protest against any farther extension of
the slave territory in the United States. Both branches of the Legislature
instructed the Senators and Congressmen to oppose the admission of any
new State without a prohibition of slavery. Martin Van Buren voted for
such instruction, but afterward, in his inaugural address as President, de-
clared he would veto any measure to abolish slavery in the District of

SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK 4J9

Columbia. The leading Abolitionists of the State, under William Leggett,
Beriah Green, and Gerrit Smith, redoubled their exertions in spite of
mobs in Utica, Albany, and other places. Finally, in 1840, when Governor
Seward refused to deliver to the Governor of Virginia three persons
charged with the stealing of a slave in that State, there was no longer any
doubt in regard to the attitude of New York on the question of slavery.

En passant we must devote a moment to the status of the free negroes in
the State of New York. A law was passed in 18 14 providing for the enlist-
ment of slaves by the consent of their masters — manumission to accompany
an honorable discharge. In the Constitutional Convention of 1 82 1 the proper
committee reported in favor of granting the franchise to every white male
citizen 21 years old who had resided six months in the State and who had
either paid taxes within a year or been enrolled and served in the militia.
Peter Augustus Jay moved to strike out the word " white," on. the ground
that such a restriction would give less liberty to the free negro than he al-
ready had in the States of Virginia and North Carolina. Jay's amend-
ment prevailed, Martin Van Buren and Abraham Van Vechten being
among the affirmative voters, and Colonel Samuel Young, Elihu Root and
J. C. Spencer among the negatives. A provision, however, was incor-
porated which required all colored voters to have a freehold of $250, Van
Buren, Young, and Root being in favor, and Chancellor Kent, the Patroon
Van Rensselaer, Jay, Van Vechten and Piatt being opposed.

At the breaking out of the Revolution (1775), each one of the original
thirteen States allowed, if it did not welcome, the existence of slavery within
its borders. The date and manner in which they respectively rid them-
selves of the institution may very aptly form the closing paragraphs of
this article.

Massachusetts, of course, takes the lead, as might be inferred from her
sending back a cargo of Africans that had been landed on her shores in
1646. The constitution of the new State was adopted in 1780, the first
article in the Declaration of Rights affirming all men to be free and equal.
Under this article the courts decided, in 1783, that slavery could not exist.
An act to prevent the slave trade was passed in 1788. No compensation
was paid to the alleged owners of slaves.

New Hampshire never had more than a sprinkling of slaves. By the
census of 1767, there were 633 "negroes and slaves for life." In 1775
there were 479, and in 1790 there only 158. An elaborate petition in the
nature of an agreement for their liberty was sent to the Legislature by
twenty slaves in 1779. The House, however, after a long delay, ordered
that the matter "be postponed to a more convenient opportunity." The

420 SLAVERY IN THE COLONY AND STATE OF NEW YORK

constitution of 1792 was understood as abolishing slavery without com-
pensation to the owners of the slaves.

Rhode Island passed an act for the gradual, abolition of slavery in 1784,
providing for the freedom of all children born of slave mothers after March
1st in that year. Subsequent legislation did not materially alter this pro-
vision, except as to the liability of towns for the support of the freed people.
The exact date at which slavery actually ceased to exist does not appear.
Many old persons continued in a state of nominal servitude because of
their dependence upon their masters ; but it is certain that nothing was
ever paid by the State for their freedom.

In 1780, Pennsylvania passed an act for the gradual abolition of slavery,
which provided that after the passage of the act all children of slaves
remained as persons bound to service until1 they arrived at the age of
twenty-eight years. No compensation to owners was allowed.

New York finally abolished slavery, without compensation to owners,
in 1827, as we have seen above.

New Jersey's act for the gradual abolition of slavery was passed in
1820, but the act for final abolition was not passed till 1846. No compen-
sation was allowed.

Connecticut passed an act in 1784 liberating all slave children born
after that year when they reached the age of 25. A similar act, in 1797,
liberated all that were born thereafter, at the age of 21. The census of
1840 gave a total of fifty-four slaves in the State. Slavery was finally
abolished in 1848 without compensation to the owners.

The manner in which slavery ceased in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
Georgia and the Carolinas, as well as in the other States of more recent
birth than the original Thirteen, is foreign to the scope of this paper. Al-
though New York did not foresee the inevitable, and act upon that vision
as early as four of her sister States, yet she must have the credit of volun-
tarily doing away with slavery seven years before the agitations of Wilber-
force led the British Parliament to pay twenty millions sterling as the
price of emancipating 800,000 slaves in the West Indies ; nineteen years
before the institution ceased in New Jersey ; twenty-one years before it had
an end in Connecticut, and thirty-six years before the American Republic
was free within all its borders.

WILLIAM III. OF ENGLAND

HIS INFLUENCE ON AMERICA

The stern, tranquil, melancholy face of England's Dutch king, as shown
in the frontispiece of the Magazine for this month, reminds us that nearly
two centuries have elapsed since this royal personage stood before the
world in the attitude of a revolutionary leader; and that the remarkable
influence he exerted upon the forming institutions of America deserves
grateful recognition from the millions of liberty-loving people who inhabit
our vast national domain. He was a Prince of Holland birth, cradled and
bred in a country where principles of personal freedom had long since be-
come potent forces, possessed the ambition of a genuine ecclesiastical re-
former and also the qualities of a great ruler. The English nation, over
which he was called so mysteriously to reign, was at that period in a pe-
culiar struggle for the proper adjustment of the rival claims of Church and
State. The revival of letters and the Protestant Reformation had recently
given an impulse to activities of every character. Intellectual restlessness
pervaded the atmosphere of society. An irresistible tendency toward a
democratic condition of affairs — where the people were to be lifted into
higher political privileges — created extraordinary antagonism, nowhere
more pronounced and apparently unmanageable than in England. The in-
telligence of the realm was divided on the questions at issue, one of which
was the vindication of its right to administer its own government with-
out dictation from any foreign ecclesiastical power. And the hostile parties
on either side were unable rightly to interpret the meaning and the direc-
tion of the great movements which were to reflect themselves so forcibly
and permanently upon the progress of mankind.

William, Prince of Orange, had been a close student of politics and of
military science. He believed himself able to lead enthusiastic Protestants
on a crusade against Popery with the good will and good wishes of every
Papist government, and even of the Pope himself. He was less than forty
years of age, physically feeble, with a hoarse asthmatic cough, the victim of
severe nervous headaches, could only breathe in the purest air, and never
slept unless his head was propped with numerous pillows. He was the son
of William II. Prince of Orange, and Mary, the daughter of Charles I. of
England. But it was chiefly because his wife was the daughter of James
II. that he was called to the rescue of Protestantism and constitutional

422 WILLIAM III. OF ENGLAND

liberty in the British kingdom. When he married his cousin Mary he was
a cold, sullen, apparently unhappy, and a very unattractive young man of
twenty-seven, while the bride was but fifteen years of age. It was nine
years afterward that William fell romantically in love with Mary — but it
was not until she had signified her disposition to endow him with all
governing power should she in the natural course of events become
Queen of England. Thus his invincible will was soothed and fortified for
the critical future, and the sympathy and confidence of Mary was through
his suddenly awakened and sincere affection permanently secured, which
proved of vital consequence to the success of his wonderful schemes.

The coronation of William and Mary, and the inauguration of Wash-
ington as first President of the new Republic of the Western Continent,
occurred just one century apart — two great events in the history of the
world which may almost be defined as the two sides of one event. From
1689 to 1789 the march of human affairs was no less rapid and marvelous
than in our own century following ; and the tendency, with all its manifold
interruptions, was in one general direction. How the revolution in which
William III. was the central figure bore upon the revolution in which
Washington was the hero, will ever prove a source of useful and fruitful
study. The imposing ceremony at Whitehall in February, 1689, found a
fitting centennial celebration in the imposing ceremony in Wall Street in
April, 1789. The scene when the Lords and Commons assembled in the
magnificent Banqueting House to consign the destinies of England to a
Dutch prince was one of great brilliancy. Entering by the northern door,
William and Mary, side by side, advanced and took their places under the
canopy of state. Both houses approached, bowing low. Halifax spoke
for the Convention, which, he said, had agreed to a resolution, and he
prayed their Highnesses to hear it. William and Mary signified assent.
The Clerk of the House of Lords then read in a loud voice the Dec-
laration of Right. When this was concluded Halifax, in the name of all
the estates of the realm, requested the Prince and Princess to accept
the crown. William responded in his own name and in that of his wife,
saying: " We thankfully accept what you have offered us." For himself
personally he assured the Lords that his study should henceforward be to
promote the welfare of the kingdom, and that he should constantly recur
to the advice of the Houses and be disposed to trust their judgment
rather than his own.

His words gave great satisfaction. The Lords and Commons at the
conclusion of the ceremonies reverently retired from the Banqueting
House and proceeded in procession to the great gate of Whitehall. All

WILLIAM III. OF ENGLAND 423

the space as far as Charing Cross was one sea of heads. The Garter-King-
at-Arms, in a loud voice, proclaimed the Prince and Princess of Orange
King and Queen of England, charged all Englishmen to pay faith and true
allegiance to the new sovereigns, and besought God, who had already
wrought so signal a deliverance for the Church and nation, to bless William
and Mary with a long and happy reign.

The American colonies were jarred as by the shock of an earthquake.
The notion of equality took sudden form, and its seed fell in fertile places.
Liberty became a charmed word, however imperfectly understood. In
Boston it speedily meant insurrection. The people assembled, arrested
and imprisoned the royal governor and his advisers, and officered a " Coun-
cil of Safety " to rule the colony. Plymouth, Rhode Island and Con-
necticut reconstructed themselves on a similar basis. New York fell into a
significant tangle of confusion which nearly rent the colony in twain. Two
years later William ordered a government for New York, which continued
substantially in operation for nearly a century, and under which the new
political creed of the sovereignty of the people broadened with each rolling
decade, until it finally developed into a power that proved one of the
chief pillars of the structure erected on our soil — an independent empire.
William's brilliant career as king covered a period of thirteen years, and in
the meantime the Bank of England was created ; the modern system of
finance introduced ; the coinage purified ; the liberty of the press estab-
lished ; a standing army constitutionally formed ; the independence of the
judiciary secured ; and the English Constitution adapted by a natural,
gradual, peaceful development, to the wants of modern society. Freedom
of conscience, and freedom of discussion existed at the time of William's
death to an extent unknown in any preceding age. America, even more
than England, profited through the triumphs of his sagacious statesmanship.
It was the leaven of the loaf. Ere the century closed action had been
given to the political machinery of a new form of government capable of
developing the resources and insuring the prosperity, power and perma-
nence of a great people. With the sublime ceremonial of 1789 (the anniver-
sary of which we are even now preparing to celebrate), when Washington,
standing on the balcony of the old Federal Hall in Wall Street, in the
center of a group of American statesmen, took the impressive oath of office
and entered upon his presidential career, the life current of liberty leaped
into a perpetual flow.

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

"The Council established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the
planting, ruling, ordering and governing New England in America," was
incorporated on the third day of November, A.D. 1620. There were
forty members of the Corporation, some of them being of high rank. The
territory placed under their control extended from ocean to ocean, be-
tween the fortieth and forty-eighth parallels of north latitude* Between
the date of the charter of the Corporation, and the date of its surrender,
on the seventh day of June, A.D. 1635, many grants of land were made,
bearing the broad seal of the Council, yet but one of all these seals is
known to be in existence, and that is in such an imperfect state that it
has hitherto been thought that the device upon it was undecipherable.
The seal referred to is in the Recorder's office at Plymouth,
Massachusetts, and was formerly attached to the patent procured
by Isaac Allerton, who was sent four times to England by
the Pilgrims to obtain a patent from the Council for New Eng-
land, enlarging their original grant, and establishing the boundaries of the
" Old Colony." f This patent, which bears date January 13, 1629, was in
the possession of the family of Governor Bradford till 1741, when, Josiah
Cotton says, " after a deal of labor and cost," it was found at Plympton,
and used in the litigation respecting the boundary line between Massachu-
setts and Rhode Island. Since 1820 it has been in the office of the Regis-
try of Deeds at Plymouth. By order of the General Court, the seal, of
brown wax (being broken and defaced), was repaired by a watchmaker £,
who probably warmed it, thereby rendering the figures which were in bas
relief so indistinct § that antiquarians interested in the matter have given
up all attempts to decipher it. The fate of the original seal of the Coun-
cil is unknown. It is not to be found in the British Museum or in any
other public institution of England. We know that in 1632 it was in the
possession of the Earl of Warwick, one of the most prominent members
of the Council, who, it would seem, had a misunderstanding with his associ-
ates, and retained the seal against their wishes. The following record ex-
plains the situation : — "Att ye Lord Great Chamberlains House in Chan-

* Hazard's Hist. Coll. 1, 103-118. f Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60 et seq.

% The following statement accompanies the seal :

"Salem, Octr., 1818.
This Seal was repaired by Theodore Morgan, Watchmaker."
§ Mass. Hist. So. Proceedings, 1866-7, p. 469.

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

425

THE SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND WHICH WAS ATTACHED TO THE PATENT OF JAN. 13TH, 1629,
NOW AT PLYMOUTH, MASSACHUSETTS..

nell Rowe, the 26 of Novemb' 1632," it was resolved, that, " In regard ye
Companyes great seale remained in the Earle of Warwicks hands, ye Lord
Great Chamberlain was intreated to move ye sd Earle of Warwicke effect-
ally for ye delivery of it unto Sr Ferdinando Gorges, T'rer, into whose hands
itt ought to remaine ; also Sr Ferdinando Gorges promised to desire yc sd
Marshall to joyne wth ye L. Great Chamberlaine in shewinge ye Earle of
Warwicke, ye necessity of haveing ye seale delivered forthwith unto ye T'rer,
in regard of pattents wch at every meeting were desired." This was the
last of several attempts which the Council made * to obtain the seal, and it
was finally successful in obtaining it, for "At a meeting in the Earl of Carlile's
Chambr at Whitehall, the 26th day of April, 1635," the order was passed
for "The Earl of Arundell, with Secry Windebanke, to deliver the Great
Seale to Sr Ferd : Gorges." f

* Records of the Council, pp. 62, 63, 65.

f Recordsof the Council, p. 74.

426 THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

Of course great curiosity has existed to learn the design on this impor-
tant seal, and much has been written about it. The late Dr. Palfrey pref-
aced the title-page of his History of New England with the following
"Advertisement." " The title-page to this edition * is embellished with an
engraved copy of what was probably the seal of the Council for New Eng-
land. When I was in England I took great pains to find an impression of
that seal, but without success; which surprised me, the patents issued by
the Council having been so numerous. An impression of the seal in wax
is attached to the patent of Plymouth Colony, issued in 1629; but it has
been so broken and defaced that the device is undistinguishable. Mr.
Charles Deane believes that he has discovered this in an embellishment of
the title-page of two of the publications of Captain John Smith. I might
do injustice to Mr. Deane's ingenious argument (which, I understand, will
soon be published in a volume of the Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society), should I attempt to exhibit it. It will be found to
have great force. J, G. P.

Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1865, July 21."

This advertisement was inspired by the following letter from Charles
Deane, LL.D., the eminent historiographer, whose contributions to New
England history are invaluable : f

"Cambridge, xoth June, 1865.

Dear Dr. Palfrey, — You have made inquiry, during the last few years, concerning the
seal of the 'Council for New England,' which was incorporated 3d November, 1620, —
whether any impression of it in wax, or any representation of it in any form, is extant
among us, my search for such an impression of it has hitherto been fruitless; but I vent-
ure the opinion that I have now discovered or identified it.

My attention, a few weeks since, was called anew to the arms impressed on the reverse
of the title-page of Captain Smith's 'Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of
New England, or anywhere,' . . . London . . . 163 1 ; the same arms being also displayed
in the body of Smith's Map of New England, in the two latest editions of it. Copies of the
former of these two editions of the map had probably been first issued in the ' Advertise-
ments,'in 1631. I knew that these arms were not the arms of Smith, or of any one to
whom he had dedicated his book ; and I was curious to ascertain for what reason they were
here placed in such intimate connection with the memorials of New England. I then ex-
amined with fresh interest, what I had seen a hundred times before, — the beautifully en-
graved title-page of Smith's ' Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, & the Summer
lies, . . . London, . . . 1624,' and I there observed these same arms represented, along with
those of Virginia, which bear the motto, ' En dat Virginia quintum,' and also with the arms
of Bermuda (or, ' Summer lies ') Company, bearing the motto, ' Quo fatae ferunt.' The in-
ference is, therefore, irresistibly forced upon me, that the arms referred to are those of the

* See Advertisement preceding the Preface, Hist. N. E., large paper Ed., 1865, or Mass.
Hist. So. Proceedings, 1866-7, P- 469.

f Mass. Hist. So. Proceedings, 1866-7, p. 469.

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND 427

seal of the Council for New England. I will add, that, after the fashion of the time, there
is delineated, on the engraved title-page of the ' General! Historie,' an abridged map of
Virginia and New England. Near the part representing Virginia are the arms of Vir-
ginia; and near the coast of New England are placed the arms, which 1 now venture to
call the arms of the Council for New England, an impression of which I now send you in
one of Smith's books.

I supposed this seal was affixed to the principal grants of the Council; but the original
parchments of most of these grants are not known to be in existence; and those which I
have examined are deficient in the wax impressions of the seal. The Patent of New
Plymouth, of 13th January, 1629-30, has the seal; but it is so broken and defaced that I
understand the impression cannot be made out.

With great regard, I am, dear Sir,

Very truly yours,

Hon. J. G. Palfrey." Charles Deane.

In a communication to the Massachusetts Historical Society in March,
1867, Dr. Deane, calling attention to the seal on Smith's Map, said, that
" Since addressing the above letter to Dr. Palfrey, I have inspected the im-
pression of the seal of the Patent at Plymouth. It had been broken in
pieces ; and, some years since, an attempt was made to restore the frag-
ments to their original position, but with little success. I will add, that the
present appearance of the wax exhibits but little resemblance to the device
above referred to, or indeed to any other heraldic figure.

" I made inquiry at the Heralds' College, in London, last year, and at
other places in that city where I thought there was a probability of ob-
taining information on the subject of this seal, but without success.

" Mr. John Bruce, a distinguished antiquary, and a member of the
Society of Antiquaries, kindly interested himself in my subject, and sug-
gested some sources of inquiry. In a note to me he says : ' In Edmond-
son's Heraldry, London, 1780, folio, vol. 1, which you have probably con-
sulted, amongst the arms of societies and bodies corporate established in
London, occur the arms of the Virginia Company and the Bermudas Com-
pany, but, strangely enough, not those of the New England Company.
The two former agree, I believe, with the representations on Smith's title-
page. In that case, your inference as to the last being the subject of
the third coat given by him, seems almost conclusive.'"

Since the time that Dr. Deane made this communication to the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society, the seal found on Smith's Map has been
adopted by writers* as the veritable seal of the Council for New England.
A few months since, in preparing the Trelawny Papers for publication, my

* Memorial Hist, of Boston, vol. 1, p. 92. Publisher's Preface to Advertisements for the
Unexperienced Planters of N. E. Boston, 1865, et passim.

428 THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

attention was drawn to several fragments of the seal appended to the
patent granted by the Council December Ist, 163 1, to Robert Trelawny and
Moses Goodyear, and a careful comparison of these fragments with the
arms on Smith's Map, led me to suppose that the lattef was not the seal of
the Council, and in February, 1883, I called attention to the subject in the
Magazine of American History.

The reasons there given for my supposition were, that on one of the
fragments the letters A G N appeared in juxtaposition, and that on the
Smith arms such letters did not so appear. A figure on another fragment
appeared with legs crossed, and neither of the figures on the Smith arms
so appeared, nor was there on these arms the figure of a ship, which one of
my fragments bore.

After instituting a careful search through a correspondent in London
for information respecting the seal of the Council, I determined to visit
Plymouth and inspect the seal which was said to be undecipherable, and,
much to my satisfaction, I found that the figures upon my fragments were,
without doubt, borne by the seal at Plymouth. In fact, by the aid of
these fragments, I was enabled to make out a considerable portion of the
design on the Plymouth seal, which consists of a ship at the bottom, and
two figures, an Indian on the left, and, probably, a European on the right.
Both the figures appear to have their legs crossed, which would indicate
that they were supporters to a shield. Over their heads appeared to be a
scroll, and about them fragments of what seem to have been mantlings to
a shield, while the whole is surrounded by a bordure bearing a legend un-
fortunately not decipherable. From a critical examination of the Plymouth
seal, I am of the opinion that the dexter figure is misplaced, being too near
the sinister, and placed too high, and that it should occupy a position as
near the bordure as the sinister figure occupies, and stand on the same
level. The mantlings, if such they are, which are broken up and mixed in
confusion about the figures, should be placed above them, supposing, of
course, these figures to be supporters. It should, however, be observed that
there is barely room within the bordure to place them thus. The question
will, of course, arise, What, then, are the arms on Smith's Map, which have
hitherto been supposed to be those of New England? In order to meet
this question understandingly, it may be well to refresh our memories by
reconsidering briefly the history of the three chartered corporations called
in their charters the " First and Second Colony " and the " Council "
established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, " for the planting, ruling,
ordering and governing New England in America," * or, popularly, the

* Hazard, r, pp. 103-118.

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND 4^9

South Virginia Company, the North Virginia or Plymouth Company, and
the Council for New England or Plymouth Council — all distinct corpora-
tions, although the two latter were located at Plymouth, and their charters
embraced the same or nearly the same territory.

Both the two first companies were incorporated April 10, 1606, under
one charter, called the First Charter of Virginia* — the first company, it is
said, " consisting of certain Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants and other Ad-
venturers of our City of London and elsewhere," and the second of " sun-
dry Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants and other Adventurers of our Cities
of Bristol and Exeter, and of our Town of Plimouth and other Places."

The territory granted to the two companies extended from the sea in-
land fifty miles — that to the first Company lying between the 34th and
41st, and the second between the 41st and 45th parallels of north lati-
tude. Subsequently, the rights of the two companies were con-
firmed and enlarged under separate charters.f We will not follow the
history of the South Virginia Company, since we know that the arms
found on Smith's map near Virginia represent the seal of that Company4
The Northern Virginia Company sent out in the spring of 1607, from Ply-
mouth, three ships with a hundred colonists, accompanied by two natives
whom Gorges had instructed as interpreters, and carrying everything need-
ful for the establishment of a colony. After a successful voyage, the colo-
nists arrived at the mouth of the Kennebec, and, August 8th, began a
settlement there under George Popham as president. § The history of this
unfortunate undertaking is given by Gorges in the graphic expression, " our
former hopes were frozen to death." The death of Popham, and the
breaking up of the settlement, so paralyzed the Northern Virginia Com-
pany, that it was unable to raise men or means to undertake another settle-
ment, when Captain John Smith, having left the employ of the Southern
Company, to whom he had rendered. important service, returned to London
and determined to visit the country granted to the Northern Virginia Com-
pany. Obtaining two ships, he set sail, and, in April, 1614, reached Mon-
hegan, near the mouth of the Penobscot.] During the summer he ranged the
coast, trading with the natives, and laying in a supply of fish, at the same
time making the map of the country which has before been mentioned. Re-
turning to Plymouth after a successful voyage, and giving an enthusiastic

* Hazard, vol. 1, pp. 50-58. f Ibid, 1, pp. 58-81.

X The Virginia Company of London, Albany, 1869, p. 154 et. seq., and Stow's Survey of
London, 1632. *

§ Brief Narration, Me. Hist. Coll. p. 20.
|| A Description of New England, 1865, p. 19.

430 THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

description of the country, he says, that " it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge
and Master Doctor Sutliffe Deane of Exeter, to conceive so well of these
projects, and my former employments there, to make a new adventure with
me in those partes, whither they have so often sent to their continuall
losse." * This adventure proved unsuccessful, and he returned to Ply-
mouth, where with unabated enthusiasm he endeavored to arouse the spirit
of colonization. f It was at this time (1616) that he published his map of
New England, comprising the grant to the Northern Virginia Company,
that is, the territory lying between the 41st and 45th parallels of latitude.
He prefaces his book with an address to this Company, in which, he says,
" I have made knowne unto you a fit place for plantation, limited within the
bounds of your Patent and Commission." It is but proper to state that
this map, which bears the date of Smith's first voyage to New England,
namely, 1614, does not show the arms which have been supposed to be
those of the Council for New England, nor do we find them until they ap-
pear upon the elaborately engraved title-page of Smith's General History,
published in 1624, and this has been properly taken as an argument in favor
of the theory that they were the arms of the Council, which, at that date,
had been in existence three years and over. It should, however, be ob-
served, that Smith had been intimately acquainted with the Northern Com-
pany of which the Council was the successor, though the charter of the latter
covered a larger territory, and so must have been familiar with the arms of
the old Company, while the Council for New England, as a different organ-
ization, was, perhaps, almost unthought of by him. By this it is not to be
supposed that he was ignorant of the existence of the Council, which we
are told, " was substantially a reorganization of the Adventurers of the
Northern Colony of Virginia," J for this reorganization, with certain exclusive
privileges not formerly possessed, was the subject of active opposition in
Parliament, and doubtless attracted public attention ; but that he regarded
the new Company simply as a reorganization of the old one, in order to
gain larger privileges, and, hence, saw no special distinction between them.
Although Plymouth was the locus in quo of the Council, its meetings were
held in London, and we are informed that " The attendance on these meet-
ings throughout was most meager. Sometimes only two members, and
barely more than half a dozen at any time being present." § In fact but
little interest was felt among the members outside of Gorges and one or two
others whom Smith had always known as leading spirits in colonization,
during the existence of the old Company. To one, then, conversant with

* Ibid. p. 67. \ Vide Records of the Council, p. 7.

f Generall Historie, vol. 2, p. 2. § Ibid. p. 13.

THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND 43 1

the indefinite and loose method of doing things at this time — and no better
example can be cited than the manner in which the Council for New Eng-
land transacted its business — it may not seem strange that the title-page
of Smith's History of 1624 should have impressed upon it the arms of the
Northern Virginia Company, near the territory which had belonged to it
a few years before. Of course, it is quite probable that Smith had noth-
ing to do with the embellishment of his book, and that his enterprising
publisher, Sparks, attended to this duty, who, if he knew, as perhaps he
did not know, that a new coat of arms had been adopted by the new Com-
pany, did not deem it important enough to take the trouble which might
have been necessary to procure it ; indeed, we have a curious instance of
the slight importance attached to accuracy in the use of embellishments,
in the employment of this very coat of arms which we are considering to
decorate the title-page of a medical book published in 1637. *

But there is still another question, which is, when did the Council for
New England procure a great seal? We have proof that it did not possess
one a year after its incorporation, since the Pierce Patent, so called,
which was issued June 1st, 1621, bore the individual names and seals of
the governing board of the Council. f That the Southern Virginia Com-
pany did not adopt a coat of arms until it had been in existence for thir-
teen years we know from the following extract from the Company's record
of November third, 1619. " Whereas formerly a seale for the Company
called the Legall Seale was referred unto a committee to consider in what
manner should be, and nothing as yet done therein. It was agreed that
Mr. Harecutions be intreated to give the Auditors sometime a meeting
at Sr Edwin Sandis, where they will devise to take a Cote for Virginia and
agree upon the seale," and November fifteenth, " Touching the Legall
Seale spoken of in the Last Court, the Auditors at their Assembly have
therein taken some paynes to w'ch they now presented to this Courte ;
and whereas they had spoken to me for the cutting of it, there is one Mr.
Hole J who would appropriate that unto himselfe under pretence of hav-

*This book, a copy of which is in the Congressional Library at Washington, is entitled, " A
Briefe and Necessary Treatise, touching the cure of the Disease now usually called Lues Venerea,
etc., etc., newly corrected and augmented in the yeare of our Lord 1596. By William Clowes, one
of her Maiestie's Chirurgiens. The Third Edition, London, 1639. Printed by M. Dawson."

The arms appear on the reverse of the title-page of this book, and "are identical in every re-
spect, even to measurement, with that on the reprint of Smith's Advertisements." See Letter of
Chas. E. Banks, M.D., to the author.

f Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 40.

% This was William Hole, who engraved the map in Smith's Generall Historie of 1624, the
title-page of which bore the arms of the Southern Virginia Company as well as those under con-
sideration. Both coats may have been engraved about the same time, viz., 1619-20; indeed it would

432 THE GREAT SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND

ing a Pattent for the engraving of all seales w'ch hath the kinges arms,
but not for any part thereof, and therefore appointed them to repaire
to Mr. Xtopher Brooke, of Lincolne's Inn, to examine it, and to bring
his opinion under his hand in writing, and accordingly it should be
determined." There is nothing apparent in the records of the Council
up to June 29th, 1623, at which date the incorporators had just suc-
ceeded in arranging their individual interests, to indicate that they pos-
sessed a great seal, while in the latter portion of their records one is
frequently alluded to. The patent, however, to Gorges and Mason,
granted August 10th, 1622, * purports to have been sealed with the com-
mon seal of the Council. It is proper to remark that a seal is spoken
of in the records to be used in certain mercantile transactions, f but in
such matters the great seal of a corporation was not used, that being
affixed to important instruments only, like grants of land. From all
this, then, the conclusion seems forcible that the arms found upon the
title-page of Smith's General/ Historie of 1624 are those of the Northern
Virginia Company rather than those of the Council for New England.

seem that the Northern Virginia Company, imitating- its more successful sister Company, would be
likely to adopt a coat of arms if she did, in which case both seals were comparatively new when
used in Smith's title-page in 1624. When the seal of the Southern Virginia Company was pre-
sented to King James, it bore on one side St. George slaying the dragon, and the motto, Fas
Aliiim superare draconem, referring to the unbelief of the natives. This motto the king ordered
to be omitted, but was pleased with the motto on the other side, En dat Virginia quintum,
having reference to the four crowns. This coat of arms may be also seen in the Dowse copy
of Stow's Survey of London, Ed. 1633, p. 620, in the library of the Massachusetts Historical
Society.

* Provincial Papers of New Hampshire, vol. 1, pp. 10-17.

f Records of the Council, p. 28.

(^^^(^4^^o:

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

{Continued from page 352, Vol. XI.)

Captain Marquard to Capf. Beckwith.

BT. B. Morris House* 22"? June, 1781.

I have not mistaken E. B. as to the encampment on the other side of the North
River, f I was very particular in questioning him about its situation, and he told
me that it was on the West side of Hudson's River ; almost opposite, but higher
up, than Teller's point.J

About Norwik, or Norwalk, am of your opinion. E. B.'s information about the
French being there was only grounded on the talk of the country people.

The place where Gen! Howe's Continental Regiments are now, is not Sewarock
but Scrubbock% plains, a place well known between Peekskill hollow, and Crom-
pond. My spelling, or rather hurry, was the cause of this mistake.

E: B: has made out a man on the other side the Croton, where he himself dares
not come, || from whom he hopes to get all possible information. The money you
mention he shall have the first time I see him.

Y's&c

Marquard.
From Cap* Beckwith. 23? June 1781.

Elias Botner of Philadelphia, came to this city last evening from Shrewsbury. %
Says he left Phil* about three weeks ago, and came to Bucks County, where he
remained till the iq1.11 Inst, and then came off for New York. On his coming to
Bristol [he] observed some French soldiers, light-horse men, and some baggage

* On the Heights near Fort Washington, New York Island, now known as the "Jumel
House."

f " E. B." — Eli Benedict. See note to entry of 7th June, ante p. 167.

% Near Verdrietige's Hook, below Haverstraw.

§ " Scrub Oak," now called " Shrub Oak," mentioned before in entry of 20th June and note, is
here meant.

I This was probably one of the Strangs, a good yeoman family of Westchester, of French origin,
which was very much divided in politics at the time of the Revolution, and whose members took
very decided views of things.

1 In Monmouth Co., N. J.
Vol. XI.— No. 5.-29

434 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

waggons, and was informed they were part of Troops that were at Christiana Bridge
in Newcastle County.

On the 17^ Ins' he was in company with a person who left Baltimore in Mary-
land last week, who informed him, that when he left Baltimore, a number of British
vessels, and flat bottom boats were in sight of Baltimore, & that the Inhabitants of
that town were removing their effects.

The militia of Pennsylvania and Jersey are not called out. Few recruits have
been raised for the Pennsylvania line.

The Soldiers in that line have not received their pay, and are very mutinous
and dissatisfied. It is said the French have promised to pay them in hard money ;
but he understood this to be thrown out to keep them in good temper.

New York 21 June 1781. S. S.

From Colonel Robinson to Captain Beckwith.

New York 28* June 1781.

David Gray is just come in from the State of Vermont, which place he left this
day fortnight.

He says that the people of that State are very quiet. Judge Jones* and Col:
Wells f both desired him to give their compliments to Col: Robinson, J and to tell
him that the State of Vermont would certainly come to an agreement of neutrality
with the British in the Assembly that was to sit at Bennington last week, but they
could not publish it 'till the army moved from Canada. Col Ethan Allen went
with a flag to agree upon terms, and was returned the day before he came away.
They are collecting arms & ammunition from New England, under pretence of
defending themselves against the Indians.

He (Gray) passed through Hartford, Saturday the 23I. Three hundred of the
French troops that day got to East Hartford, where they stopped, and were pulling
out the pews, &c. of a meeting house to make barracks. § He was told 4000 were
to march for head quarters. He left the Rope ferry || last Saturday. He did not
hear of the French troops having marched on from Hartford.

The French Fleet still at Rhode Island. At Hartford he saw and spoke to

* Judge Daniel Jones.

f Colonel Samuel Wells, of Brattleborough.

% Col. Beverley Robinson.

§ This " meeting house " is thus spoken of by Claude Blanchard in his "Journal," p. no,
under date of 19th June: " Before reaching Hartford and crossing the river we find a village called
East Hartford ; it is there that our troops are to encamp. This village has only thirty houses and
a temple " {the French name for a Piotestant Church). Rochambeau's chief commissary left Hart-
ford on the 22d, so that he did not see the pulling to pieces of the " temple," which Gray witnessed
the next* day. "Meeting houses" suffered in the Revolution from "friends" as well as from
" foes," it would seem.

I Across Niantic Bay, about three miles west of New London. Gray probably crossed the
Sound to Lloyd's Neck, and came to New York via Long Island.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 435

Col: Sheppard, who was mustering the recruits of Massachusetts State ; who told
him Gen! Washington had sent orders for that State to raise 1500 recruits for the
Continental Army ; also for forwarding all the artillery stores ; that he must have
men enough to attack New York to prevent the British sending men to the south-
ward.*

From Cap1. Beckwith (on the same paper) 23? June '81.

On the 19^ Ins* a frigate arrived from Boston at Newport, in the evening, and
after taking ten pilots on board, sailed the next morning, & its imagined they are
bound to the West Indies to pilot a fleet from thence before the Hurricane
months.

The French troops that were at Providence when we gave you the last intelli-
gence remained there the 21st Inst. Two hundred of the troops which were left at
Newport have since joined them, and 200 of those which lately arrived at Boston,
came to Newport by land the 19^ There are now on the Island 400 French
troops and 500 militia.

In the fleet of 12 transports which arrived at Boston, mentioned before, only
600 Recruits for the Army arrived, and some for the Navy : the number uncertain.

The 200 arrived at Newport are all that at present are fit to march from
Boston.

The fortifications, shipping, &c, remain in the same situation they were in the
13th Ins!

Intelligence received from Mr. R. Alexander, f New York, 23? June, 1781.

" The gentleman who sent the newspapers to Mr Alexander, requests he may be
informed that Gen! Green is on his return from S. Carolina ; the reason of which
as alledged here is, that the Militia in that quarter are turned out in numbers suf-
ficient to keep in awe the Garrison of Charlestown. That a fleet of British ships

* This refers to Washington's call upon the Governors of the Eastern States of 24th May, for
the troops specified, by the 1st of July, 1781.

f This was Mr. Robert Alexander, of Baltimore, Maryland, a lawyer and a gentleman of prop-
erty, position and influence. He was prominent in Baltimore affairs for many years prior to the
war. In 1774 he was a member of the Committee of Correspondence on the Boston Port Bill, and
also chosen the same year a representative for Baltimore at the Annapolis Convention, which passed
non-importation resolutions, took measures for the relief of Boston, and chose delegates to the
Continental Congress. In September, 1775, Mr. Alexander was elected a member of the Provincial
Convention, and in December of the same year was elected by the Convention a delegate to the
Continental Congress, and again chosen to the same position on the 14th of July, 1776 On the
27th of July, 1776. the Declaration of Independence was first promulgated and publicly read at
Baltimore. Alexander did not approve it, for on August 19th, 1776, the Journal of the Baltimore
County Committee says : "It having been represented to this Committee that Robert Alexander,
Esq1! has uttered several reprehensible expressions in a speech made to the people at the close of
the polls for delegates for Baltimore Co. in the Provincial Committee, this Committee think it
their duty to take notice of the matter," and they summoned five gentlemen "to give evidence relat-

436 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

are, within a few days past, arrived in Chesapeake. That, a number of British
vessels with troops on board, are in Potowmack.

That the Hermiotie, after her arrival at Newport, had sailed with all the small
ships of the French fleet, on some private expedition. That the French troops
from Newport were on their march to join Gen! Washington. That a ship and
two Brigs arrived this day from the Havanna.

Phil* 13th June 17.81."

27 June, 1 78 1. Observations made by a person who went to Verplanck's Point, the

in a flag of truce.

" Sailing about between Stoney & Verplanck's Points I had a fair view of them
both. At Stoney P! I counted 35 in number, men, boys, and blacks : and saw the
appearance of 2 pieces of cannon. At Verplanck's, counted 25 in number, and 2
pieces of cannon : and by what I could learn from the Guard, the number of men
I saw was near or quite the full complement of men they had. But they said they
had 4 pieces of cannon at Verplanck's, and 2 at Stoney pt. A Cap', Lieu!, &
Ensign, at each post, with a Lieu! of Artillery for both."

Opposite Tarrytown on the West Shore he saw 6 Whaleboats, and about 42 men
in all. No appearance of any of them fitted for carrying swivels or wall pieces.

He was by a mistake admitted into the Blockhouse near Sneathing's Landing.*
It is a Redoubt about a mile & a half from the landing, on a very rough Rocky
height, Picketted in all round with tops of trees and branches ; no way to get in
without climbing over : About 4 Rods within this circle, is a round breastwork run-
ning quite round the height, 8 feet high, with a gate to pass in on the west side.
Within that circle about 3 Rods, is another breastwork running round the top of
the height, about the same height as the other, on which is wooden embrasures
built, in which they have one piece of Cannon on a travelling carriage. On the
South side [of] the inward work a gate opens into the first breastwork. The rise of
the height is so much as to cause the top of the first breastwork to be no higher
than the bottom of the second.

At this time it was commanded by a Lieu! 2 Serg*.3 2 Cap'5 and 25 men in the
works.

ing to it. " What the result was, is not given, but Alexander afterward left Maryland, came to New
York, and subsequently went to England. In 1783 he was appointed by the Maryland loyalists
agent for Maryland to obtain compensation from the British Government for their losses, and as
such his name appears in the official proceedings of the Board of Agents before the " Commission
for Enquiring into the Losses of the American Loyalists." Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore, Force's
Archives, Fifth Series, I. 1057. Wilmofs Historical View of the Commission for the Losses and
Claims of the American Loyalists, 46, II. Sabine, p. 470.

* Sneden's Landing, or Paramus Landing, on the west side of the North River, opposite the
village of " Dobbs Ferry" on the east side. It was the western landing place of the ferry called
Dobbs Ferry.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 437

Intelligence by E. Yeomans, 27'? June 17S1.
Red*, from Cap1. Beckwith the 25'*

"The word is that Washington is moving to Peekskill.* That a scout is
expected to the White-plains on the East side of the River, another on the West
side thro' Tappan. That the French from Rhode Island are coming to West p'
There is nothing particular from the Southern parts."

30* June, 1 781.

Lieut. Fulton of the King's American Dragoons, f informs, that he left this city
in the month of April last, and went into the Province of New Jersey, to inlist
men for his Majesty's service, that he proceeded thro' the country to Phil* and from
thence to Baltimore, where he endeavoured to execute the purpose of his errand.
That he communicated his intention to a man of considerable consequence and
influence in that country, and received the most flattering promise of assistance.
That he afterwards had a free intercourse with many of the principal inhabitants
of Maryland, and particularly with Mr. Jas. Clarke, a man of great eminence
there as a merchant. J That they invariably assured him of their readiness to
assist him, but suggested the impracticability of his recruits making their escape.
They were uniform in their opinion that if an opportunity was given by a move-
ment of the British troops in their favor, that a very large proportion of the
inhabitants would join them. That his own observation convinced him that the
oppressions by taxes and otherwise were intolerable ; and that the people were
thereby rendered desperate. That a very great number made their proposals to
him at different times to form into bodies, and to destroy the leaders of the
Rebellion there, and to endeavour at an escape. Many of the gentlemen (among
others a Cap* Scott, § formerly an off? in the army, and a Mr. Hammond || ) were so
sanguine as to affirm positively that 1000 men might be immediately collected, was
there a possible chance of their getting off. That, there is a Magazine for the
French and Continental troops in the town of Baltimore, consisting of about

* Washington, as we know by his Journal above mentioned, ordered a camp laid out at Peeks-
kill on the 1 6th June, brigaded his troops and made his arrangements on the 18th, dispatched his
first division to the new camp on the 2ist, his second on the 23d, and his third on the 24th ; the
latter was the very day before this letter was received from Capt. Beckwith. So very early and
very correct was Clinton's intelligence of Washington's first movement in the campaign of 1781.

f James Fulton of New Hampshire. He was proscribed and banished in 177S, entered the
King's American Dragoons, became captain in the same regiment in 1782, and went to Nova Scotia
after the peace. — II. Sabine, 450. His was the regiment commanded by the celebrated Benjamin
Thompson, Count Rumford.

X James Clarke came to Baltimore about 1771, and was at this time one of its leading merchants.

§ Capt. George Scott, who, in 1782, with his family of six, went to Shelburne, Nova Scotia. —
II. Sabine, 575.

I " Mr. Hammond " was William Hammond, a prominent man at Baltimore, belonging to an
old Maryland family.

43§ ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

5000 barrels of flour, and a large quantity of bread ; and that there is besides
considerable quantities of flour in the mills ; and other valuable articles in
the various stores. Also that at Chester * there is another large Magazine of
flour belonging to Congress, &c. That the most respectable characters with whom
he conversed (anticipating some movement of the British troops toward Baltimore)
had deliberately laid a plan of co-operating with them, and giving every assistance
possible. f That at Patuxent there were five outward bound vessels loading with
flour. That the defence of Baltimore consists of a Fort mounting ten or 1 2 guns.
That 100 men commanded by a Cap* Wells are doing duty there, and that they
are building a galley to carry four 1 8 Pr?

From Cap* Beckwith, i5.* July, 1781.

E. B.J informs me that Washington came to Peekskill on Friday. § Head-
quarters are at Cortland's house, and the Park of Artillery is now there. The
troops are now chiefly upon the East side of the River, in many different encamp-
ments from Peekskill to Crompond. The Rebels assert that they have 8000 men,
but they have by no means so many. King's ferry is the most frequent one at
present.

He heard nothing of the French troops.

* In Pennsylvania.

f The entry of this letter is dated June 30th, 1781. Six days before, on the 24th, Lafayette
wrote Washington his views of Maryland at this juncture. Their comparison with Lieut. Fulton's
is of interest. The object of Lafayette's letter was to give his " sentiments" how "to improve
Count de Grasse's assistance " ; it was written from Mattapony, Va., on June 24th, and sent to
Washington by Col. Morris of New York. He says, in stating his'numbers : " The Marylanders
will be six hundred. * * * As to the militia, a demand from you upon the State of Maryland
will procure one thousand well-armed militia. The conduct of some people in that State, ap-^
pears to me very injurious to the public interests. The new levies have been every day
delayed, every petty pretence employed to prevent their joining either General Greene or this
army. The danger of Baltimore upon which I was not very hasty to quiet them, brought on a
confession that the men were ready. I then demanded them in the most urgent terms. At last I
sent George there, who wrote me that they make a beautiful battalion. But he could not obtain a
promise to send them in three or four days." Spark's Rev. Corr., 342-?- They still held back,
and two months later, on 21st of August, La Fayette again writes to the Commander-in-Chief, "Some
days ago, I sent Washington to contrive the Maryland new levies out of their State. These Mary-
landers will be five hundred ; Virginians, four hundred ; Pennsylvanians, six hundred ; light
infantry, eight hundred and fifty ; dragoons, one hundred and twenty. (2,470 in all.) Such is
the Continental force ; * * * * * Maryland would send six hundred militia at least
Ibid., 391.

% The Eli Benedict mentioned before, in the entry of 7th June and note.

§ This was June 29th. Washington's Journal does not state the day he came to Peekskill. He
was at New Windsor on the 25th, and his first letter dated Peekskill was on the 27th, so that " E.
B." was wrong by two days in this particular, but right as to Cortlandt's being the headquarters.
This entry also shows how early Clinton had notice of Washington's movement to Westchester
County, from a different source than that mentioned in the above entry of 27th June.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 439

Letter from Lt. Col : Upham to Maf. Gen : Riedesel. *

Lloyds Neck, 30^ June, 1781.
(Received i5.' July)
Sir :

Immediately on receipt of yours of the 27* ins*, I looked for the means of
obtaining the intelligence you was pleased to require. Two Refugees of fair
character went to the opposite shore, saw several friends to Govern* who
reside in that country, from whom they red1 the following information which may
be relied on.

That the French troops have marched from R. Island in 4 divisions. That
the i5.1 div" said to consist of 1000 men arrived at Danbury the 29*? ins* The 2d
and 3d. were at Hartford the 28* following the first. The 4* was also on its way ;
but its particular route or progress not known, f

The enclosed New Haven paper of the 28th accounts for the Legion of 600
commanded by the Duke DeLauzun.J

Every third militia man in Connecticut to be drafted before next Monday
Evening. One third part to Garrison West Point, the other two thirds to join the
Continental and French troops.

Their object is universally believed by the Rebels, and friends of government
to be New York.

Could not learn whether the Recruits lately arrived in Boston have joined the
other troops.

N. B. The New Haven paper mentions the Legion being at New Haven. §

* Major General Frederick Adolphus von Riedesel, Baron Eisenbach, the Commander of the
Brunswick Troops. In Oct., 1780, Maj. Gen. Riedesel, who had been captured with Burgoyne's
Army at Saratoga three years before, was duly exchanged, and Clinton immediately appointed him
a Lieut. General, with a command in Long Island with headquarters on Brooklyn Heights. Hence
his order to Lieut. Col. Upham which produced this report. On July 22d, 1781, he sailed for Que-
bec to assume the command of the German troops in that Province, and continued there till 17S3,
when he accompanied the troops on their return to Germany, arriving at Brunswick in September of
that year. He subsequently served in Holland, became a Lieut. General in Germany, and died
Commandant of the City of Brunswick, on January 1st, 1800, in his 62d year. — Von Elkinfs
Memoirs of Riedesel, translated by W. L. Stone.

\ These movements are those made by the French forces, after Rochambeau received Washing-
ton's letters by Col. Cobb, informing him of his proposed plan to surround De Lancey's corps at
Kingsbridge, in connection with proposed attack on Fort Washington by Lincoln, from the Jersey
side of the Hudson, which caused the French General to change his route and hasten his march.

% It was a legion of cavalry.

§ The Lt. Col. Upham who writes this report was Joshua Upham, of Brookfield, Massachusetts,
a lawyer and a very able and distinguished man, the father of Charles Wentworth Upham, the
author of the Life of Sir Henry Vane, and who was successively President of the Senate of Massa-
chusetts, and a Member of Congress from the same State. Joshua Upham was opposed to the tyranny
of the British Ministry, but refusing to take up arms against the king was proscribed and banished.
He joined the Provincial forces, and rose to be Lieut. Colonel of the King's American Dragoons, of

440 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Neh : Marks to Major De Lancey. Lloyd's Neck, 29'? June 1781.
{Recd in July 1781).
Sir

This moment a flag returned from Stamford. One of the officers belonging to
the Keppel Sloop of War informs me that there are 4000 French troops on their
march from Rhode Island, and that the Is* division has arrived at Danbury. The
Rebels are drafting one in every three men. In case he refuses to go, he is to pay
a fine of ^70, hard cash. Am this moment going out, and if I can land, shall im-
mediately inform you of my proceedings. Cap! Glover will inform you of our last
cruize.

I am etc.,
Maj. De Lancey. N. Marks.*

To Cap'. Beckwith, Thil", 27? June 1781.
(Recd \s> July)

Your letter of the 30* May came to hand, but not till the 23d ins* I return
you many thanks for your readiness to serve me with supplies, etc. Nothing
material since my last from the southward, nor indeed from any other quarter.
The purport of the Dispatches which came over with the French Admiral I gave
you in my last. Those which came by the Alliance to Boston are nearly the same,
with only a few additional circumstances.

Congress are advised that Spain is not so friendly to them as they expected.
They have signified to M' Jay, their doubts whether or not America would not

which Benjamin Thompson, afterwards Count Rumford, was Colonel, who was another proscribed
and banished New England man of note. As such officer, Col. Upham was Deputy Inspector
General of the Refugee corps at Lloyd's Neck, in 1781, and from there sent Gen. Riedesel
the above report. He was engaged with Winslow in the attack on Norwalk, and with Arnold in
that on New London. After the war he went to New Brunswick, where he became Judge of the
Supreme Court and a Councillor of the Province, and was highly esteemed for his probity and
learning. Called upon to go to England on public business in 1807, he died there in the perform-
ance of his duty. One of his daughters became the wife of the Hon. John W. Weldon, Speaker
of the Assembly and Judge of the Supreme Court of New Brunswick ; and their son is the present-
Charles W. Weldon, one of the most eminent lawyers of the Dominion of Canada and Member
of the Dominion Parliament for the City of St. John, New Brunswick, to whom the writer is
indebted for very many of these facts, communicated under his own most hospitable roof at
St. John, a few years ago. A good sketch of Judge Upham is given in II. Sabine's Loyalists,
P- 372.

* "N. Marks" was Capt. Nehemiah Marks, a Connecticut loyalist of Derby, who held under
Clinton precisely the same position as Lt. Caleb Brewster, mentioned in entry of 4 Feb., 1781,
did under Washington — agent on Long Island Sound for obtaining and sending intelligence and
despatches from within the enemy's lines — and like him was bold, determined and successful.
Marks went to Nova Scotia after the war, and thence to St. Stephen, New Brunswick, where
he died in 1799, leaving a large and highly respectable family. — II. Sabine, p. 47. "Capt.
Glover" is the same mentioned before in entry 1st March and note thereto.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 441

take some advantage of their South American colonies, in case their Independance
was established. Those jealousies Congress are about to remove if possible. What
offers they will make to Spain to do it, is not yet known. They are advised by their
great and good Allies the French that every nerve is strained in order to obtain
good terms for them. The queen of France has wrote a letter with her own hand
to the Emperor, in order to soften and bring him over to Our interest. The King
of France has instructed his ministers at the different Courts, who are to be
mediators at the grand Convention, to endeavour to find out without loss of time
what the temper of and dispositions of those Courts were towards America, and
to make it known to him as soon as possible. That as soon as this is known, he
promises to forward to us a Dispatch boat, with the opinion and advice of his
Court on the Subject ; and this Dispatch boat is actually expected in two or three
weeks at furthest.

The Dispatches mentioned in my last letter, are not yet gone. There are fre-
quent requisitions from Virginia for Gen! Washington to go to the Southward, but
to no purpose. I think Congress will not order them there yet ; whatever they may
do some time hence.

Agreeably to your request I shall in future keep a watchful eye over the trade,
and constantly give you a state of the Ports. You will observe that the Ports in
the Delaware are all now on the Continent, from which any exports of consequence
can now be sent. Therefore there is no other place so material for your Navy to
attend to.

Captain has been very unwell at his house in Lancaster County for two

months past, otherwise I think I should have been able to have mentioned him to
you in a way which would give you satisfaction. He has got much better, and is
expected in town. As soon as he is able to come, I shall then consult him fully
and advise you accordingly. I promised to draw on you quarterly, &c, therefore
please to give a quarters pay to the bearer, who will bring it to me. I have endeav-
oured to charge the bearer with as many verbal hints as I can.*

Copy of a letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to Cap* Beckwith.
(Recd ist July, 1781.)

Congress are extremely anxious upon the subject of the grand Convention at
Vienna. They look upon it that the rise or fall of our new Empire solely rests

* As the intelligence in this letter was communicated to Congress only, whose sessions were
secret, the writer must have had it from one or more of its members. The same remark is appli-
cable to the succeeding letter from " a gentleman in Philadelphia." The difference in the style of
the two letters, however, indicates that both are not written by the same person. All the foreign
matters referred to in these two letters, both received the ist of July, 1781. at Clinton's head-
quarters, will be found in the second Volume of the Secret Journals of Congress, under different
dates running from 28th May to 29th June, 1781, pages 404 to 458.

442 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

with them. They have lately recd Dispatches from Dr Franklin, a part of which
are in very angry terms : he complains that they have sent a boy to inspect and
watch over his conduct ; therefore he sends them his Resignation. At the same
time he advises them to appoint Commissioners immediately to attend the Conven-
tion, and to send over with all possible Dispatch their ultimate instructions upon
the subject of peace, &c, &c. Therefore, John Adams and John Jay* are
appointed, and a third person is about to be appointed, to represent our New
Republic in that Convention. The member which they are about to appoint is to
proceed immediately with their dispatches. They are making up the Budget, and
Duplicates are to be sent different ways ; one to go from this place, one from
Boston, &c.f

It is feared that these Commissioners will not be admitted to a seat in that Con-
vention ; but in that case it is intended to have them at hand, in order that they
may influence and assist the Commissioners of our allies, in all such matters as
may relate to America. (Will not those Commissioners be too late in getting
there ?)

Congress are convinced that the Emperor of Germany is not friendly to them,
and they fear much that he will have too much influence over the Empress of
Russia.

Our assembly as well as those of 'New Jersey, and the Delaware States, are now
sitting upon the subject of the Paper money. They have it in contemplation to
repeal all tender laws, and levy their taxes in hard money. To take off all restric-
tions on trade, except to what they call the common enemy, and to give every possible
encouragement to the trade of the French and Spanish Islands. The late very
great success which the, traders of this place have met with, has led to this measure.
A number of arrivals from the Havanna very lately (I believe since my last to you)
have brought not less than 200,000 Dollars, besides a very large quantity of sugars, J

* These names are doubly underscored in the MS.

f The answer of Congress to Franklin's indignant action, on account of their sending the younger
Laurens on a special mission to France, is in these calm words : "A compliance with your request
to retire from public employment would be inconvenient at this particular juncture, as it is the
desire of Congress to avail themselves of your abilities and experience at the approaching negotia-
tion. Should you find repose necessary, after rendering the United States this further service,
Congress, in consideration of your age and bodily infirmities, will be disposed to gratify your in-
clination." II. Secret Journals of Congress, p. 256, under date of 19 June, 1781. The appoint-
ment of Jay and Adams as his co-commissioners is notified to Franklin in the same letter.

% The late venerable Major James Rees of Geneva, New York, was at this time, though quite
young, a confidential clerk of Robert Morris " the Financier," to whom as a merchant these sugars
came consigned. The sugars were but a cover arranged by Morris to get specie. The hogsheads
of sugar when they arrived were placed in a particular store of Morris's ; and there, at night,
Morris and Rees with their own hands broke open the hogsheads and picked the dollars out of
the sugar; then re-filled the hogsheads and headed them up. The secret was known only to
Morris and Rees, and was never discovered. These among other facts were told the writer of
these notes by Major Rees himself, whom he knew intimately for many years. Rees entered the

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 443

&c. West India goods are generally as cheap here as in time of peace. I should
then, expect that your business as Politicians * would be to counteract this plan
as much as possible, as well by encouraging the sending the produce to you, as by
cruizing against all such as was intended to be sent for the immediate supply of
your enemies.

You will observe that this trade enabled the Spaniards at the Havanna to fit out
their expeditions against Pensacola ; and without it, they could not have gone at
that time. At least |ths of the provision trade out of the Delaware for six months
past, has gone dear.

The present appearance of crops all over the middle colonies, are as great as
they ever were in the world, f For Carolina news, I refer you to the Prints, which
I expect you will receive herewith. We have nothing more from that quarter, un-
less it be that Green is making the best of his way back to join the Marquis, &c.
We have no very late accounts from him, the communication between that place
and this being very much obstructed.

About 30 sail of transports, supposed to be from Europe, with troops, &c, on
board, arrived in Hampton road about 10 days ago.

All the late accounts from Virginia agree that Lord Cornwallis is in the neigh-
borhood of Hanover Courthouse, about the head of York River ; that the Marquis
keeps 30 miles from him, and as near the mountains as he can possibly get.

The militia of Virginia turn out badly. A very vigorous attempt will shortly be
made to get the militia of Maryland and this State out. How they will succeed
God knows : but I think it will be very badly.

Col0 Tarleton very lately made an attempt to surprise the Assembly of Virginia
who were sitting at Charlotteville ; however, they escaped, and got over the moun-
tains, all except 8 or 10, who fell into his hands. He had nearly taken the whole
of them.

The Convention troops are just removed into this Province ; where they will be
stopped, I believe is not yet determined.

I am sorry that I have cause to complain of the treatment of the gentlemen of
your Navy. The conduct of the officer of the Royal Oak, who was prizemaster on
board our Brign.e The Adventure when she was taken into your port, was very un-
accountable. He certainly did go on board the prize ship and declared in the
Presence of the Prisoners, that [the] Adventure had a permit on board, and was
loaded with an intent to go to you.J This account has been brought here by

counting-house of Morris in 1776, and continued there throughout the Revolutionary War. The
warmest of friendship and confidence ever existed between them. It was to attend to Morris's
landed interests in western New York, that Rees removed to that region, and he ever after re-
mained there. Many of Morris's letters to Rees were given to the writer by the latter, who was
one of the most honorable and high-minded of men.

* Doubly underscored in the MS.

f The harvest of 1781 proved to be one of the largest in the last century.

% The following is the notice of the capture of the Adventure in the New York papers : "New

444 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

sundry persons (since exchanged) and a complaint lodged with Council ; which
makes much noise here. What the event will be when the hands return God knows.
I fear the Ostensible owners of her will be obliged to go over to you, at least. I
stand very clear of suspicion myself, having always kept a good Whig between me
and those matters.

The conduct of the Navy officers in this instance seems as if the granting such ■
permits was only intended as a Decoy to get the property of your friends on this
side into their hands ; in this case the encouragement for people to. risk their lives
in supplying your garrison with provisions is really bad. If protection and
encouragement was given, you might certainly supply your whole army with flour
from this quarter. This I apprehend would not only supply you with it cheaper
than you get it from Europe, but it would be taking off hundreds of our busy men *
and bringing them over to your interest.

The war in America is now become a meer Partizan war ; therefore it then
remains with you, to make use of every political means in your power to bring over
to your party as many as possible of the Inhabitants ; so different is my opinion
from that of the officers of your Navy.

Philadelphia, 19 June, 1781.

York, May 16, yesterday arrived the brig Adventure laden with goo barrels of flour, from Phila-
delphia; she is a prize to the Royal Oak, taken off Egg Harbour." Royal Gazette, Wednesday, May
i6t/i, 1781; Gaine's Mercury of 21st May, 1781, copies the above verbatim. This is an example of
the trading caried on during the whole war, both by sea and land. Naval officers got no prize-
money if the vessel taken proved to have "a permit"; hence they refused to recognize the permits
whenever they possibly could. In this case it seems it was recognized at first and then refused,
hence the trouble in Philadelphia. Two years before, in February, 1779, Gen. Maxwell, then at
Elizabethtown, N. J., thus vividly describes the land permits : "I have had my own troubles with
them, but I hope the impropriety of it is properly seen through, and that no person will be per-
mitted to pass into the Enemy's Lines but on very extraordinary occasions, and their business
vouched for by some good disinterested person, or persons, before they obtain their pass. But why
need I urge these restrictions ? They will then deceive you, or any one, though probably not in
such numbers. I verily believe if it were possible for the angels of light and darkness to reside
together on this earth, and should those of darkness be about to present a Petition to Heaven,
they would get some of the angels of light to vouch for the justness of their Business or inten-
tions."— VII. Penna. Archives, 178.
* " Business men " is here meant.

{To be continued.}

MINOR TOPICS
THE SOLDIERS' HOMEWARD VOYAGE

A THRILLING EXPERIENCE AT THE CLOSE OF THE LATE CIVIL WAR

On Thursday, November 9th, 1865, the steamer Merrimac, Captain Van Sice,
laden with cotton, left New Orleans for New York, with thirty officers and 900 men
of the Forty-third United States Colored Troops, and some thirty other passengers,
civilians and soldiers, on board. The soldiers , were in high glee. Many of the
officers had been continuously in service since the fall of Sumter, and were weaving
webs of brilliant fancies, in which home and wives and sweethearts formed glowing
figures of happiness. Marching to the steamer, they passed in review for the last
time, the reviewing officer expressing cordial approval of their soldierly bearing.
With well-brushed uniforms, good music, the consciousness of passing under the
eyes of one of our most brilliant commanders, and above all the bright anticipa-
tions of the immediate future, combined to make this the most successful review of
our period of service. We left a good impression, and were proud as well as
happy.

At the levee the great ship was ready, with steam on and the great cables fast-
ened with a half-hitch. As soon as the major, who superintended the embarkation,
stepped upon the deck, we were off, amid the cheers of our men and the multitude
of lookers-on, and the strains of " Home, Sweet Home," from the band. It was a
novel scene to most of us. In coming from Texas to New Orleans we had passed
up the river at night, and had no opportunity for examining the features of that terra
incognita which stretches from the Crescent City to the Gulf. The three hours of
daylight left us after our departure from the levee were fully occupied in shooting
alligators, or rather in shooting at them, for the monsters were little disturbed by
our shots. This was fun for the boys, but by no means death to the 'gators.

Our first duty and pleasure was to make ourselves acquainted with our fellow-
voyagers, for while our regimental officers were sufficiently numerous for compan-
ionship, there were those with whom an enforced residence of a week rendered it
desirable that we should know. To this task our evening was devoted. Of the
military there were half a dozen young officers of the general staff, whose fair com-
plexions and dapper whiskers formed a striking contrast to our visages, bronzed
and hardened by a summer on the Mexican frontier ; a stunted Israelite returning
with the shekels gained as a camp follower ; a Polish lady from Mexico, resplendent
in jewelry ; a lady from New Orleans, taking the remains of an honored uncle to
his old home in New York for interment ; a soldier's wife, hastening to the death-
bed of her mother ; the lieutenant-colonel of a negro regiment just mustered out ;

44-6 MINOR TOPICS

four Yankee "school marms," thoroughly sated with six months' experience in the
unreconstructed South ; a St. Louis physician and his wife— the latter a lady who
preferred the solitude of her state-room to association with "nigger officers," and
who exhausted her ingenuity in the effort to deprive her husband of the pleas-
ure of our society— and a dozen or more young business men and commercial
travelers. Before retiring we had succeeded in welding the whole into a tolerably
pleasant association, with a sincere desire to entertain and be entertained.

On the morning of the ioth the stoppage of the steamer to take on a pilot
brought most of us on deck, and in a period all too brief for us, who had hoped to
get at least one square meal before reaching New York, we were pitching and
rolling in a fierce, chopping sea in the Gulf. A fruitless effort to swallow a few
morsels of food was followed by retirement to our state-rooms. We heard
that the storm was increasing in violence ; that the men who had spread their
blankets on deck in order to escape the stifling atmosphere of the steerage
had been compelled to go below ; that the regimental horses had been thrown
overboard, and then all was a blank. Existence was narrowed down to the berth,
the deck above, and the dim rays which penetrated the dead-light.

About four o'clock of Saturday, the nth, our quarter-master, one of the few
who had escaped the horrors of sea-sickness, entered a certain state-room, and said
to its occupant : " Don't you think you can get up ? The steamer heads north-
west now, and the captain is very anxious. I am sure something has happened,
and I have been prowling around to solve the mystery, but at every turn some of
the ship's officers head me off."

" Have you told the major ? "

" Yes ; but he is too ill to take any interest."

"Well, find out what you can, and 'let me know. I'll get up if I must, but
at this moment even sinking would be a relief."

The officer was not startled. Nothing could startle him in his intense suffering,
but the information set him thinking in a slow, confused way, and presently he be-
came aware that there was a change in the motion of the ship. Instead of riding
lightly over the waves, she seemed to be butting against them, and would stop and
shiver as she struck, and then move heavily, groaning dismally. But the " ker-ker-
chug ! ker-ker-chug J '" of the huge propeller was maintained with monotonous
regularity, and as thought even was painful, the officer gave it up, and lapsed into
the semi-unconscious condition from which he had been temporarily aroused.

About eleven o'clock there was an ominous silence. The ship labored as
usual; the great waves dashed against her sides as before ; the timbers creaked and
groaned ; but still there was something missing from the category of sounds.
What was it ? Gradually the idea took shape. The propeller no longer revolved.
What did this mean ? But even as the fact forced itself upon the sick man's brain
— "Ker-ker-chug ! ker-ker-chug J" — the engine had again started. At this moment

minor topics 447

the quarter-master again appeared. " Cap, you must get up now. The matter is
serious. The ship has sprung a leak, and the water gained so much that the fires
were damped so that the engine had to be stopped more than an hour. The major
is up, and wants all the officers on deck."

" Have the men (soldiers) been roused ? "

" No ; that is, not all of them. Captain Van Sice is afraid they will be panic-
stricken, and will not consent to have them told. He has only permitted us to tell
fifteen or twenty of the non-commissioned officers, and they are now bailing out
with buckets."

" Are the pumps going ? "

" Yes ; but they are in bad condition."

There was no help for it. There are some things worse than sea-sickness, one
of which is to be drowned like a rat in a hole ; so, choosing the least evil, the
officer dragged himself into his clothes and staggered into the saloon. On each
side of the companion-way was a line of men passing empty buckets with one hand
and filled buckets with the other. Most of these men were of the crew, and it was
noticeable that the laggards in the work were entirely among them. It was not
encouraging, but it was evident that the seamen had lost heart. In the captain's
cabin were gathered the military officers, while huddled together in groups, with
pale faces, disheveled hair, and scant raiment, were the other passengers. The con-
sultation in the captain's cabin was brief but eminently satisfactory. The captain
was still loth to call the soldiers, while acknowledging that the water was gaining
and that he could hope to keep the fires alight but a short time longer. An indig-
nant intimation from one of the younger lieutenants that we were in the majority,
and could take matters into our own hands, may have influenced his decision, for
he soon gave a reluctant consent, and issued the necessary orders for so preparing
as to enable the soldiers to work to the best advantage. It was determined that
of the Forty-third, seven hundred men could be relied on for work ; but as the
captain's plans contemplated the use of not more than three hundred at once, the
regiment was divided into two reliefs, and appropriately assigned to duty. The
fore, after, and main hatches were opened, and bales of cotton taken out and
thrown overboard, until in each a well was made of sufficient depth to allow a
hogshead to be lowered into the water. Stout hogsheads were then slung to strong
ropes, which were rove through blocks attached to the spars, and then through
blocks fastened to the decks. At each fall was stationed a company of men.
Besides the gangs at the cabin stairs, gangs were stationed at each corner of the
great engine— two men on each of the iron platforms by which every part of the
machinery of an ocean steamer is reached, — and at the opening into the hold
through the forecastle. When all was completed, there were eight gangs of men
with buckets and three hogsheads, with which to keep up the work of bailing.

But it was nearly morning when these preparations were completed, and mean-
while the water was slowly creeping upward, taxing the ingenuity of the firemen to
keep it from splashing into the doors of the furnaces.

448 MINOR TOPICS

The officer who had been directing the men at the cabin stairs, overcome with
nausea, had been compelled to seek temporary relief in his state-room. Lying in
his berth, he was thinking with bitterness of his young wife, now in daily expecta-
tion of his home-coming, when the door opened and again the quarter-master, who
had been indefatigable in his efforts to stimulate courage, entered to say that the
engineer had just reported the water in the ash-boxes, and he would be able to keep
the engines in motion but a few moments longer. While speaking the propeller
stopped, and nearly a thousand souls were at the mercy of the winds and waves,
with nothing to hope from but their own exertions, and the goodness of Divine
Providence.

As the propeller ceased revolving, the Israelite passenger burst into the state-room
with a face the incarnation of horror, wringing his hands and exclaiming : " Ach,
mein Gott ! mein Gott ! we are got trowned ! We are at the bottom of the sea !"
and trembling in abject terror. We endeavored to calm him, urging him to help
save the ship, but he only asked the question : "Af we gets back der New Orleans,
vill dey give me pack my monish und let me go mit der river ? " A well-directed
boot gave him present pain rather than future safety to think of, and his auditors
gave way to hearty laughter.

Pale and trembling, the suffering military captain again took his station on the
dining-room table, directing the buckets. A brother officer passing noticed his
pallor, and presently returned with a common tumbler three-fourths full of brandy.
"Drink that and be happy," said the good Samaritan, and even as the fiery liquid
passed down his throat the distressing sensations commenced to disappear. In ten
minutes the sea-sickness had given place to a feeling of positive exhilaration, the one
thought uppermost being, " We must save the ship." All night long the bucket
gangs labored, and the work of preparing the hatches went on, and at daylight
every man of the relief on duty was at his post working earnestly at what seemed
to be a hopeless task. As the gray light of the dawn began to creep over the mist-
covered sea, Captain Van Sice turned to a regimental captain standing near him,
saying : "You say you are familiar with the sea ?" An affirmative answer being
given, he continued, handing him a binocular : " Then, for God's sake, keep a
sharp look out for a sail, for if we don't meet one to-day I am afraid we never
will."

" Do you consider our situation as bad as that ? "

" Yes ; the water has gained on us steadily since the engine stopped, and is
now washing into the flues of the boilers. If it had not been for your regiment I
should have abandoned the ship last night."

" But the hogsheads are at work now ; won't they make a difference ? "

" I hope so, but there is barely room for the hope. If we can keep the water
down to its present level and we escape a severe storm, we may get through, but
the chance is a slim one."

The officer obeyed instructions, carefully sweeping the horizon, limited by the

MINOR TOPICS 449

falling rain, while at the same time directing his company, which, manning the falls
at the after-hatch, every three minutes brought up a hogshead of water from the
hold. Walking away cheerily, and with the trained military step of veterans, they
accompanied their monotonous tramp with a plantation melody, occasionally vary-
ing the strain by a sudden burst into one of the glorious army songs which had,
and still have, so great a power to stir the blood. The triumphant strains of
"Marching through Georgia," seemed a singular accompaniment to a fifty-foot
tramp forward and backward on the slippery deck of a half-swamped steamer, but
it was inspiriting, and in the enthusiasm of the moment it is doubtful if many of
the men remembered that there was nothing between them and eternity but that
constant tramp.

More than one binocular swept the gray horizon that Sunday morning. From
the rail, from the quarter-deck, from the shrouds, from the tops, from the cross-
trees glasses ranged the surface, but all to no purpose. No sail appeared, and
gradually the conviction grew upon us that we would be forced to spend another
night in the sinking ship.

All day long the ceaseless tramp of three companies hoisting from the hatches,
the great splash of the water from the hogsheads, the rattle of the buckets, and the
songs of the men told of the mighty struggle going on. But it was not all dis-
couraging. At noon came the welcome tidings that the water had been lowered
three inches. It was no longer a question of doubt. It was a matter of endurance
alone, and not a man in that great company thought of fatigue. Every two hours
the workers were relieved, and threw themselves down, anywhere, for a brief two
hours' repose. As they came off duty each was served with a cup of coffee. As
they went on a "jigger " of spirits gave them renewed energy. The log, thrown
at intervals during the day, showed our progress to be four miles an hour, with a
considerable drift westward. As we were two hundred and forty miles from the
Mississippi at the time of the discovery of the leak, and the drifting would carry us
some forty miles west of the river, it was calculated that it would require forty-
eight hours to strike the coast. Could the men maintain their strength under the
constant strain of two days ? It was a problem of which none dared attempt the
solution. We could only work on until nature refused to obey the will, and then,
as Captain Van Sice expressed it, " all go down together."

No change occurred in the situation during Sunday. No harbinger of hope, in
the shape of a sail, appeared. The men worked hard and cheerfully. There were
but few skulkers, and they were promptly reported by their indignant comrades
and dragged out by the officers.

The examinations of the carpenter had developed the fact that the leak was
caused by the breaking of the iron supply pipe through which the water for the
condenser was taken from the sea. As this pipe passed through the bottom of the
ship, it could not be reached. A stream of water six inches in diameter was rush-
ing into the ship, to offset which three hundred men were required to work con-

Vol. XL— No. 5.— 30

450 MINOR TOPICS

stantly. Late Sunday afternoon a startling discovery was made. But a few barrels
of water remained. As the condenser was relied upon, and that without fire was
useless, the torments of thirst stared us in the face. Every two hours a barrel and
a half of water was required for coffee. There was barely enough to last till Mon-
day morning. A guard was placed on the supply, with instructions to permit no
one to use it except the cooks. It was still raining, and the ship's boats were nearly
full. This was so mixed with sea water as to be useless. It was emptied, the
boats wiped as dry as possible, and again allowed to fill ; the covers were taken
from the life-boats housed on the main deck, and arrangements made to save all the
water caught in the bellying sails. A full supply of water was insured so long as
the rain continued. Fortunately, the rain continued without cessation. To be
sure, the dashing spray would saturate the sails, and send bucketfuls of sea water
into the boats, but it was, compared with the sea water, fresh, and if the coffee did
have a queer taste, it was hot.

And so passed the day, drearily, painfully, but not discouragingly. We had the
water under control, and as night fell we felt that thirty-six hours more would put
us upon the mud banks of the coast of Louisiana.

The scene on deck as darkness settled down was singularly picturesque and
thrilling. Lanterns and torches illuminated the ship from stem to stern, the lurid
glow seemingly reflected back from the outer wall of darkness, and causing the
ship to appear the center of a halo of her own creation. The dark figures of the
men, bowing to the strain as the huge hogsheads were swung from the depths of
the dismal hold, and walking leisurely back while the great bucket was again
lowered ; the shrinking figures of the women passengers, watching with anxious
timidity the movements of their preservers (in intent, at least), the restless, nervous
movements and sharp commands of the officers, and the constant and cheerful songs
with which the labor was accompanied, altogether formed a scene which will remain
impressed upon the memory of the actors as long as memory has a place in the
economy of life.

In the engine-room the scene was, if possible, still more striking. The vast pile
of machinery, fifteen or twenty feet square, and extending from the deck far into the
depths of the hold, was surrounded at regular intervals by light iron-work plat-
forms, for the convenience of the engineers in inspecting the various portions of
the great engine. Immediately beneath the lowermost platform was the plank floor-
ing, resting upon the ribs of the ship. At each corner of the engine this planking
was taken up, in order to permit the men to fill the buckets. The water rushed to
and fro with the motion of the ship, usually rising to the waist of the lowermost
man, and frequently dashing entirely over his head. The gangs of men were sta-
tioned at the corners — two men at each corner of each platform. The buckets were
passed upward from man to man until the deck was reached. A man rarely re-
mained at the bottom longer than three minutes. Blinded and half strangled with
salt water, bruised with lumps of coal dashed about by the water, he was glad

MINOR TOPICS 451

enough to make room for his relief. On each platform an officer or sergeant saw
that no hitch took place in the passage of the buckets. At regular intervals torches
were lashed to the railings surrounding the platform. The glare of the torches, the
smoke, the dusky yet shining visages of the men formed a picture worthy of the
gallery of the Inferno. The roar of the water, at this point unobstructed by cotton
bales, was deafening, and yet above it all rose the harmony of fifty voices blending
with the deep bass of the rushing waters and the shrill tenor of the tempest.

" There I shall bathe my weary soul
In seas of heavenly rest,
And not a wave of trouble roll
Across my peaceful breast."

About nine o'clock Sunday evening came the welcome sight of the beautiful
lights of a steamer on our larboard quarter. Appearing to be on our own course,
and not more than half a mile distant, we felt certain that our extreme perils were
over. The captain ordered the ship's number to be burned in colored lights, and
the gun to be fired. The latter was no easy task. Spray dashed over the fore-
castle continually. It was difficult to convey the cartridges into the gun before
they were saturated. There were no primers on board, and musket cartridges had
to be used to prime the gun. While a hat was held over the vent-hole, the gun was
touched off with a cigar. The beautifully colored lights of the steamer came
nearer and nearer, we meanwhile sending up rockets, burning blue lights, and firing
our gun. But we were doomed to disappointment. The stranger kept on her
course, and left us involved in a gloom deeper than the night. We afterward learned
that her captain disregarded our appeals because our gun was not fired exactly once
a minute.

Another long night passed, and at daylight the water had been reduced a foot.
As the light grew stronger, to our intense joy we noticed that the blue water had
given place to water of a light green shade — a certain indication of shoaling bot-
tom. Our enthusiasm was somewhat damped, however, by the statement of the
captain that the water shoaled very gradually in this part of the Gulf, and we were
still nearly a hundred miles from land. It was shoaling, however, and as the men
were still good for another day's work, and perhaps more, we were under no further
apprehensions, so long as the wind held.

During these anxious hours on deck, how was it in the cabin ? To their shame
be it said, the only skulkers were those who should have set an example of courage
and endurance. One officer of the Forty-third only was included in this category.
With the exception of the discharged lieutenant-colonel, an officer of the Forty-fifth
Colored, well known to us, and two or three of the business men and drummers,
the passengers remained in their state-rooms, resisting all appeals to assist in the
labor of saving their own lives. The wife of the St. Louis physician, in response to
a request for her husband to join the working force, replied, " There are plenty of

452 MINOR TOPICS

niggers to do that." The staff dandies resolutely kept their berths. The cabin
cooks and stewards struck, and moped in their quarters, declining to make any ef-
fort to refresh the exhausted officers, when, relieved from a tour of duty, they sought
food and repose in the cabin. Learning of this, the New Orleans lady, aided by the
school-teachers, went into the galley, routed the cravens, and with their own fair
hands prepared food and coffee for the men. From that time until we grounded,
there was not a moment when there was not an abundance of food to refresh
exhausted nature.

All day Monday the water gradually shoaled, the men working with such energy
that at nightfall the water had been reduced another foot. Without water, and the
whisky being exhausted, recourse was had to private stores. Twenty barrels of
oranges belonging to the captain, and a quantity of lemons belonging to the regi-
ment served to quench the thirst of the men, and twenty or thirty cases of French
brandy, the private property of the military officers, purchased in Matamoras, sup-
plied the necessary stimulant. Toward evening a light was seen, and, satisfied that
it was a light-house, the captain brought the ship to an anchor. Soon after mid-
night, for the second time, a steamer was discerned approaching us. Our rockets,
blue lights and signal guns soon brought her alongside, when we learned that she
was the Morgan, bound from Galveston to New Orleans, and upon learning our
danger promised to lay by us until morning, and then take us in tow. At daylight
a few barrels of water and all her spare buckets were sent to us, and we presently
started upon the last stage of our momentous journey. We had struck the Timba-
lier Light, forty-five miles west of South-west Pass, and were about twenty miles from
shore. As the men were all willing to prolong their efforts a few hours, it was
decided to make the run to the river, rather than beach the ship where we were.
Another long day passed, but all fear had disappeared. There was nothing now
but continued exertion necessary. So much was the situation improved that even
the skulkers came on deck and attempted to save some remnants of their reputa-
tion by proffering their services. The five foolish virgins, however, did not have
a harder time of it.

The great ocean steamer, so nearly water-logged, proved a heavy load for the
little coasting steamer Morgan, and though our progress was as rapid as it had
been under sail, we seemed only to creep.* At 4 p.m. of Tuesday, Nov. 14, the
towing hawser gradually tightened, the ship glided gently upon the bar with an even
keel, and we were safe, after sixty-five hours of hardship and toil and peril. Strong
men, who had worked constantly with songs and smiles, threw themselves into each
other's arms and wept. Others fell on their knees, and with streaming eyes re-
turned thanks to the Almighty. The officers, more accustomed to self-restraint,
clasped hands, and congratulated each other upon the courage and perseverance
mutually displayed. In half an hour, and for ten hours afterward, there was
scarcely a man in the ship who was not locked in heavy slumber.

The striking incidents of our peril were numerous. The little Israelite men-

MINOR TOPICS 453

tioned was a source of perpetual amusement and the butt of many practical jokes.
He ran about, wringing his hands and bewailing the loss of his passage money, and
received more cuffs and sly trips than sympathy. Wandering near where *a com-
pany of men were engaged in hauling up one of the hogsheads, a lieutenant seized
him, and in stern tones ordered him to assist, under penalty of being thrown over-
board. Terror-stricken, the poor fellow laid hold of the rope, but attempted to
pull in the wrong direction. As a consequence he was knocked down, the entire
company tramping over him, administering sundry kicks and thumps as they
passed. Bruised and sore, he drifted into the engine-room. The captain in charge
cut the interview short by promptly dropping him down to the next platform, with
orders to have him relieve the man in the well at the bottom of the gang. In three
minutes, half drowned and bruised with the buckets dropped on his head and
shoulders, he was dragged out more dead than alive, and disappeared in the cabin,
to be seen no more during the voyage.

The corpse was a standing terror to the seamen. With the superstition of their
class, they attributed our disaster to the presence of the " cadaver." On Sunday
night, while one of the captains was standing near the case containing the body, an
old salt touched him on the shoulder, with the remark : " Say, Cap ; we'll never
reach shore with that 'ere stiff on board." The lady in whose care the body was
being taken to its destination had been so self-sacrificing in her efforts to con-
tribute to our comfort, that there was not a soldier in the regiment who would have
stood by and permitted her precious charge to be tossed overboard. The captain
who had been addressed settled the question by stationing a guard, with instruc-
tions to permit no one to touch it.

On that same Sunday night, when hope was at the lowest ebb, after our deser-
tion by the steamer signaled, an officer lounging about the quarter-deck noticed
some of the cabin servants placing bags and kegs in the boat hanging from the
stern davits. Examining the packages, he found that they contained provisions
and water. It was evident that their intention was to desert the ship. While they
were of no use to us, the moral effect of their desertion would have been disastrous.
Accordingly each boat was guarded, the sentries having instructions to shoot any
man that should attempt to cast them off. The crew were then called together,
and made to understand that all would be saved or go to the bottom together.
There was no further trouble on that score.

On the 1 6th, just a week after our departure, we were finally landed on,ce more
in New Orleans, minus nearly all our baggage, half of the regiment bareheaded,
and many with little save the clothing on their persons. The losses exceeded those
of an ordinary battle, and the terror inspired was infinitely greater.

R. G. Dill.

Denver, Colorado

454 MINOR TOPICS

AARON BURR AT QUEBEC IN 1775
Letter from James Parton

Editor of Magazine of American History :

In your Number for April, Major-General Cullum calls in question my state-
ment that Aaron Burr, at the assault upon Quebec in 1775, attempted to carry off
the body of General Montgomery. I beg to remind your contributor that the
chief authority for this part of my narrative was Rev. Samuel Spring, chaplain to
the expedition, who saw Captain Burr make the attempt and actually carry the
body some distance down the hill.' Samuel Spring was father of Dr. Gardiner
Spring, long the pastor of the Brick Church in New York. The conduct of Colonel
Burr on that occasion made a vivid and indelible impression upon the mind of the
young clergyman. I printed a statement to this effect by Dr. Spring in my life of
Burr, Vol. I., p. 374. I may add, that the late Rev. Dr. Van Pelt, who attended
Burr in his last sickness, and conversed freely with him on all subjects, told me
that Burr on his death-bed mentioned that he was close to General Montgomery
when he fell, and declared that if he had been in command he would have gone
on, after the General's death, and taken the place.

Allow me, Madame, to congratulate you on the growing power and interest of
the Magazine so ably conducted by you.

James Parton
Newburyport, Mass., March 30, 1884

Letter from William Morton Fullerton

Editor of Magazine of American History :

The recent death of Wendell Phillips has awakened in many minds recollec-
tion of those stirring days before the war, in which the sparks that had been
smouldering for years finally began to brighten and to send forth brilliant flashes
of light. The riots in Boston streets and the agitation through all these Eastern
States, many of us can vividly recall, and among the exciting incidents of that
period, none aroused more interest than the case of Anthony Burns.

It is told in history that this slave, having escaped to the North, was seized and
lodged in the court-house at Boston ; that, after the news of his detention became
known, the excitement was so intense that a great mass-meeting was held in old
Faneuil Hall, and Wendell Phillips sought' to check the headstrong recklessness
of the citizens, and deter them from attacking the court-house that night, by telling
them that " the zeal which would not keep till the next day would never free a
slave ; " that, on the following day, battering-rams were used against the court-
house by a mob ; that one man who opposed the abolitionists was killed ; that,

MINOR TOPICS 455

notwithstanding the efforts of these Boston patriots, Burns was carried back to
Virginia by order of the President, and restored to his former owner.

Just here the histories stop. The cause of this silence is not because the sub-
sequent circumstances of Burns's life are of no interest, but because it has curiously
escaped the notice of historical writers. As far as I know, nothing has been pub-
lished concerning the slave's life after he was remanded to his former owner. In-
deed, no one seems to be aWare that he was freed from bondage and came North
a second time. Acquainted as I am with these facts, I send you this brief account,
believing the readers of your Magazine will be interested in the sequel to his career.
Burns, as we have said, was restored to his master, Charles F. Suttle, of Alexandria,
Virginia. His return to the South took place in 1854. In Amherst dwelt a Miss
Ball at the time, who corresponded with her cousin at Alexandria. The latter being
an extreme partisan of slavery, mentioned in one of her letters that Anthony Burns
was back with his former master, and she "guessed he would stay there now." To
a Northerner such a remark was displeasing, and Miss Ball at once became eager
to discover some means of gaining the freedom of the slave. The letter was
shown to her father, Rev. Mr. Ball, and to Rev. Mr. Stockbridge, both of Amherst,
and through the efforts of these two gentlemen enough money was obtained to
purchase Burns. Twelve hundred dollars was the price of the negro, and for this
amount Suttle gave him his freedom. Burns immediately came to the North, and
for a time lived at Mr. Ball's home in Amherst. This sale of Burns reveals a
change of sentiment with Suttle, for when the poor slave was in the slave-pen at
the court-house in Boston, negotiations were made in vain with his master for his
purchase. The following hand-bill, posted about the streets of Boston, is interest-
ing in this connection :

"THE MAN IS NOT BOUGHT.

" HE IS STILL IN THE SLAVE-PEN IN THE COURT-HOUSE.

"The kidnapper agreed, both publicly and in writing, to sell him for twelve
hundred dollars. The sum was raised by eminent Boston citizens, and offered. He
then claimed more. The bargain was broken. The kidnapper breaks his agree-
ment, though even the United States commissioner advised him to keep it. Be on
your guard against all lies. Watch the slave-pen. Let every man attend the trial.
Remember Monday morning at eleven o'clock."

It is evident that Suttle, after he had triumphed over the Northern abolitionists
by recovering Burns, had no further wish in regard to him, but was easily induced
to sell him for the twelve hundred dollars before demanded. Burns was sent to a
Western college to be educated. Here he was taken sick, after a very few months
of study, and died.

William Morton Fullerton.

Waltham, Mass.

456

NOTES

Philenia — Among the manuscripts
of an old Kinderhook gentleman long
since deceased, who was a great admirer
and bosom-friend of John Jay, was the
following poem dedicated to the latter
gentleman, and written nearly a hun-
dred years ago by Mrs. Morton ("Phi-
lenia "), of whose literary productions a
critical notice appeared in a recent num-
ber of this Magazine. H. C. V. S.

TO THE HON. JOHN JAY, ESQ.

Born through the paths of fame to move,

Grac'd by a grateful people's love

Whether the helm of State you guide,

Or bid the stormy war subside,

Or, to the clement virtues dear,

From Afric catch the falling tear,

Or, with a voice whose dulcet strain

Might soothe the sad'ning soul of pain,

O'er the stern Courts of Law preside

Nor seem to lean on Mercy's side,

Or, in thy soft retirement blest,

Feel all the Father warm thy breast ;

Thine is fair Virtue's noblest cause

And thine the summit of applause :

Nor shall a factious, fraudful sway

E'er tear one Laurel'd wreath away.

To thee the generous heart extends,

For thee, the patriot's prayer ascends,

On thee the rightful suffrage falls.

For thee the sacred People calls.

Wronged of their hopes the num'rous band

Determined wait thy guiding hand

E'en while degraded Freedom turns

To where defeated Friendship mourns ;

Thus when the midnight's vap'ry breath

In clouds obscure the Sylvan heath,

No strains of music cheer the vale,

No flowret scents the fresh'ning gale,

Till the Bright Sun's benignant ray

Dispels the gloom and pours the day.

Philenia

Manchester) Being about to set up his
Trade in Norwich Landing, wants to
purchase a Quantity of Linen Yarn. —
Connecticut Gazette, August 29, 1777.
Petersfield

The zero of baptismal names —
Zurishhaddi Key, (Tape Weaver from

Governor hutchinson — Rev. Dr.
George E. Ellis says in his article en-
titled, " Governor Thomas Hutchinson,"
in the current number of the Atlantic :
'" Though it may seem to be in defiant
reversal of the contemporary and the
historically renewed and popularly ac-
cepted judgment passed upon Hutchin-
son, the writer will plainly and frankly
express the opinion which a careful and
candid study of the subject has led him
to adopt. Having accepted his office,
and bound himself by his official oath
to his sovereign, no charge of faithless-
ness, self-seeking, inconsistency, duplic-
ity, or intentional wrong of any kind
can be sustained against him. He neither
said nor did, proposed nor advised,
adoptQ-d nor pursued, anything beyond or
inconsistent with the purpose and the
duty of a thoroughly upright, well-in-
tentioned, and kindly hearted man. For
the most part he controlled his temper,
and guarded his utterance under ex-
asperating provocations." The Diary
and Letters of Hutchinson, recently pub-
lished, which inspired these words from
an eminent scholar, furnishes ample
proof, we are further told, that all
Hutchinson's " advice and influence with
king and ministry, official and social
friends, indicate a man of high integrity,
of good judgment, and of noble magna-
nimity. Not one word or utterance of
an embittered or resentful feeling comes

NOTES

457

from his pen. When he is brooding over
the scrutiny, to which his private cor-
respondence for eight years of conten-
tion would be subjected by his heated
enemies, he cheers himself with the
thought ' that they would find nothing
there untruthful, dishonorable, or mali-
cious.' "

Gordon's history — Dr. Gordon of
Roxbury, near Boston, has, for some time
past, been collecting materials for an
History of the late Revolution, and, we
are told, is now employed in writing this
necessary but arduous work. Congress
have permitted their Secretary, conform-
able to the petition of the Doctor to that
august body, to lay before him, in order
to assist his undertaking, any papers or
files, excepting instructions to the min-
isters at foreign Courts, and acts or rec-
ords which hitherto have been con-
sidered as confidential or secret. — JV. Y.
Packet, Sept 2, 1784. W. K.

Reverend Stephen johnson — On
page 331 of the April Magazine I notice
reference to Rev. Stephen Johnson, son
of Nathaniel Johnson and Sarah Ogden,
of Newark, New Jersey, and sometime a
minister at Lyme, Connecticut, and
think it possible that the accompanying
letter from him to his brother-in-law,
David Gardiner, may be of interest in
this connection. Rev. Stephen Johnson
was a man of refinement, culture and of
considerable parts. Previous to the
breaking out of the Revolution he was

active in advocating resistance to the
king, and was the author of the first
printed article pointing toward unquali-
fied rebellion. After the commence-
ment of the struggle for Independence
he was chaplain in the Continental Army.
His first wife was Elizabeth, daughter of
William Diodati, a descendant through
a long line of Italian Counts, Generals,
Gonfaloniers, etc., from Cornelio Dio-
dati of Lucca, 1300. His second wife
was Mary Blake, daughter of John Gar-
diner, 5th Lord of the Manor of Gar-
diner's Island. Diodati

{The letter.)
Dear Brother,

I sho'd have been glad of a few lines from
you by our Hond Father, but am free to Excuse
it on account of the Unexpected hurry in which
he came away — but hope you will make up for
Silence in a personal Visit to us in a little while.
I forgot to send your Smollet last fall but have
Sent it by this opportunity. Give you thanks
for the use of it — have tho't of making our Visit
to my Parents in the Jersies the beginning of
June by the way of Long Island. On that sup-
position we hope to see and spend some time
with you upon the Island. — No remarkable
news — Excepting by conversation with some of
the Judges of our Superior Courts and Some
other Gentn the Last week I perceive 'tis pretty
probable the Government in this N. America
will Likely have Some new modeling at home,
if so the Colony of Connecticut perhaps may be
more interested in it than some others — 'tis a
very remarkable time of health Thro' the Coun-
try— Your Sister is with me in our Kind Love
to—

Who am Your
Affectionate Brother
Stephen Johnson.
Lyme in Connecticut
12 April, 1763.

458

QUERIES

Brown (ix. 71.) — Through my pam-
phlet on " Oliver Brown" — who served in
the Revolutionary War from Lexington
to Yorktown, destroyed the statue of
George III. in New York, settled and
died in Virginia on the Ohio River-^-a
very interesting fact has lately come to
my knowledge. In the band of " Mo-
hawks " who destroyed the tea in Boston
harbor (at which Capt. Oliver Brown
was present), there was another person
named Broum, who also became a Cap-
tain in the Revolutionary Army, and was
stationed on the Ohio River in Virginia
before and after the close of the war.
He moved subsequently to Florida, mar-
ried, and at his death in 1835 ^ one
son.

The friend who narrated his history to
me says : " Brown was a tall, strong, and
sinewy man when I met him at St. Mary's,
Georgia, in 1834; even in his extreme
age full of interesting anecdotes, honest
and simple, with not even a spice of
boasting. His son had ' taken up ' with
a colored woman, and the old father de-
clared that the property he had worked
hard to accumulate should not go to
these mulattoes. He was then on his
way to Massachusetts in pursuit of some
relatives for his heirs — if haply he might

find some — when he was taken sick at
St. Mary's and had to return to his plan-
tation on the St. John River. At St.
Mary's he met a young physician from
Bridgeport, Conn., Dr. Fredrick I. Jud-
son, who attended him back to his plan-
tation and was afterward called to visit
him professionally, and as a friend.
Capt. Brown took a strong liking to Dr.
Judson and by will left him his planta-
tion and negroes worth about $20,000.
The son entered suit for the estate, and
after a tedious trial a compromise was
effected. Brown, Jr., enjoyed the estate
for his life-time and then it came to Dr.
Judson. The " Brown-Judson negroes "
were for years a nuisance along the St.
John's River almost down to the Civil
War. Subsequent to the death of
Brown, Jr., and Dr. Judson, the widow
of the latter, his third wife, moved to
New Haven to educate her children. Dr.
Judson was graduated from Yale College,
A. B. 1824, M.D., 1829, and died 1862.
Who was this Brown ?

Horace Edwin Hayden

Can any of your readers inform me
what became of the plates of the por-
traits contained in Herring and Longar-
re's " National Portrait Gallery " ? F.

REPLIES

Webster chowder [xl. 360] — Soon
after my marriage (a quarter of a century
agol a kind parent handed to me Daniel
Webster's directions for boiling potatoes.
I have followed the recipe with appro-
bation and now venture to send it as a
proof that Mr. WTebster was skilled in

the culinary art. " Let the potatoes be
peeled early and thrown into a basin of
cold water till time to cook them. Let
them be boiled in a good deal of water.
When done, pour off all the water, shake
up the potatoes a little, hang on the pot
again, and let the potatoes dry two or

REPLIES

459

three minutes, and then bring them to
the table."

I am sure Mr. Webster made a de-
licious chowder, and would like the rec-
ipe. Lucretia

Webster chowder [xi. 360] — Daniel
Webster was famous for his chowder,
and I append his own recipe for it for
Minto's particular benefit.

" Daniel Webster's chowder for a
large fishing party — Cod of ten or twelve
pounds well cleaned, leaving on the skin?
cut into slices of one and a half pounds
thick, preserving the head whole, one
and a half pounds clear fat salt pork cut
in thin slices ; do the same with twelve
potatoes. Take the largest pot you have,
try out the pork first, take out the pieces
of pork, leaving in the dripping ; add to
that three parts water, a layer of fish so
as to cover the bottom of the pot, next a
layer of potatoes, then two tablespoon-
fuls of salt, one teaspoonful of pepper,
then the pork, another layer of fish, and
the remainder of the potatoes ; fill the pot
with water enough to cover the ingredi-
ents, put it over a good fire, let the
chowder boil twenty-five minutes ; when
this is done have a quart of boiling milk
ready and ten hard crackers split and
dipt in cold water, add milk and crackers,
let the whole boil five minutes, the
chowder is then ready and will be first
rate if you have followed the directions.
An onion is added if you like that fla-
vor." M. G. P.

coming seven or eight miles across the
country for a day's fishing in the sea.
It was customary on their return to the
shore to have a chowder cooked. Web-
ster had a stable near his boat-house on
the beach, which the farmers were al-
lowed to use for their teams. Harvey
relates an anecdote of Webster send-
ing fish from his house to a party of
these excursionists who were unsuccess-
ful in their sport, that they might enjoy
their usual pot of chowder.

M. E. T.

Webster chowder [xi. 360] — Web-
ster learned the art of making good
chowder from his neighbors at Marsh-
field. The people were in the habit of

MRS. WEBSTER MADE THE CHOWDER

[xi. 360] — Daniel Webster wrote from
his home at Marshfield, July 29th, 1851.
"We went a-fishing yesterday and
brought in a good fare ; but we did not
catch a halibut, nor did we see or hear
of a single haddock ; there are a few
mackerel in the bay, of an uncommonly
large size, and we have just had one for
our breakfast * * * * Mrs. Web-
ster is making us a nice chowder for our
dinner to-day out of a codfish, very large
and grey, which Mr. Blatchford took
yesterday at a quarter past two o'clock.
* * * * It is likely that after the
dish of chowder we shall be so fortunate
as to have some nice baked beans with a
little slice of pork. If you were here
we should invite you to partake of these
good things."

The Mrs. Webster referred to was his
second wife Caroline, daughter of Her-
man Le Roy, of New York. His guest
was the well known Richard M. Blatch-
ford, father of the Hon. Samuel Blatch-
ford of the U. S. Supreme Court.

It is singular that the names of three
distinguished men, who have been
honored with statues in New York city,

460

REPLIES

should have been identified with prepara-
tions of food, viz. : Webster with chow-
der ; Washington with pie ; and the illus-
trious liberator of Colombia with the
school-boys' favorite Bolivar.

Petersfield

Webster chowder [xi. 360] — It is a
well-known weakness of all true lovers of
angling not only to direct how to catch,
but to properly cook fish. Daniel Web-
ster used to boast that he could " plank
shad " with any Negro on the Potomac.
He early experimented in improving the
old convenient dish of boiled fish, pork,
and potatoes, that had been a favorite at
Plymouth and its vicinity, since the Pil-
grims on their arrival there boiled clams
with corn after the Indian fashion.

Yachters, piscators and artists, during
their summer trips, often attempt, with
varying success, a concoction of fish
and clams for an out-of-door lunch.
The amateur cook has generally to con-
sume most of the preparation as a proof
of his skill. Members of the " Pot-Luck
Club " frequently give points to verdant
reporters as to the proper condiments
necessary for a perfect success. The true
" Webster chowder " has preserved its
reputation, and will pass down to future
generations of picnickers as a perfect
and wholesome dish. Montauk

Flags of the revolution [xi. 260,
360] — The letter of the American Com-
missioners is dated Passy, 9th October,
1778. The correspondence is printed in
the diplomatic correspondence of the
American Revolution, I. 469. Minto.

First piece of artillery [xi. 360]
— A twenty-four-pounder was cast at
Reading Furnace, Pa., March 21, 1776.
During the same year there were thirty-
one 12-pounders, and sixty-one 18-
pounders cast at Warwick and Reading
furnaces for the State of Pennsylvania.
Joseph Huff writes under date of " Hi-
bernia Furnace, N. J., Nov., 21, 1776. —
The above works are now employed in
making cannon, large round shot, grape-
shot, etc." Dec. 20, 1776, Daniel Joy
makes report to the Council of Safety of
Pennsylvania of the proving of two brass
cannon cast by Major Doxley. One of the
guns burst, and the muzzle of the other
was injured so that it had to be sawed
off. Cannon were cast in Virginia about
this time, but I am unable, at this mo-
ment, to find the account.

It may be proper, although it does not
come within the request made by Dorp,
to state that Captain B. Stoddart, in a
letter to Gov. Clinton, dated New York,
July 30, 1750, says : "Three leagues to
the westward of this [Trois Rivieres]
there is a very fine iron mine, where they
have a large furnace and fine forges, and
there is a report current that they cast
cannon, etc., at that place ; I saw the
moulds of several, and one (cannon)
which they had attempted to cast but
was spoilt in the casting. This mine is
the sole property of the king, and I was
told that four hundred of his men were
daily employed here."

I. C.

Allegheny, Pa., March 29, 1884

SOCIETIES

461

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY — At

the regular meeting of the Society, April
i, the chair was taken by Benjamin H.
Field, Esq., Second Vice-President, who
announced to the Society the decease, at
his residence in this city, on Thursday,
March 28, of the Hon. Augustus Schell,
President of the Society.

On motion of Dr. George H. Moore,
it was referred to the Executive Com-
mittee to prepare a suitable memorial
notice of the late President for the
records, and provide for such further
action on his death as may be proper on
the part of the Society.

The paper of the evening was a most
interesting one, contributed by the emi-
ment scholar Dr. John Gilmary Shea, on
"Columbus and the Men of Palos," in
which, in his usual concise and perspicu-
ous manner the learned lecturer gave
the results of recent examinations of the
Spanish archives bearing upon the ever-
interesting subject of the great naviga-
tor's career, especially upon his relations
with the Pinzons.

The following gentlemen were elected
members of the Society : Capt. Cesareo
Fernandez Duro, of Madrid, Spain ;
Rev. John Livingston Willard, Thomas
L. Feitner, Alrick H. Man, Charles C.
Beaman, Frederick S. Church, Bleecker
N. Mitchill, Henry Walter Webb, Hamil-
ton McK. Twombly, George W. Vander-
bilt and Rev. W. R. Huntington, D.D.

THE RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SO-
CIETY— The regular quarterly meeting of
this Society was held on the evening of
April i, in the Cabinet building, Presi-
dent Gammell in the chair. After the

business session, which embraced a
discussion of the proposed publication
of a volume on early Rhode Island
history, by the Society, several mem-
bers read brief papers or made short
addresses on various interesting topics.
Dr. Parsons read two or three grandilo-
quent elegies written on ancient celebri-
ties, including a quaint set of verses on
Thomas Savage, one of the old Massa-
chusetts sages of 1682, in which the poet
lamented the fact that death should have
the audacity to take men of high degree
instead of confining his attacks to the
"peasantry," as he should; also some
amusing though intended serious verses
on Thomas Willett, the first Mayor of
New York city. It was incidentally
mentioned that the Newport Magazine
will hereafter be called the " Rhode
Island Magazine," and the interest and
support of the members of the Society
were bespoken for it.

Georgia historical society — The
regular April meeting was held on the
evening of the 7th at Hodgson's Hall,
President General Henry R. Jackson pre-
siding. Among other communications was
one from W. Grayson Mann, accompany-
ing the specimen of bog oak found buried
near Lake George, Florida, and pre-
sented to the society. The communica-
tion also referred to an ancient cannon,
a 32-pounder, supposed to have been
Oglethorpe's cannon, which Mr. Mann
presented to the society.

J. J. Abrams, Esq., presented to the
society the original drawings made by
the Engineering Department of North-

462

SOCIETIES

ern Virginia, showing the lines of the ar-
mies in a number of important battles
during the war. A copy of the transac-
tions of the Oneida (N. Y.) Historical
Society was presented by its Secretary,
C. W. Darling. T. M. Cunningham,
Esq., presented to the society a box of
curiosities, including a number of slate
impressions of ferns and plants, iron ore,
etc., from this State and Alabama.

Chicago historical society — A
monthly meeting of this society was held
in its hall, 140-142 Dearborn Avenue, on
the evening of March 18, 1884. Hon.
John Wentworth, Vice-President, occu-
pied the chair. A resolution of thanks
was tendered Mr. James H. McVicker
for the presentation of a life-size oil por-
trait of the late Hon. John B. Rice, ex-
Mayor and member of Congress from
Chicago. General Geo. W. Smith was
introduced and read an interesting paper
and extracts from letters, formerly be-
longing to Elias K. Kane, the first Secre-
tary of State of Illinois. The thanks of
the society were tendered to General
Smith for the large and valuable collec-
tion of letters donated to the society.

Oneida historical society — The
regular monthly meeting was held in the
Library building, at Utica, on the even-
ing of March 31. Hon. Warner Miller,
of Herkimer ; Geo. W. Schuyler, of
Ithaca ; and Solomon Griffiths and N.
Curtis White, of Utica, were elected
members. Valuable donations were ac-
knowledged by Secretary Darling, after
which Mr. Batchelor offered resolutions
as follows :

Resolved^ That the standing committee
on the Oriskany monument be appointed
as the permanent committee of arrange-
ments to perfect and carry out the details
of the formal dedication.

Resolved, That said committee shall
have power to add to its number such
persons as it shall select.

Rev. Dr. Isaac S. Hartley presided at
the meeting in the Hall, and first intro-
duced Thomas W. Seward, who, in a
short address, paid an admirable tribute
to the memory of the late S. Wells Will-
iams. Rev. S. G. Visscher then read an
able and valuable paper on " The Mili-
tary Record of Colonel Frederick Vis-
scher," which touched upon many his-
torical events in the Mohawk Valley. At
the close of the exercises the following
resolution were adopted :

Resolved, That the society is pleased to
learn that much progress has been made
in the arrangements for the celebration
of the centennial of the settlement of
Whitestown ; that the monument is
nearly completed, and that speakers have
been engaged who will be likely to con-
tribute materially to the interest of the
occasion. As much of the promised
pleasure of the anniversary will consist in
the gathering of descendants of the early
settlers for the purpose of an after-din-
ner review of the events of our early his-
tory, and as many of these descendants
are now living in far distant places, and
the addresses of some of them not easily
obtained, we would respectfully request
the general committee on the celebration
to initiate measures for the selection of
the most proper persons to be invited,
and to ascertain their addresses in order
to transmit them seasonable invitations.

BOOK NOTICES

463

BOOK NOTICES

MEMOIR OF THURLOW WEED. By his
grandson, Thurlow Weed Barnes Vol.
II. 8vo, pp 617. New York, 1884. Hough-
ton, Mifflin & Co.

This volume is an interesting study from what-
ever standpoint it may be regarded. It is some-
thing more to the reader of to-day than the
pen portrait of a great politician. It would be
impracticable for a grandson to sketch such a
life as that of Thurlow Weed and fill the full
measure of public expectation. The very near-
ness of the author to his subject precludes cer-
tain possibilities attainable in biography only
through longer range of vision. Mr. Weed was
in many respects an intellectual giant. He was
also a man to be loved ; and those who knew
him as a father and a friend best understood the
secret of his hold upon the human heart. His
great strength, his self-control, his forgiving and
redeeming characteristics, and his uniform kind-
liness and generosity, endeared him to his family
in the same ratio as he commanded the homage of
admiring contemporaries to his latest breath. It
is the man rather than the memoir that interests
the world. Mr. Weed's own magnetic words as
given in the first volume of the work — the auto-
biography— will eclipse any memorial composi-
tion that may ever follow, whatever its merits.
Mr. Weed's opinions of other men whet the ap-
petite more sharply than any biographer's opin-
ion of Mr. Weed. Mr. Barnes, in recognition
of this fact, has quoted scraps of autobiography
not hitherto published, and letters of public and
private significance ; his aim seems to have been
to fill the gaps in the volume of autobiography,
and to carry out as far as possible the original
purpose of his grandfather — interrupted to the
regret of all — in the continuation of the story of
his public career. Mr. Barnes has executed his
work with zealous and scrupulous fidelity, and,
although in handling the great mass of priceless
historic material which, during the last half cent-
ury and more, has accumulated in Mr. Weed's
library, he has not distinguished himself always
by the wisdom of his selections, he has certainly
produced a book of value. It overflows with nuts
of history. The generation of readers who have
just escaped (by coming upon the stage too late)
familiarity with the stirring events of the period
when Mr. Weed was a political power in him-
self, individually, will appreciate the informa-
tion contained in this stately volume. Mr.
Barnes may be fully pardoned for his enthusiast-
ic and affectionate sympathy in the political
methods and prejudices of his subject. He could
not have written otherwise. The knowledge of
the near past which the work unfolds commands
respect all the same ; and it is the special

knowledge that when presented in authentic
guise becomes fascinating in the same ratio as it
is more difficult to obtain than well-cured and
more remote history.

PETER THE GREAT, EMPEROR OF
RUSSIA. A Study of Historical Biography.
By Eugene Schuyler, Ph.D., LL.D., 2
vols., octavo, pp. 1,000. With upward of
200 illustrations. 1884. New York : Charles
Scribner's Sons.

The papers which form these handsome
volumes originally appeared as a serial in the
Century, from which magazine they have been
collected, re-arranged, largely re -written, and are
now given to the world in convenient and per-
manent form. Mr. Schuyler has made good
use of his opportunities, and the production is
creditable to American scholarship. The career
of Peter the Great spanned so long a period of
time, and was so completely identified with the
development of Russia, that it could not fail to
interest the reading public, even if the story had
been told in a much less concise and pleasing
style. The truth has in it all the elements and
fascinations of romance. Peter was many-sided,
and there are dark pages in his history. But
the author, in confining himself to well verified
statements and facts, as he evidently has done,
could not otherwise than make from such
material an attractive book. We miss color
and warmth and enthusiasm in many instances
from its pages, and are frequently tempted to
complain of the want of a general summary of
Peter's contradictory and extraordinary charac-
teristics ; but we find the life we are following
so full of incidents — from boyhood to the grave
— that we become absorbed in its perusal and
instead of criticising, heartily commend the care
and industry and skill which has brought so
much of useful information into so compact a
compass. The peculiar circumstances of Peter's
boyhood, his travels and sojourn in Holland
and England, his reformatory measures, his
troubles with other nations, the rapid growth of
his power, his court intrigues, and conspiracies,
and his barbarous punishments, are faithfully
recorded in these pages. The illustrations add
greatly to the satisfaction of the reader. Par-
ticular mention should be made of an elaborate
map of Europe, prepared especially for this work.
There is also a very fine map of Russia in the
time of Peter, at the close of the first volume,
and a genealogical table of the Romanoff and
Holstein-Gottorp Dynasties at the close of the
second volume. The work has also an admi-
rable index.

464

BOOK NOTICES

CHICAGO HISTORICAL SOCIETY COL-
LECTIONS. Vol. II. Biographical
Sketch of Enoch Long. An Illinois Pio-
neer. By Harvey Reid. 8vo, pp. 134. Vol.
III. — The Edwards Papers. Being a por-
tion of the Collection of the Letters, Papers,
and Manuscripts of Ninian Edwards, presented
to the Chicago Historical Society by his son,
Ninian Wirt Edwards. Edited by E. B.
Washburne. 8vo, pp. 633. Chicago, 1884.
Fergus Printing Co.

These valuable contributions to the historic
literature of our country are elegantly printed,
and illustrated with fine steel portraits. Enoch
Long was associated with the first Sunday
schools in Illinois, with the early Temperance
and Anti-slavery movements, and with educa-
tional matters of moment. He was born in
Hopkinton, New Hampshire, in 1790, and died
in Sabula, Iowa, in 1881. In 1813, he traveled
on foot to what was then the "far West," a little
beyond Rochester, New York ; and soon after
joined the American army on the Niagara fron-
tier, serving honorably his country until the close
of the war. His life, from that period until his
death, was one of substantial worth and work,
and Christian usefulness ; and it was closely
identified with the marvelous development of the
great Western States. The author and the
Chicago Historical Society acknowledge their
indebtedness to the public-spirited generosity of
the scholarly Levi Z. Leiter for the means with
which to publish this volume.

The Edwards manuscripts, which form the
noble Vol. III., are of exceptional interest and
importance. No more competent editor could
have been secured for their arrangement and pres-
ervation in book form than Elihu B. Wash-
burne, so long in the public service of the nation.
Ninian Edwards was the Chief Justice of the
Court of Appeals of Kentucky ; the first and
only Governor of Illinois Territory ; one of the
first two United States Senators from the State
of Illinois ; and the third Governor of Illinois as
a State. He was born in Maryland in 1775, and
at the age of twenty removed to Kentucky,
where he was elected a member of the State
Legislature before he was of age. President
Madison appointed him in 1809 to administer
the government of the Territory of Illinois,
which position he held until 1818. During the
early years of our century he held friendly rela-
tions with Henry Clay, John Pope, Albert Gal-
latin, John J. Crittenden, Joseph Charless, the
founder of the Missouri Republican, Daniel P.
Cook, Thomas H. Benton, and other men of
eminence, and many of their letters are here pub-
lished for the first time. As we turn the pages,
we find also letters from President Monroe,

Daniel Webster, Sidney Breese, Martin Van
Buren, Rufus King, William Wirt, John C.
Calhoun, John Quincy Adams, Hugh Nelson,
and many others of national fame. The book is
literally a historic mine, and will be priceless to
all students who seek for a clearer view of the
movements and events of the epoch which its
contents cover. The publication of the volume
was at the individual expense of Chicago's great
merchant, Marshall Field ; and not only the
Chicago Historical Society, Chicago herself, and
the surrounding West, but historical scholars
everywhere and the general public, may be con-
gratulated on the intelligent liberality of Chi-
cago's esteemed citizen. The manuscripts were
contributed by Ninian Wirt Edwards, the son of
the distinguished Governor.

THE DEARBORNS. A Commemorative Dis-
course of the Eightieth Anniversary of the
Occupation of Fort Dearborn, and the First
Settlement at Chicago: Read before the
Chicago Historical Society, December 18,
1883. By Daniel Goodwin, Jr. With re-
marks by Hon. John Wentworth, J. Young
Scammon, E. B. Washburne, and Isaac N.
Arnold. Pamphlet, pp. 56. Chicago, 1884.
Fergus Printing Co.

Major-General Henry Dearborn, we are told
by the eloquent orator, from his twenty-fourth to
his thirty- third year, was personally present and
personally fought with gun and sword at Bunker
Hill, Quebec, Saratoga, Monmouth, and York-
town ; and his commanders were as varied as
the territory over which he fought. In March,
1783, he wrote in his journal : " Here ends my
military life." He was sent to Congress in
1792 and 1795, and held the office of Secretary
of War from 1801 to 1809. In 18 12 he was ap-
pointed senior major-general of the army raised
to carry on the war with Great Britain ; and his
son, Henry Alexander Scammell Dearborn, at
the age of twenty-nine, was made collector of the
port of Boston, and commander of the military
of that city. They were both remarkable men,
and their united history represents two genera-
tions of the military, political, social, and busi-
ness operations and vicissitudes of America.
The discourse of Mr. Goodwin is one of great
power, admirably presented, and of the highest
interest — " A prose poem, with the accuracy of
history." The work contains a well-made
index, and also the tablet accompanying the
portrait of General Henry Dearborn copied from
Gilbert Stuart's painting, which was presented
to the Chicago Historical Society by Wirt Dex-
ter, Marshall Field, John Crerar, N. K. Fair-
bank, E. W. Blatchford, Daniel Goodwin, Jr.
and Mark Skinner.

466

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 467

During King Philip's war of 1675-' 76, inland stockades and earthworks
were constructed, but no sea-coast fortifications.

In 1690, the year in which James II. was defeated at the battle of the
Boyne, in Ireland, a French fleet having made its appearance off our coast,
some of the seaports were put in a state of defense by temporary batteries.
No permanent works, however, could have been erected in Rhode Island,
for, in answer to the rebuke of the mother country that the colony " had
not supplied her quota of men and money in aid of the king," the Assem-
bly, in 1696, stated " that the exposed condition of Rhode Island, with
forty miles of coast line and three great inlets from the sea undefended, had
demanded all her strength for self-protection."

The treaty of Ryswick having restored peace to all Europe, October 30,
1697, there seemed to be no pressing necessity for fortifications in Narra-
ganset Bay. This general pacification, however, was of short duration;
hence it was deemed prudent to provide for the defense of Newport har-
bor by erecting an earthwork on Goat Island.*

The Earl of Bellomont, a man of singular ability and strength of char-
acter, had been appointed by William III., March 16, 1697, " to be Gover-
nor of the Provinces of New York, Massachusetts Bay, and New Hamp-
shire, and to be Captain-General, during the war, of all of His Majesty's
forces, both there and in Connecticut and Rhode Island." The latter
colony he visited in 1699, and January 10, 1700, the lords of trade made
a report to the king on the forts in the Plantations, in which they say
u Rhode Island being the most important place on the south-west side of
Cape Codd, is so situated as to be a very convenient harbour for shipping
and security to that part of the Country in case it were put in a state of

* Cachanaquoat, a Chief Sachem of the Narraganset Indians, sold to Governor Benedict Ar-
nold and John Greene, May 22, 1658, three small islands in the Bay, ATuntee-Sinunky alias Goat
Island, Weenat-Shasitt, alias Coaster's Harbor Island, and Dyer's Island, for six pounds and ten
shillings. Greene, May 27, 1672, transferred to Arnold his entire claim to enable the latter "to
pass over his right in ye sayd two islands (Goat and Coaster's Harbor) unto ye Town of Newport if
they will pay him ten pounds in current pay for the six pounds and ten shillings which he disbursed
yeares agone on ye acompt." The town of Newport, May 1, 1673, made the purchase of these
islands from Arnold. The middle part of Goat Island was reserved for the fortifications, and the
two ends, containing about ten acres, were laid out in forty-three building lots. After the Rev-
olution (1794) the State of Rhode Island transferred to the United States the existing fortifications
and the land occupied by them ; and, April 16, 1799, the town of Newport sold to the United
States, for $1,500, the remainder of the island, no payment, up to that time, having been received
from the purchasers of the lots on the two ends. The breakwater and lighthouse pier, running
from the north end of Goat Island, were built by Captain (now General) Cullum, in i836-'38, and a
part of the superstructure and lighthouse were completed by Lieut. James L. Mason, of the United
States Corps of Engineers. On Henry Jackson's Historical Map in the Redwood Library, Newport,
R.L, it is stated that they were constructed by Alex. M. McGregor, who was only the master mason.

468 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

defense, which it has never yet been, by the mean condition and refractory-
ness of the inhabitants," and "recommend an appropriation of ^150 for
fortifications for Rhode Island and Providence Plantations."

Doubtless, in consequence of this report, Colonel William Wolfgang
Romar, " His Majesty's Chief Ingineer," was sent to examine Narraganset
Bay ; for, June 22, 1700, the Earl of Bellomont says to the lords of trade :
" I send your Lordships Coll. Romar's Memorial (marked H), which I have
turned into English, wherein he gives so particular an Account of the prin-
cipal Rivers, Bays, and places fit to be fortified, that there is little to be
said or remarked by me."

The small appropriation of .£150 for fortifying Rhode Island waters
probably did not supply more than enough for an earthen battery on Goat
Island, Newport Harbor, the first notice of which is to be found in a bill,
passed May 7, 1701, by the Assembly of Rhode Island, to sustain the gov-
ernor in enforcing the navigation act, which provided that " the commander
of the fort to be appointed by the governor" should have power to bring-to
any inward bound vessel by the usual mode of firing " a shot afore her
foremast," etc. This small earthen battery (probably thrown up in 1700)
the first erected on Goat Island, being found inadequate for the defense of
the harbor, a new one was ordered to be constructed, May 6, 1702, by the
Assembly, which enacted : " That for the better defense of his Majesty's
interest and good subjects, against the public enemy that shall endeavour
to invade or assault his Majesty's subjects in this Collony, there shall be a
fortification or battery built at the charge of the Collony, in such conven-
ient place near the harbour of Newport, sufficient to mount twelve pieces
of ordnance or cannon." This was a small work, but it must be remembered
that the population of the colony did not then exceed ten thousand.

Though u his Majesty," William III. had died, March 8, 1702, over
eight weeks before this enactment, the news had not then reached the col-
ony. As soon, however, as the new work was completed, it took the name-
of Fort Anne, after the queen of England, who succeeded William III.
Subsequently it was much enlarged by appropriations made from time to
time by the Assembly. When peace was restored to the world, in 1714, by
the Treaty of Utrecht, its garrison was disbanded.

Upon the accession of George II. to the British throne, June 10, 1727,
Rhode Island voted an address to his Majesty, in which it is stated that
" a regular and beautiful fortification of stone with a battery" had been
built at Newport, capacious enough for mounting fifty cannons, which his
Majesty was asked to supply.* Not till three years later was its name of Fort

* Some of the guns were subsequently supplied through the influence of Sir Charles Wager, who
was First Lord of the Admiralty in the ministry of Sir Robert Walpole.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 469

Anne, which it had borne through two reigns, changed to Fort George, a
designation which it retained till the outbreak of the Revolution, when
and until 1784, it was called Fort Liberty. This work was completed in
1735, though not fully armed, its cost having amounted to £10,000 in the
depreciated currency of the colony.

War having been declared in 1739 between England and Spain, the As-
sembly of Rhode Island ordered Fort George to be repaired and furnished
without delay with ammunition and suitable guns ; and, in 1740, watch
towers were directed to be placed on Point Judith, Castle Hill, Brenton's
Point, Sachuest Point, and "on Conanicut Island," to transmit intelligence
of every hostile demonstration. Soon after, January 27, 1741, pending the
second war with Spain and in anticipation of hostilities with France, the
Assembly of Rhode Island directed the battery at Fort George to be en-
larged so as to mount ten or more additional cannon. In 1749 the work
was reported to be provided with twenty-five guns in the lower battery and
twelve cannon on platforms.

The war of England against Spain and France now extended to both
hemispheres, and the colonies were required to do their part on this con-
tinent. Rhode Island had her share in the colonial expedition of 1745
against Cape Breton under William Pepperell, afterwards knighted for his
brilliant capture of the strong and costly fortress of Louisburg. The year
after, Rhode Island was to have taken part in the fourth attempt against
Canada ; but the public mind was soon to be diverted from schemes of
conquest to the more imminent necessity of defense against the great
armada with which France threatened to retake Louisburg and conquer
New England. The greatest alarm pervaded the colonies, and the Assem-
bly of Rhode Island, convened in extra session, ordered that a new bat-
tery be added to Fort George, a large garrison be provided, and an ample
supply of ammunition be procured for the work. Upon the news of the arm-
istice between the belligerent powers, which preceded the conclusion of the
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, the garrison of Fort George was disbanded;
but a few years later the work had again to be prepared for the renewal
of hostilities between England and France on the question of the bound-
aries of their North American possessions.

The " Old French War " followed, during which Braddock was defeated,
Fort William- Henry captured, Abercrombie repulsed at Ticonderoga, Fort
Du Quesne taken, and Canada conquered. In this long struggle the col-
onies materially aided the mother country, besides providing for the de-
fense of their Lake and Atlantic coasts. No point along the latter was
more important than Narraganset Bay. Hence Fort George was fully re-
paired and almost rebuilt by liberal appropriations made by the Assembly

470 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

of Rhode Island. In 1761, this work was reported, with " twenty-six
mounted' guns," to be in excellent fighting order. The Peace of Paris, in

1763, thanks to the genius of Chatham and the valor of Wolfe, had trans-*
ferred all of French North America to Great Britain ; but this colossal con-
tribution to the power of the latter was attended with consequences which
were destined to wrench an empire from exulting Albion. In the nine
years' contest which had just terminated, the colonies had realized their
military prowess, became acquainted with the customs of martial life, were
taught to endure the hardships of the camp, had learned the stern lessons
of self-sacrifice, became habituated to discipline and to confidence in them-
selves, and though sometimes defeated and thrown to the ground, Antaean-
like they rose renewed in their strength for new contests.

Only two years had elapsed after the Peace of Paris before ungrateful
Britain began that series of oppressions which culminated in American
independence. Of that attractive history we must limit ourselves to nar-
rating the heroic part taken by little Rhode Island on the shores of Nar-
raganset Bay. The first act of its open resistance was a melee, July 9,

1764, between a boat's crew of the British schooner St. John attempting
to carry off an alleged deserter from Newport, which was forcibly resisted,
and led to the seizure by the town's people of Fort George, whose guns
were trained upon the admiral's ship — the Squirrel — against which eight
shots were fired. The next year a mob of sailors took possession of and
destroyed one of the boats of the English ship of war — Maidstone —
engaged in impressing seamen in Newport harbor; then, in 1769, came the
scuttling of the British armed sloop — Liberty — and the dragging of her
boats in triumph through the streets of Newport ; and, three years later,
the Gaspee was captured and burned by armed Rhode Islanders in the
upper part of Narraganset Bay. All of these daring acts took place long
before the battle of Lexington opened, in 1775, the grand drama of the
American Revolution.

Foreseeing that the die must soon be cast, the Assembly of Rhode
Island, December 5, 1774, ordered the dismantling of Fort George to pre-
vent its use by the enemy, and for safety, removed to Providence its forty
cannon and a large supply of ammunition. Batteries were erected also on
Fox, Sassafras, Field, Kettle, and Bullock's Points, to defend Providence
river ; upon the west side and southern end of Popasquash Neck to guard
the passage between it and Prudence Island ; and upon the southern
extremity of Warwick Neck to command the entrance to Greenwich Bay.
In quick succession, other places were so protected as to guard against the
aggressions of British ships, whose crews were burning houses and barns,

MAP
or

NARRAGANSEPFT ftAY.R-L

1778

S CALE
1 5 J

472 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

plundering the islands and shores, keeping the watch-worn inhabitants in
constant alarm, and even threatening to destroy Newport. Such were
these depredations that the Continental Congress was memorialized to
protect Rhode Island with its one hundred and thirty miles of coast-line
and two navigable rivers exposed to the enemy.

Early in 1776, the Marine Committee of Congress, by active exertions
and at great expense, had fitted out a squadron of eight vessels, mounting
over one hundred guns, which sailed upon a cruise under Commodore
Hopkins of Rhode Island. He had been very successful in making capt-
ures ; and, being desirous of obtaining a supply of powder, then very
scarce, he made a descent upon Nassau, New Providence, the capital of the
Bahama Islands, captured its two forts with over an hundred cannon and a
large amount of military stores, besides taking many prisoners of war, in-
cluding the governor and lieutenant-governor. On his return, he encoun-
tered a British frigate of twenty guns, off Block Island, which escaped from
him and ran into Newport harbor. This was the signal for the British fleet
to go out in pursuit of the audacious commodore. The night after, April 6,
1776, a slight battery was thrown up on Brenton's Point and armed with
several pieces of heavy artillery, which compelled the frigate Hopkins
had encountered to retreat further up the bay ; but the next day she
escaped to sea. Shortly after, the Scarborough of twenty, and Cimetar of
eighteen guns, with two prizes, anchored in Newport harbor a little to the
south of Rose Island. Two row-galleys from Providence recaptured these
prizes, and, with the assistance of a battery thrown up on North Point*
(present site of Fort Greene), compelled the enemy's vessels to seek refuge
under Conanicut Island. From this position they were driven by a battery
erected at the Dumplings, and were obliged to put to sea, April 14, 1776,
under a vigorous cannonade from Brenton's Point and Castle Hill, where
a small earthwork had been hastily thrown up, the remains of which are
still to be seen. Narraganset Bay was now free from all British cruisers,
and on May 4, 1776, Rhode Island, by a solemn act of the General Assem-
bly, declared her independence of the mother country, two months pre-
ceding that by the Thirteen United Colonies.

Howland and Bristol ferries had already been fortified, and, to prevent
further incursions through the main entrance to the bay, old Fort George,
now called Fort Liberty, was immediately reconstructed ; a stronger
earthwork was erected upon Brenton's Point ; and the battery on North
Point f was enlarged and armed with thirteen of the guns captured at

* From this point a royal salute was fired, March 18, 1766, upon the repeal of the British
Stamp Act. f See Fig. 1 of Illustration upon opposite page.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

473

Nassau by Com-
modore Hopkins.
These defended
Newport harbor
and the middle
entrance to the
bay ; but the west
passage was with-
out fortifications.

The British
army, March 17,
1776, had been
driven by Wash-
ington from Bos-
ton ; or, as the
Earl of Suffolk
absurdly spoke of
this inglorious
retreat in the
House of Lords :
" General Howe
thought proper to
shift his position
in order, in the
first place to pro-
tect Halifax, and
after that object
was secured, to
penetrate by that
way into the inte-
rior country y

It now became
necessary for the
fleet of England
to possess some
more secure and

capacious roadstead. No place offered such great advantages as Narra-
ganset Bay, where her ships could ride at anchor within its land-locked
waters ; and no safer base was to be found for the lodgment of her army
than the sea-girt isle of Rhode Island. Once in possession of this natu-

THE FIVE BATTERIES.

474

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

MAP OF MILITARY OPERATIONS IN 1777-78 IN RHODE ISLAND.

ral fortress, Britain, with her army and navy, could menace every At-
lantic port, and almost bid defiance to the United Colonies. Accordingly,
December 7, 1776, while Washington was in the Jerseys with most of the
American army, Sir Peter Parker, with a British fleet of eleven vessels of
war (seven line-of-battle ships and four frigates), convoying seventy trans-
ports having on board six thousand troops, passed unobstructed through
the west passage into Narraganset Bay and rounded the north end of Co-
nanicut. On the following day the British and Hessian troops, under com-
mand of Sir Henry Clinton, disembarked on Rhode Island and marched
into Newport. Consternation spread on every side ; the islanders fled,
with their effects, to the main land ; every defensible point on Narraganset
Bay was occupied by American troops ; and the entire State of Rhode
Island became a vast camp confronting the enemy.

Upon the few remaining inhabitants of Newport the British troops
were unceremoniously quartered, and such houses as were wanted were
promptly seized. Those who had fled from their once peaceful homes
were wanderers in the wide world, depending chiefly upon charity.

Brigadier-General Mulmedy, a French officer, reported at Providence,
December 13, 1776, as chief engineer and director of the American
forces, and was vested by the Assembly with plenary powers " to erect
such works and at such places as he shall think proper." According to

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

475

COPIED FROM ORIGINAL IN POSSESSION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

Blaskowitz's Chart of Narraganset Bay, made in 1777, the following Ameri-
can forts and batteries existed, viz. :

Providence Fort

Popasquash Battery

Bristol Fort

Batteries at either end of Bristol Ferry

Hovvland Ferry Defenses

Fort Liberty, Goat Island, in Newport Harbor. ..
North Point Battery (site of present Fort Greene)
Dumplings Rock Battery

Guns.

50
6
8
3

25
20

Caliber.

18 and 24 p'ds.
18 pounders.
18 pounders.
18 pounders.
18 and 24 p'ds.
18 and 24 p'ds.
18 and 24 p'ds.
18 pounders.

The armament of the American batteries at Fox, Sassafras, Field,
Kettle, Bullock and Warwick Points are not included in the above.

Upon the British occupation, the works on Conanicut, Goat, and Rhode
islands fell into their possession. At the same time that the Americans
were erecting defensive works, the British engineers were not idle. They
soon began to throw up redoubts on the east side of Rhode Island near
Fogland Ferry; on the left bank of Lawton's Valley; and on Butt's Hill
near the north end of the island. In 1777 they intrenched Newport with
a strong continuous line, which ran northerly along the crest of the height

4/6 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

rising above the right bank of the inlet to Easton's Pond, then turned
westerly toward Wonumetonomy (corrupted to Tomony) Hill, and con-
tinued north of this height to Coddington's Cove. Five advanced works
protected the northern branch; some batteries, of later construction,
covered the western branch ; Wonumetonomy Hill was occupied by a
strong redoubt ;'and a heavy battery was erected at Coddington's Cove.*
To further strengthen this line, a thick abattis was placed outside of the
fortifications, and the inlet to Easton's Pond was deepened by damming it
at intervals. At Barker's Hill, near the Sakonnet or Eastern Passage, was
a large redoubt, and near it a smaller one to guard the approach to the
right of the British intrenchments, while minor earthworks occupied ad-
vantageous positions about the lines. An attack from Tiverton upon the
British works, by General Spencer with nine thousand American troops,
was projected in October, 1777, but various untoward circumstances pre-
vented its accomplishment.

Important events were transpiring elsewhere at this time. The battle
of Germantown had been fought October 4, and on the 17th, Burgoyne's
army had surrendered at Saratoga. The spirit shown in the former, not-
withstanding the loss of Philadelphia, and the success of the latter,
convinced the French court that the Americans were strong and in earnest.
Hence the treaty of alliance between France and the United States was
signed February 6, 1778; but it was not until July 29, following, that
Count d'Estaing, with a fleet of twelve ships of the line and four frigates,
appeared off Rhode Island and blockaded the entrances to Narraganset
Bay. The next morning two of his ships ran up the West Passage under
the fire of a British semicircular battery, near Bonnet Point on the Main f
and a rectangular flanked redoubt on the southern part of Conanicut
Island, near Beaver-Head. ;}; The daring of these French ships, supported
by a large fleet in the offing, caused the British to abandon the Bonnet
and the batteries on both shores of Conanicut Island ; and burn, blow up,
or sink the whole of their armed vessels (mounting 212 guns) in Narragan-
set waters. All was now alarm in the British camp; yet, from some
unaccountable delay and want of concert between the French fleet and the
American army, ten precious days elapsed without striking an effective
blow upon the demoralized enemy.

* The ruins of redoubts and batteries are still visible on Bliss' Hill, Van Rensselaer's Place,
Governor Collins' former residence, Bailey's farm, and Coddington's Cove, besides a more ad-
vanced work near the shore, north of Coddington's Cove, which probably was thrown up in 1778.

f See Fig. 4 of Illustration, page 473.

\ See Fig. 5* of Illustration, page 473. The remains of both the Bonnet and Conanicut batteries
are still visible.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 477

It was not till August 8th at D'Estaing entered Newport harbor in
force, when the British withdrew their outposts from the head of the island
and concentrated their entire army within their Newport lines ; and not
till the next day were the four thousand French troops landed on Conani-
cut, and the advance, by Sullivan with his motley assemblage of ten
thousand men, made from Tiverton and Fort Barton (on its heights) to
occupy the abandoned British posts. The opportune moment for a telling
attack upon the enemy unfortunately had now passed, for Lord Howe,
with a British fleet of thirty -six sail, hove in sight, whereupon the French
troops re-embarked, and the next morning D'Estaing put to sea to engage
the English admiral. As we are not writing the history of the war, we
must omit an account of the naval actions which followed ; the injury done
by the tempest to both fleets, and the causes of D'Estaing's failure to
further co-operate with his American ally.

The French fleet sustained considerable damage, in entering and leav-
ing Newport harbor, from the heavy cannonade kept up by the British
batteries at and near Castle Hill, on Brenton's Point, Goat Island, and
North Point. All of the Conanicut batteries had been abandoned, their
guns spiked, and their magazines destroyed, in anticipation of the occupa-
tion of that island by the French.

The American light troops, August 10, 1778, advanced to within a mile
and a half of the British intrenchments ; but, in consequence of the great
storm it was not till the 15th that the main body of Sullivan's army pushed
forward and encamped within two miles of the enemy's works. That night
a battery, for seventeen pieces of heavy artillery, * was commenced on
Honeyman's Hill to support our right flank and to command the British
defenses on Bliss' Hill. For five days, from the 16th to the 20th, our
siege-works were pushed forward with vigor and extended to the left, where
batteries were established to threaten the enemy's right. An incessant
cannonade was kept up from four batteries, to which, on the 23d, we added
a fifth. Such was the effect upon the enemy that the British, on the 19th,
began an inner line of intrenchments, on a convex curve extending from a
strong redoubt near the northern end of the " Cliffs'" (Fearing' s Place) t
to the North Battery on the bay. Besides the two strong works at the
extremities of this line, there were three intermediate batteries and two
detached redoubts — one within and one without this line — the .former to
sweep any approach by Easton's Beach, and the latter to command the
opening between the two lines of intrenchments.

* See Illustrations, pages 474, 475.

f Slight remains of this redoubt are still visible.

473 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

Count d'Estaing returned to Newport on the 20th, which greatly en-
couraged the besiegers; but, on the next day, he sailed for Boston to
repair damages to his fleet. Apprehending the approach of the British
fleet with reinforcements to the garrison of Newport, Sullivan abandoned
his design of storming the English intrenchments, though all but one of
the enemy's outworks, facing eastward, had been vacated. On the evening
of the 28th, Sullivan raised the siege and retreated to Butts' Hill, forming
his line of battle, supported by batteries and intrenchments, across the
head of the island. * The so-called "Battle of Rhode Island," which took
place on the next day, will be passed over, as it forms no part of our
sketch, except to say that the works on Butts' and Turkey Hills played
a conspicuous part in that contest.

During the century which has elapsed since these stirring events, much
criticism has been proffered respecting the military operations of August
28-30, but comparatively little on what transpired earlier in the month.
We have already spoken of the fatal inaction during the ten days after the
arrival of the French fleet, which, with the loss of time by the great storm,
deferred the initiation of siege operations till the night of the 15th.

As a military engineer, after a very careful examination of the ground
occupied by the British intrenchments and the American siege-works, I
am constrained to say that Sullivan's points of attack were not well chosen.
Between him and the enemy was a deep ravine, at the bottom of which
was Easton's Pond and its deepened inlet. Any regular approaches by saps,
down the slope of Honeyman's Hill, would have been exposed to a deadly
plunging fire from the British outworks and intrenchments ; and, had it
been possible to reach the bottom of the ravine, there was still a stream or
pond to pass and the opposite slope to ascend under a destructive raking
fire of infantry and artillery, which would have tried, if not have baffled,
the valor of the best disciplined troops. It is true that the American
batteries had lessened the enemy's power of destruction, yet there was
still a large reserved strength in the British lines sufficient to defeat any
attempt to storm them. The accumulation of batteries on the left of our
position would indicate that it was designed to turn the right of the
British front line by a strong column moving over the narrow pass between
Easton's Pond and the sea. This assault probably would have fared no
better; and with such troops as would have constituted the American
attacking force, it would have been utterly impracticable after the con-
struction of the second British line; which, besides its own fire, had its
inner redoubt to sweep with artillery the narrow defile over which the

* See Illustrations, pages 474, 475.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 479

column must move, and its outer redoubt to command the entire opening
between the lines.

Had Sullivan marched down on the west side of the inlet of Easton's
Pond, and made his attack from the north, instead of from the east, upon
the salient made by the north and west branches of the British outer line,
he probably would have been successful. At the north the ground for
attack was very favorable, there being little or no ravine. Batteries
planted there would have enfiladed the whole northern branch of the
British line, and taken partially in reverse all the outworks along its front.
The redoubt on Wonumetonomy Hill might still have held out ; but so it
would in any attack from the east.*

The British remained undisturbed on Rhode Island till October 11,
1779, when a fleet of fifty-two transports arrived from New York to carry
away their troops and military stores, besides forty-six families of Tories.
After destroying the lighthouse at Beaver-Tail and leveling the battery at
North Point, the vessels, as fast as they were loaded with stores and ord-
nance, were moored off Brenton's Point to receive the troops, who burned
the barracks they had left. Before sunset of October 25, 1779, Rhode
Island was relieved of its detested foe, which had left nothing behind but
the utter desolation it had wrought during its occupation of nearly three
years. The suffering of the inhabitants was extreme, particularly during
the following winter, which was so cold that for six weeks Narraganset
Bay was frozen over, and the ice extended seaward to Block Island and as
far as the eye could reach.

The next year the murky cloud, which had so long hung over Narra-
ganset Bay, was lifted, and the bright sunlight succeeded on the arrival,
July 10, 1780, of Admiral de Ternay, with a fleet of forty-four armed ves-
sels and transports bringing into Newport over five thousand French troops,
commanded by Count de Rochambeau. The following day the army
landed, and was put in possession of all the defenses of the harbor ; and
on the succeeding night the city was ablaze with a brilliant illumination in
honor of its guests, among whom were some of the most distinguished
noblemen of France. Soon British tyranny was forgotten, and " the
wounds inflicted by Hessian ruffianism were healed by the balm of French
politeness."

* After exhausting all sources of information in Rhode Island, I fortunately found, in the
library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, a manuscript map of Narraganset Bay, clearly show-
ing the British lines of defense covering Newport, and also the works of the American siege
operations. I deemed it so valuable that I, at once, ordered a copy of it to be made at my own ex-
pense ; but, subsequently, the Society decided to produce a photographed fac-simile, of which
the illustrations pages 474, 475 embrace, on a reduced scale, all the essential parts relating to the
military operations in I777~*78.

480 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

Washington, who came to Newport, March 6, 1781, to confer with
Rochambeau about an active campaign, had a most notable reception by
the citizens of Newport and the officers and troops of the French army.
The splendid ball then given, and its gay assemblage of fair women and
brave men, was a brilliant episode in the Revolutionary annals of Rhode
Island.

From various memoirs, particularly that of the Count de Deux-Ponts,
we learn most of the details of the operations of Rochambeau's army in
Rhode Island. Soon after its arrival, the British fleet of twenty ships
threatened to force a passage through the main channel into Narraganset
Bay. To guard this entrance, Rochambeau threw up batteries, armed with
twelve pounders, on Brenton's Point, while the French navy occupied
others on Conanicut Island ; but these latter were abandoned, July 27, 1780,
as they were accessible on all sides to British assaults. When reports of Sir
Henry Clinton's intention to attack the allied forces were confirmed by
information received from General Washington, the French commander,
with the aid of the Rhode Island militia, repaired and remodeled all the
works thrown up by the British when they held Rhode Island ; and added
others, particularly redoubts on Coaster's Island, and a strong work on
Rose Island* armed with forty pieces of heavy artillery. With such a
powerful battery to defend the right of the line of seven heavily armed
French ships, and the guns and mortars of Brenton's Point to protect its
left, the whole presented a formidable array of land artillery and naval
broadsides to guard the main entrance to the bay. Till the departure of
Rochambeau, June 10, 1781, he, with the assistance of many officers. of
engineers, continued to strengthen all the batteries, particularly those on
Goat Island which had not been destroyed upon the British evacuation.
Among the new works thrown up by the French was a battery on Hallidon
Hill fas this height commanded, at short artillery range, all the batteries at
Brenton's Point and on Goat Island. It was then called Fort Chastellux,
after the Chevalier de Chastellux, one of Rochambeau's Mareschaux de
Camp. After the Revolution it was known as Fort Harrison, being on the
Harrison farm, and since, it has acquired the name of Fort Denham from
some local association. What remains of it is situated in front of the
" Thorp " cottage. Other batteries on the southern shore of Rhode Island
were built during the Revolution, of which the remains of one are still vis-
ible on the " Ocean Drive," near the southwest extremity of the island, at
Winans' cottage.

* This small island, called Conskuit by the Indians, was purchased, in 1675, by Peleg Sanford
from the Sachem Mausup. f See Fig. 3 of Illustration, page 473.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET HAY, RHODE ISLAM) 481

Brigadier-General de Choisy, with a small body to garrison the de-
fenses (600 French recruits and 1,000 local militia), was left at Newport
when the French army marched from Rhode Island to Yorktown, Va., the
field of glory of the allied forces. The departure soon after, August 25,
1 78 1, of the French fleet with the heavy artillery and remaining troops to
the Chesapeake, obliged the Assembly of Rhode Island further to provide
for the defense of the State by mounting additional batteries at North and
Brenton's Points, and by strengthening those at Pawtuxet and Field and
Kettle Points to guard against any approach by Providence River.
These were timely precautions, for Sir Henry Clinton had formed a plan
to seize the French stores and magazines at Providence, and probably to
capture Admiral de Barras' fleet at Newport. Fortunately the expedition
was accidentally delayed till the 28th, when the bird had flown ; much to
the chagrin of General Clinton and Admiral Graves, who anticipated a
certain conquest. The capture at Yorktown, October 19, 1781, of the
British army under Cornwallis, virtually terminated the war of the Rev-
olution, and successful negotiations for peace soon followed. Conse-
quently the garrison at Butts' Hill was disbanded in July, 1782.

The war had left the United States with a heavy debt, therefore all
expenses were curtailed, particularly those for the military, no longer re-
quired. The whole force retained, at the conclusion of peace, amounted
to less than seven hundred men, under command of General Knox'; and
even this miniature army, before the end of the session of Congress, was
reduced to twenty-five men to guard the stores at Pittsburg, Pa., and fifty-
five for West Point, N. Y., and the other magazines — in all eighty men.
Without garrisons, our military posts went rapidly to decay, including, of
course, those at Newport which had been dismantled. However, by the
act of the Assembly of Rhode Island of October 4, 1784, the fort on
Goat Island was armed, the barracks repaired, and the work made to
assume " some degree of respectability." It had borne the name of various
British sovereigns during its colonial existence of three-quarters of a cent-
ury; of " Liberty," pending the war of Independence; and now it was to
assume the name of the illustrious Washington. From this work was
probably fired the first salute announcing that Rhode Island, May 29,
1790, had finally joined the Union of the Thirteen United States, by her
adoption of the Federal Constitution. Fort Washington,* in 1792, ac-
cording to the inspection returns, had an armament of three twenty-four,
five eighteen, and two six pounders, when the Assembly ordered the i4 pur-

*The name of "Washington" was given, October 4, 1784, by the act of the Assembly of
Rhode Island.

Vol. XI.— No. 6.-32

482 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

chase of a reasonable quantity of powder to be made use of at the said
fort upon special occasions."

The first European coalition was made against the French Republic in
1793. Soon, both England and France so grossly violated our neutrality
upon the ocean that Congress, in 1794, ordered the building of six frigates,
added a corps of artillerists and engineers to our small army, and made
appropriations for fortifying our principal ports on the Atlantic coast.
The appropriation for Newport harbor was applied to the works on Goat
Island, Bechat Rochefontaine, March 29, 1794, being appointed temporary
engineer. He was soon succeeded by Stephen Rochefontaine, who, Feb-
ruary 26, 1795, was made the commandant of the newly organized corps
of artillerists and engineers. The name of the latter, as the constructing
engineer of the works on Goat Island, is still to be found, neatly cut, upon
a stone (upside down) in the foundation of one of the new buildings at the
navy torpedo station. It is stated, in a report communicated January 18,
1796, by the Secretary of War, to the United States Senate, that: " For
the defense of Newport harbor there have been erected, on Goat Island,
a fort, a citadel, and an air-furnace. The excellency and importance of
this harbor, in time of war, recommend a further expenditure to render
the defense complete. To finish the fort, erect an artillery store, and
make a covered-way round it, as in a regular fortification, the expense is
estimated at about six thousand dollars. There have also been erected a
citadel on Tomony Hill, back of the town of Newport, for the protection
of its inhabitants, and a battery and guard-house at Howland's Ferry at
the northern end of the island, to keep open a communication with the
Main, in case of an invasion. But, to secure effectually this communica-
tion, a citadel should be erected on Butts' Hill, that position commanding
Howland's Ferry and Bristol Ferry. The cost of it is estimated at 1,800
dollars."

France had continued her piratical aggressions upon our commerce,
and our minister, sent to Paris, had been treated with contempt and in-
dignity ; yet, such was the strength of the Gallican feeling among our
people, that not till 1798 were vigorous measures adopted to protect the
nation from further insult. The outrageous conduct of the French
Directory towards our government ; the efforts of their agents to sow
sedition throughout our country ; their acts to invigorate opposition to the
constituted authorities ; their disregard of the law of nations and of
solemn treaties ; their rebuffs of our repeated efforts to adjust differences ;
their attempts to bribe our envoys, failing which they were expelled from
French soil ; and their continued seizure of our merchantmen till our

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 483

losses amounted to $15,000,000, could not fail to rouse the United States
to resistance. Forbearance had reached its utmost limit, and at once prep-
arations were instituted to maintain the dignity and honor of the nation.
Important additions were made to our navy, and a separate department
for its control created ; a marine corps established ; many new regiments
of infantry, troops of cavalry, and more artillerists and engineers added to
our regular forces ; a provisional army, with Washington at its head,
authorized ; liberal appropriations for fortifications granted ; our treaties
with France abrogated ; our commerce with her suspended ; and a quasi
war instituted by legalizing the capture of her armed vessels, which resulted
in several engagements with her cruisers.

With such a threatening aspect of affairs, and an ample justification for
a declaration of war, the construction of the sea-coast fortifications was
pressed forward with vigor. The importance of Narraganset Bay de-
manded that full provision should be made for the defense of its main
entrance. Accordingly immediate measures were taken to repair and
strengthen some of the old works, to rebuild others, and to add an entirely
new one. All were placed under the supervision of Major Louis Tousard,
who had succeeded Lieutenant-Colonel Rochefontaine, when the latter,
May 7, 1798, was dismissed from service. Tousard was born in France in
1749; lost an arm in the action of Butts' Hill, August 29, 1778, during
the war of the Revolution; was commissioned a Major of Artillerists and
Engineers, February 26, 1795 ; and was disbanded June 1, 1802, upon
the organization of the present Corps of Engineers, created by the law of
March 16, 1802. He subsequently was a United States revenue officer,
and died in New Orleans, La.

The works repaired, enlarged, rebuilt and constructed in 1 798-1 800, for
the defense of the main entrance to Narraganset Bay and Newport harbor,
were : On Brenton's Point, east side of entrance,* " an enclosed indented
work of masonry " for twelve guns, with a brick magazine, and soldiers'
barracks and officers' quarters for one company. On the Dumplings rock,
Conanicut Island, west side of entrance,f an elliptical stone tower to mount
eight heavy guns on the sea-side, half in casemates and half in barbette.
On Goat Island, in the center of Newport harbor,;); a small enclosed ir-
regular work of masonry and earth mounting twelve guns, besides flank
batteries mounting eighteen guns, with a brick magazine, and soldiers'
barracks and officers' quarters for one company. On Brenton's Cove, south
of Goat Island, § a small battery occupying the site of an old French

* See Illustration, page 488. % See Illustration, page 492.

f See Illustration, page 490. § See Fig. 3 of Illustration, page 473.

484 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

battery (Fort Chastellux) on Hallidon Hill. On North Point, an elliptical
stone-scarped battery * for twelve or thirteen guns. On Rose Island, a
regular masonry work,t with four bastions (two circular and two polygonal)
designed for sixty guns, with bomb-proof barracks within for three hundred
men.

Of these works, the Dumplings tower and Rose Island fort were never
finished, armed, or garrisoned. The former is sometimes called Fort
Louis ; but there is no official authority for the name. Possibly Major
Tousard may have so called it after his own Christian name, or after Louis
XVI., who had been our ally in the Revolution. It has also been called
Fort Brown, having taken the designation of the old battery near it, so
named after its first commander — " General " Brown — who fired upon the
British vessels of war — the Scarborough and Cimetar — April 14, 1776, to
drive them from Newport harbor. During this century the Dumplings
tower has been crumbling into a picturesque ruin ; J and some years since
served as a target for the sensational Captain John Magruder, when com-
manding Fort Adams, against which to practice his artillerists in distant
firing. The work on Rose Island was called Fort Hamilton, after the
patriot statesman Alexander Hamilton. It has never been used except
for a quarantine station for the port of Newport.

The elliptical battery on North Point, when completed, was named
Fort Greene, after Rhode Island's most distinguished general in the Revo-
lution ; the work on Goat Island, which had borne so many aliases, finally,
in 1798, was re-christened Fort Wolcott, to commemorate the revolutionary
services of Governor Oliver Wolcott, who had just died, December 1, I797,§
its former name of Fort Washington having been appropriately transferred
to the work on the Potomac River opposite to Mount Vernon ; and the
new work on Brenton's Point, when nearly completed in 1799, was named
Fort Adams. An account of the imposing ceremonies of christening this
latter fort we will condense from the relation given in the Newport
Mercury of July 9, 1799. The twenty-third anniversary of American Inde-
pendence (July 4, 1799), was ushered in by a federal salute of thirteen
guns from Fort Wolcott; and, before noon, the company of Captain John
Henry of the artillerists and engineers, United States Army, which was
to garrison the new work, marched at the head of the column composed
of the Major-General of the State of Rhode Island and the militia staff,
the Newport Ancient Artillery, the Newport Guards, and a large concourse
of patriotic citizens.

* See Fig. 2 of Illustration, page 473. \ See Illustration, page 491. % See Illustration, page 466.
§ It was also in compliment to his son, then the able Secretary of the Treasury.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 485

The gateway leading to the battery not having been finished, Major
Tousard had constructed a temporary arch, decked with wreaths of ever-
greens and flowers, and over its key-stone was a tablet inscribed :

FORT ADAMS.

THE ROCK ON WHICH THE STORM WILL BEAT.

At a quarter before twelve o'clock, Major Tousard addressed the assem-
blage in the following concise and energetic words :

"Citizens! Happy to improve every occasion to testify my veneration
for the highly distinguished Citizen who presides over the Government of
the United States, I have solicited the Secretary of War to name this
Fortress — Fort Adams. He has gratified my desire, and I hope the brave
officers and soldiers, who are and shall be honored with its defense, will,
by their valor and good conduct, render it worthy of its name, which I
hereby proclaim —

FORT ADAMS."

When the address was ended, the American flag was run up and
saluted with thirteen guns from the battery and three hearty cheers
from the whole assemblage. The guns from Fort Wolcott returned the
salute, as did also the Newport Artillery, the Newport Guards following
with the same number of platoon discharges.

After the collation (provided by Major Tousard) had been fully en-
joyed, Major Henry's company " paraded in line with the guns of the
battery, with the officers in front headed by Majors Tousard and Jackson."
The several independent companies, general and staff officers, and citizens
passed them in review, the officers and colors saluting. When the column
returned under the entrance arch, three guns were fired from the battery,
which terminated the memorable ceremony.

Notwithstanding the outrageous treatment of our former embassies to
France, much to the surprise of the whole country, President Adams, early
in 1799, appointed new envoys to the French Directory; but, before their
arrival in Paris, Napoleon was at the head of the new government. With
the change of rulers came a change of policy. A qualified treaty was
agreed upon, and pending its final ratification, Mr. Jefferson, the head of
the Gallican party in the United States, was inaugurated President, March 4,
1 801, which terminated our hostilities with France. The treaty of Amiens,
concluded a year later, gave peace to all Europe ; but this hollow truce
was of short duration. Again our lucrative commerce became a prey to

486 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

the mandates of Napoleon's Berlin and Milan decrees and England's
orders in council. To the aggressions of Great Britain were added those
of searching our ships upon the high seas and the impressment of our
seamen. The United States temporized till forbearance ceased to be a
virtue. War was inevitable ; yet, only two years before the sword was
drawn, our Secretary of War said to Congress that " no further appropria-
tion on account of fortifications was proposed in the estimates for the year.
But, in case of war, additional works will be required. Their situation,
nature and extent, depending upon the emergencies which may require
them, cannot be ascertained." The Secretary, William Eustis, being a
New England man, deigned to add: "'The island of Rhode Island, from
the peculiarity of its local situation, bordering on the ocean, accessible at
all seasons of the year, affording a safe and commodious harbor, fertile in
itself, commanding other islands, well stocked with provisions, and a cen-
tral station from which to harass the trade of the continent, offers to an
enemy advantages not combined in any port, and requires additional means
of defense." Whereupon this great and liberal statesman recommended :
" To meet the expenditures required at this and other places" that "one
hundred and fifty thousand dollars be appropriated on account of f or ti fixa-
tions." What a magnificent provision to prevent British fleets from seizing
this u central station" and all of our oilier Atlantic ports !

According to the report of this Secretary of War, made to Congress
December u, 1811, only six months before war was declared against
Great Britain, there were but seventee7i guns in Fort Adams, and thirty-
eight in Fort Wolcott, in all fifty-five pieces of ordnance, large and small,
to defend Narraganset Bay against the most powerful fleets of the world !
Doctor Eustis probably proposed to defend our harbors on the Jeffersonian
plan, by gunboats ready to be launched upon the appearance of the enemy,
or by heavy cannon on traveling carriages fired by the local militia from
the shores of the ports assailed.

President Madison, June I, 181 2, sent a confidential message to Con-
gress, in which he recapitulated all the causes of our complaint against
Great Britain ; her impressment of our seamen ; her infringement upon our
maritime jurisdiction, and disturbance of the peace of our coasts ; herpaper
blockades, unsupported by any adequate force; her violation of our neutral
rights by her orders in council, and her inflexible determination to main-
tain these orders against all appeals to her justice ; her suspected insti-
gation of Indian hostilities against our people ; and her conduct, which,
taken altogether, amounted to actual war against the United States, while
we remained at peace with her.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 487

War was declared against Great Britain June 18, 1812, but not till a
month after was there appropriated by Congress half a million of dollars for
coast defense. In consequence of thus rushing headlong and wholly un-
prepared into a war with the most powerful nation on earth, our seaboard
was kept in a continuous state of alarm ; our coast trade was almost anni-
hilated ; destructive incursions were made into our bays and inlets, even to
our capital ; and large bodies of militia were constantly being called out,
at vast expense and inconvenience, to protect our inadequately fortified
harbors. Though no hostile fleets entered Narraganset Bay during the
war, the feeble garrisons of the works defending the main channel were
kept in constant apprehension ; several times the State forces were
summoned to resist attack ; and many vessels were chased or captured by
the British squadron within sight of Rhode Island. Most of these troubles
would have been spared to the State by a few strong forts and batteries,
the total cost of which would have been far less than the actual expenses
incurred in trying to meet them. Congress, in 18 16, had to appropriate
nearly fourteen millions of dollars to pay the militia required in the latter
months of the war.

This war, of 181 2-' 15, had so clearly demonstrated the almost defense-
less condition of our sea-coast, that, the year after its termination, liberal
appropriations were made for fortifications, and a board of engineers was
organized to study the whole problem of national defense, and to devise
the necessary fortifications to protect the entire coasts of the Atlantic and
Gulf of Mexico. This board was composed of General Joseph G. Swift,
the chief engineer of the army ; General Simon Bernard, a distinguished
French engineer who had done good service under Napoleon ; and Lieu-
tenant-Colonels William McRee and Joseph G. Totten, of the corps of
engineers.

President Monroe, taught by " the faithful admonitions of experience,"
in his first inaugural message, March 4, 1817, took occasion to call attention
to the absolute necessity of fortifying our coasts and frontiers, even though
it might be at a very heavy expense, as the only certain security against
the cost, anxiety, distress, and destruction of property which a superior
naval force, with a few thousand troops on board, might at any time im-
pose upon us. He urged, also, the formation of an army competent, not
only to garrison and preserve these fortifications, but to meet the first
invasion of a foreign foe.

The board of engineers, April 7, 1820, submitted its project for the
defense of Narraganset Bay, to which there are three entrances. The
Eastern, or Sakonnet Passage, was already closed by the Stone Bridge, op-

488

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

FORT ADAMS.

BRENT ON JS POINT.
B»iW in 1798=1800.

a0?» if -pi**. r=/ so:

Seed* af section- j'^fS,

OJ1. -ilTLf^AJi

posite Tiverton ; the Western Passage was to be shoaled with a sunken
dyke, below Dutch Island, in such manner as to allow coasters freely to
pass over it, but to exclude all vessels of war ; and the Middle or Main
Passage, was to be barred effectually by permanent fortifications on Bren-
ton's Point, the Dumplings Rock, and Rose Island, while Forts Greene and
Wolcott were to defend the inner waters about Newport. From the report
of this board we learn the condition and value, in 1820, of the then exist-
ing fortifications, which had been built in 1795- 1800, to be as follows:

Fort Adams,* which crosses its fire with Fort Wolcott, and defends on
that point the entry to Newport harbor, gives also some fire on the Mid-
dle Passage into Narraganset Bay. The trace of this fort is so irregular,
and its angles are so multiplied for no purpose of defense or convenience,
that it seems rather the result of chance or caprice than even of the in-
fancy of the engineering art. It consists of two parts, one appearing to
have been added to the other at a later period. The southern part has a
development of about seven hundred and fifty feet, measured on its in-
terior crest, and a command of fifteen feet over the country, and forty-five
over low water. Its parapet is from twelve to fifteen feet thick, its ram-
part from twenty-three to twenty-five wide, and its scarp wall less than ten
feet high. This part contains a bomb-proof barrack. The northern part
has a development, measured in the same way, of about four hundred feet,

* See Illustration above.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

489

DUMPLINGS TOWER.

CONANICUT ISLAND.
Built in 1798*11100.

and has a command of forty-two feet over low water. Its parapet is from
twelve to eighteen feet thick, the terre-plein of its rampart is on a level
with the parade, on which is a wooden store-house and a hot-shot furnace;
has no masonry scarp, and is covered with an earthwork six feet high.
From these two parts, constituting Fort Adams, about twenty guns could
be directed upon the en-
trance of the bay and as
many more upon New-
port harbor. The board
of engineers considered
it useless, as it " could
neither resist four days
against an attack by land,
nor contain the formid-
able armament " demand-
ed by the position.

Dumplings Tower, on
Conanicut Island, is an
elliptical stone structure,
its transverse axis being
one hundred and eight
feet long, and its conju-
gate axis eighty-one feet
to the exterior of the
scarp wall, which varies in
height from twelve to
twenty-six feet, owing to
the inequalities of the site.
Under the terre-plein of
the front of the Tower
are four casemates, fifteen
to eighteen feet long, fif-
teen feet wide, and seven
to eight feet high to the
crown of the arch ; and

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/- 7S'

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above were emplacements for four heavy barbette guns behind a stone
parapet of five feet in thickness. Its command, when finished, would
be fifty-four feet above low water. " When," says the board of engi-
neers, "we take into consideration that Dumplings Point is an essential
position for defending the central pass into Narraganset Bay, and that

490 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

the channel is one mile broad at this place, we must perceive that
the effect of this Tower is almost null for that purpose, and that its
co-operation with Fort Adams, to accomplish so important an object, has
never been calculated and is totally inefficient."

Fort Hamilton.* This unfinished work, on Rose Island, is of a rectan-
gular form, six hundred by five hundred and twenty feet, with flanking
towers, fifty feet in diameter, on the northwest and southwest angles, and
regular bastions at the two other angles. The south front, which sees ves-
sels coming up the channel after passing Brenton's Point and the Dump-
lings, the east front (except its curtain), and the northwest flanking tower
are nearly finished ; the remainder of the work being merely sketched.
The scarp-walls are low, the parapets, where finished, about sixteen feet
thick, and the rampart twenty-five feet wide. The command of the fort
is but eight feet above the ground, and seventeen above low water.
Its location, on the site of the old French battery of 1780, is good, as it
crosses its fire with those of all the other works. " It is to be regretted,"
says the board of engineers, " that the sketch of this fort offers none of
the requisites for occupying this position in a manner suitable to the prin-
cipal object which it should have in view. The towers are of no use, and
seem only placed there to spoil the general trace and disposition of the
works." The bomb-proof barracks at this work are now untenable.

Fort Greenef is an elliptical barbette battery for twelve or thirteen guns,
with a palisaded gorge. The work has a development, measured upon its
interior crest, of two hundred and forty feet ; its parapet is twenty-one
feet thick ; its rampart twenty-six feet broad ; its scarp wall twenty feet
high ; has a command of twenty-nine feet above low water; and within the
work is a brick barrack and guard-house, a bomb-proof magazine, and a
hot-shot furnace. The board of engineers says, " this battery is sufficient
for its purpose."

Fort Wolcott { is a large but low battery, having an inclosed
redoubt in the middle whose head flanks the front of the battery.
The development of the redoubt, measured upon its interior crest, is
seven hundred and forty feet, of which three hundred and twelve look
toward the sea ; its parapet on the gorge is twelve feet thick, and in
other parts eighteen ; its rampart is twenty-one feet wide ; and its
command is thirteen feet above the ground and thirty-six above low
water. The two wings of the battery measure eight hundred and
forty feet of interior crest development, of which three hundred and
twenty-five feet are on the right and five hundred and sixteen to the left

* See Illustration, page 491. f See Fig. 2 of Illustration, page 473. % See Illustration, page 493.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

4QI

of the redoubt ; their parapets are twenty-five feet thick, and their com-
mand is twenty-seven feet above low water. Within the redoubt is a
powder magazine; behind the left wing is a brick barrack; and within
either wing are hot-shot furnaces. The whole work could mount fifty
guns; and its fires, which cross those of Fort Adams and Fort Hamilton,
would suffice to cover the
harbor of Newport.

From the foregoing
description of the works
existing in 1820, it will
be seen that the board
of engineers considered
those at Brenton's Point,
the Dumplings, and on
Rose Island as almost
worthless; while those
at North Point and on
Goat Island would suffice
for interior defense when
covered by new channel
fortifications.

For the Dumplings,
where the United States
owns nearly seven acres
of land, the board of en-
gineers submitted a proj-
ect, designed by General
Bernard, for a very large
and costly work. Across
the Point, extending from
shore to shore, was to be
a strong line of three bas-
tioned fronts, with two
advanced redoubts occu-
pying higher elevations ;
and within this inclosing line were to be ten heavy batteries, along the
rocky shore, to fire seaward upon ships endeavoring to force a passage
through the channel. The entire armament of the work was to be three
hundred and eighty-six pieces of artillery of all calibers. This work,
never commenced, would be entirely unsuited to the present require-

rORT HAMILTON,

ROSE 1S-LAND,
Built in 1708=1800.

Seals o/°plcc72. J =JJ0'

SPCCCVH OTt £is< C- 2L'J?

492 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

ments of this excellent position, where eventually a strong fortification
must be built.

For Rose Island, where the government owns twenty-three acres of
land, the board of engineers proposed a small fort, on the site of the
present unfinished work, three hundred and eighty-four yards in perime-
ter, to mount nearly one hundred guns in barbette, chiefly on the three
sea fronts.

For Brenton's Point, then the most important position of all those to be
fortified in Narraganset Bay, the board of engineers deemed it necessary
to construct, immediately, a powerful work, not only to defend the main
entrance against an enemy's fleet, but to hold the position against a large
land force till it could be relieved by our own troops, which would require
time to be organized and marched to the attack of the enemy. It properly
was observed that the strength of the work should be fully equal to the
objects to be secured, that is to provide against such a contingency as had
actually occurred. Large fleets during the Revolution had invaded Nar-
raganset Bay, and for three years Rhode Island had been held by a strong
hostile army which we had not been able to dislodge. It is true that our
population and resources had increased, but even in 1820 we were but a
feeble power as compared with some of the nations of the Old World
which might assail us. History was full of illustrations of large fleets
and armies being quickly transported to distant points ; therefore, there
must be no stint in our preparations to meet such foreign expeditions
as might be sent to secure a lodgment in Narraganset waters — a bay so
capacious, so approachable, occupying so important a strategic position
on our northern coast, and acknowledged to be the best roadstead upon
our Atlantic seaboard.

" With the opening of this anchorage properly defended, hardly a ves-
sel of war could come, either singly or in small squadrons, upon the coast,
in the boisterous season without aiming at this port, on account of the
comparative certainty of an immediate entrance. And this would be par-
ticularly the case with vessels injured by heavy weather, or in conflict with
an enemy ; with vessels bringing prizes, or pursued by a superior force.
The use of this port would almost necessarily bring with it the demand for
the means of repairing and refitting ; and the concentration of these upon
some suitable spot would be the beginning of a permanent dock-yard.
For the same reason that ships of war would collect here, it would be a
favorite point of rendezvous for privateers and their prizes, and a common
place of refuge for merchantmen.

" But the same properties that make Narraganset Roads so precious to

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

493

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us would recommend them to the enemy also; and their natural advan-
tages will be enhanced in his eyes by the value of all the objects these ad-
vantages may have accumulated therein. If this roadstead were without
defense an enemy could occupy it without opposition, and, by aid of naval
superiority, form a lodgment on the island of Rhode Island for the war.
Occupying this island with his troops, and with his fleets the channels on
either side, he might defy all the forces of the Eastern States; and while,
from this position, his troops would keep in alarm and motion the popula-
tion of the East, feigned expeditions against New York, or against more
southern cities, would equally alarm the country in that direction ; and
thus, though he might do no more than menace, it is difficult to
estimate the embarrassment and expense into which he would drive the
government."

Entertaining these views, the board of engineers say " the defense
adopted to Narraganset Roads must be formidable in the important
points, because they will be exposed to powerful expeditions " of the
enemy which " may take possession, and bend his whole force to the
reduction of the forts on the island, which cannot be relieved until a force
has been organized, brought from a distance, conveyed by water to the
points attacked, and landed in the face of his batteries; all of this obvi-
ously requiring several days, during which the forts should be capable
of holding out. To do this against an expedition of ten or twenty thou-

494 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

sand men demands something more than the strength to resist a single
assault. Unless the main works be competent to withstand a siege of a
few days, they will not therefore fulfill their trust, and will be worse than
useless."

With these premises, in the then feeble condition of the country, very
different from the present state of affairs, the present Fort Adams was
planned and built. It consists of a pentagonal masonry main-work, bas-
tioned on the three sea fronts, and casemated throughout for gun-rooms
and habitations for the garrison. The principal channel front has three
tiers of fire, the others two, the upper batteries of the whole in barbette.
Covering the two land fronts is a crown-work separated from the main-
work by a deep dry ditch. Exterior to all, except the main sea front, is a
covered way with the usual places of arms, traverses, etc. Upon a com-
manding hill in the vicinity is a formidable casemated masonry redoubt,
connected with the fort by an earthen caponniere, so arranged as to form
a strong barbette battery towards the ship channel. These various de-
fenses cover about twenty acres, and were designed to mount nearly five
hundred pieces of artillery of various calibers: For beginning the con-
struction of this work, Congress, in 1824, appropriated $50,000, of which
$22,500 were applied to enlarging the site* to one hundred and sixty-five
acres, which were purchased by the United States at various times after
1794. Lieutenant Andrew Talcott, August 10, 1824, was assigned, tem-
porarily, to the duty of making the preliminary arrangements for building
the work; and February 22, 1825, Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph G. Totten,

* Brenton's Point, upon which this fort is situated, is the extreme north-westerly point of Bren-
ton's Neck, which constitutes the lower part of the island of Rhode Island south of an east and
west line through the Lime Rocks in Newport harbor. The original proprietor, William Brenton,
left Hammersmith, England, and landed in Boston in 1634. He brought with him a commission
from Charles the First, dated 1633, and termed a grant, which allowed him to take so many acres
to a mile of all the lands he should survey in the New England colonies, by which authority
he became possessed of extensive tracts on the Merrimac River and elsewhere. In 1638, he removed
with his wife to the present site of Newport, R. I., and was one of the nine gentlemen, who, Feb-
ruary 28, 1639, united themselves into an active body politic for the purpose of forming a township
in the Island of Aquidneck, which they termed a "Plantation." In doing this their first object
was to choose a spot which would prove the most lucrative situation for a commercial town with a
a good harbor. Accordingly the place selected was Newport, of which, probably, William Brenton
was the surveyor. He had already taken possession of the "Neck" and named it "Hammer-
smith," in which were two thousand acres of land, having the richest soil and presenting the most
picturesque scenery. On Redoubt Hill, where are situated the present quarters of the commanding
officer of Fort Adams, he made a clearing in the dense forest, and built a brick dwelling, one hun-
dred and fifty feet square, which commanded a magnificent view of the ocean and bay, and was
surrounded with well laid out parks, beautiful gardens, extensive orchards, silver lakes, and roads
and foot-paths meandering everywhere.

DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND 495

Corps of Engineers, who had planned it, was charged with its construction.
He continued personally to direct the work till his promotion, December 7,
1838, to be the chief engineer of the army, at which time Fort Adams
approached completion. Most of the young officers of engineers served
their apprenticeship here, this work being a kind of school of application
for the corps of engineers.

During the war of the Rebellion, the West Passage being entirely
undefended, permanent batteries were commenced on Dutch Island, which
it is designed to occupy with works mounting sixty heavy guns, arranged
in amphitheater on its southern slope and upon the summit of the island.
An interior keep should be added for reserve magazines and other
purposes.

Though large sums have been expended upon the fortifications of
Narraganset Bay, its entrances are far from being adequately protected
against the present heavy-armored steam fleets with their enormous guns.
The art of war, like almost everything else, has had its evolution. War-
chariots, the Greek phalanx, and the Roman legion, have yielded to the
thin formations of modern armies in battle. The sling, the pike, the cross-
bow, and the matchlock have given place to the improved magazine-rifle
for our infantry. The catapult, the culverin, and the small smooth-bore
cannon, have been superseded by heavy rifled artillery, sometimes of
pieces weighing one hundred tons, and throwing projectiles of two thou-
sand pounds with prodigious force to great distances. Fleets of row-
galleys, of wooden sailing ships, and of side-wheel steamers, have been
surrendered, first for light-plated, and now for the heaviest armored propel-
lers. And, in like manner, thin earthen parapets, masonry scarp walls, and
low barbette batteries are now to be displaced by heavy iron turrets and
the strongest combinations of earth, masonry, and shields of hardened steel.

In this changed condition of things our sea- coast fortifications have lost
much of their power of offense and defense ; yet they are far from being
useless, as is often supposed by civilians. On the contrary, they are most
useful adjuncts to any new system of works which we may hereafter con-
struct. With our increased population they are still adequate to resist for
a sufficient time any land attack ; armed with our present guns, converted
into rifled artillery, they could protect our harbors against naval marauders,
and our channel torpedoes from boat expeditions ; and with slight modifi-
cations and some large ordnance, would be able to cope with any, except
heavy armed and armored ships. But we must be prepared for all future
contingencies, hence we require better shielded and stronger armed for-
tifications.

496 DEFENSES OF NARRAGANSET BAY, RHODE ISLAND

Fortunately, with the greatly increased range of modern artillery, we
have very advantageous positions, within good supporting distance, for
new fortifications, for the defense of the middle and western entrances into
Narraganset Bay. For the eastern entrance the bridges at Tiverton
obstruct the passage of ships into its waters. As we have before stated,
Dumplings Point offers an admirable position for powerful batteries to
directly oppose the approach of fleets advancing up the Middle Passage.
Lower down are Castle Hill and the Ridge of Conanicut Island, opposite
the mouth of Mackerel Cove, both admirable sites for strong citadels, only
a mile and a half apart, which distance could be lessened to a mile and a
quarter between elevated batteries lining either shore, and protected by
the higher inclosed works. Therefore hostile ships, proceeding up mid-
channel, would be within the effective range of five-eighths or three-quar-
ters of a mile of the heavy armament of these defenses. The citadel on
Conanicut Island, co-operating with another at the Bonnet on the Main,
with shore-batteries, would in like manner and at like distances defend the
West Passage ; while the fires from Dutch Island would enfilade approach-
ing ships. With such strong works and batteries on these several points,
well armed, and aided by properly placed channel torpedoes, Narraganset
Bay would be secure against the most powerfully armed fleets. To this
new system of more advanced works, Fort Adams would be a most valuable
interior adjunct, not only for offense, but as a safe and defensible position
wherein to keep magazines and ordnance stores, commissary and hospital
supplies, and, at the same time, be a secure refuge for the sick, wounded,
and non-combatants.

In concluding this paper I must tender my most sincere thanks to
Colonel Elliot, the engineer officer now in charge of the defenses of
Narraganset Bay, for his valuable assistance in making the measurements
of the West Passage batteries, and his great kindness in putting at my
disposal the services of his draftsman, Mr. Mielatz, who so accurately and
artistically delineated the sketches from which our illustrations have been
engraved.

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK.

A CHAPTER OF EARLY EXPLORATION

IN THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS

From the summit of Mount Washburn, fifteen years ago, the view em-
braced a practically unknown country, bounded by masses of mountains
without any apparent break. To the east appeared the Sierra Shoshone,
with its weather-worn basaltic crags and strange " Hoodoo " region
difficult to penetrate, now the best hunting ground left in the West,
abounding in elk and mountain bison — and especially the haunt of numer-
ous grizzly and black bears and large flocks of big-horn and black-tailed
deer: the watershed of this range is through the Bighorn and Yellowstone
rivers to the Gulf of Mexico. Southward the eye ranges up the Yellow-
stone, across the beautiful, mountain girt lake, into a wilderness of peaks
that have often baffled explorers and trappers ; and from which the waters
flow through Green River and the Colorado to the Gulf of California. To
the southwest the view extends even farther across the continental divide,
here a low forest-clad ridge without a peak or a precipice, to the vast
Teton range with its all but inaccessible peaks ; in these mountains are
the sources of the great Snake River, one of the principal branches of the
Columbia. Due west rises the picturesque Gallatin range with the lofty
limestone dome of Mount Gallatin and the sharp, volcanic peak of Electric
Mountain ; here are the headwaters of the Gallatin and Madison forks of
the Missouri. In the north are seen only spurs of the Shoshonez Snowy
and Gallatin ranges, which in past ages dammed back the Yellowstone ; but
through which the river has now cut deep gorges in its way to the plains
and its junction with the Missouri. This domain is therefore really the
culminating point of the continent (although not the highest) sending its
waters north, south, east and west, and it has been aptly termed by an
English writer, " The great divide."

Not only was this enchanted Park unknown to the whites until a com-
paratively recent date, but the Indians seem to have shunned the greater
portion of the area just described. To the north were the homes of the fierce
Blackfeet, the Ishmaelites of the Northwest, whose hands were against
every man and the hands of every one against them. To the east was the
country of the Absarakas or Crows, the most skillful horse thieves in the

Vol. XL- No. 6.-33

498 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

West, not a mean distinction in the eye of an Indian ; to the south lived
the Sheepeaters in the mountain fastnesses, and on the plains the great
Shoshone tribe, ever friendly to the whites after they had once been won
by the British fur-companies. On the great lava plains to the west roamed
the Bannacks and Nez-Perces, always treacherous and ready to take ad-
vantage of defenseless strangers. No Indian tribe ever made its home in
what is now the National Park ; and although the forest inhabitants knew
of the existence of the geysers and hot springs, their superstitious dread of
such volcanic phenomena was so great that few visited the vicinity of them.
The Crows had only a vague idea of an unknown something on the upper
Yellowstone to be feared and shunned ; and when the Nez-Perc6s led
Howard his long chase from Oregon to the Bear Paw, their route took them
through the lower Geyser basin and across the Yellowstone, but not one
of them knew the country, and they compelled a white hunter whom
they had taken captive to act as their guide.

Every nation that took any part in the discovery of the West skirted
the boundaries of the Park ; but to all its wonders remained oblivious.
The Spaniard Coronado came near its southern boundary in his famous
search for the seven cities of Cibola. The Frenchman, de Vereudrye, dis-
covered the Rocky Mountains, and ascended them January 12, 1743, near
where the Northern Pacific Railroad has now pierced them with the Mullan
Tunnel ; and the next spring he crossed the Yellowstone, leaving the wonder-
land undiscovered. Lewis and Clarke passed north of it. The British and
American fur-traders traveled all around it, set their traps on every little
stream, climbed every mountain, and traversed every valley north, south,
east and west of it; but if they ever penetrated it, it was by the merest
accident, and, as we shall see, only the most meager record was left of such
visits. The knowledge of its wonders was confined to the vaguest rumor,
and to stories told around the camp fire, credited by few, and usually re-
garded as among the inventions of the trapper's fertile brain.

The first map of the Northern Rocky Mountains is that pub-
lished in the narrative of Lewis and Clarke, 18 14. Considering the sources
of information at command, the map, as originally published, is remarka-
bly accurate in its chief features. The three branches of the Missouri —
the Jefferson, Madison and Gallatin — are laid down about as they are, and
the Yellowstone is represented with its source in the large body of water,
Lake Eustis. Even Jackson's lake is represented, although it is made the
source of the Bighorn instead of a branch of Snake River. It gives also the
first indication of volcanic phenomena in this locality. A dotted line, run-
ning from the Bighorn ta and around Lake Eustis and back across the

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 499

Yellowstone to Emmanuel Lisa's fort at the confluence of the Bighorn
and Yellowstone rivers, is marked, " Colter's route in 1807." Where it
crosses the Yellowstone, apparently in the vicinity of what is now called
Sulphur Mountain, is the legend, " Hot Springs — Brimstone." To the trap-
ping expedition of Colter must undoubtedly be ascribed the first intima-
tion of the existence of the now famous volcanic region at the head waters
of the Yellowstone and Madison.

Few later maps convey this correct information, although it is common
to find the sulphur springs on the Stinking Water branch of Wind River
put down under the name of " Colter's Hill." These latter springs were
well known and often visited by trappers, as they were easily accessible
and the surrounding country a favorite trapping ground. But the upper
Yellowstone was rarely visited; and Lake Eustis and other points — from
the information furnished by Colter — came in time to be considered
myths, and were often omitted from later maps.

Colter was one of Lewis and Clarke's men who had obtained his
discharge below the mouth of the Yellowstone on the return trip of
those explorers, and had gone back to the mountains the following
year as a trapper, accompanied by Potts, another member of the same
party. It was on this expedition (or possibly a later one) that they
were captured one morning by a large party of Blackfeet, as they were
going to examine their beaver traps. Potts was immediately killed.
Colter was taken prisoner, and his adventures may best be told in the
words of W. F. Sanders, in a paper prepared by him for Vol. I. of
" Contributions to the Historical Society of Montana." They
now seized Colter, stripped him entirely naked, and began to consult
on the manner in which he should be put to death. They were first
inclined to set him up as a mark to shoot at ; but the chief interfered,
and, seizing him by the shoulders, asked him if he could run fast.
Colter, who had been some time among the Kee Katsa or Crow In-
dians, had, to a considerable degree, acquired the Blackfeet language,
and was also well acquainted with Indian customs. He knew that he
had now to run for his life, with the terrible odds of five or six hun-
dred armed Indians against him. He therefore cunningly replied that
he was a very bad runner, although, in truth, he was considered by the
hunters as remarkably swift. The chief commanded the party to re-
main stationary, and led Colter out on the prairie three or four hundred
yards, and released him — to save himself if he could. At that instant
the war-whoop sounded in the ears of poor Colter, who, urged with the
hope of preserving life, ran with a speed at which he himself was surprised.

500 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

He proceeded toward Jefferson's Fork, having to traverse a plain six miles
in breadth, abounding with the prickly pear, on which he every instant
was treading with his naked feet. He ran nearly half-way across the
plain, before he ventured to look over his shoulder, when he perceived that
the Indians were very much scattered, and that he had gained ground to a
considerable distance from the main body; one Indian, however, who car-
ried a spear, was much ahead of the others, and not more than a hundred
yards from him. A faint gleam of hope suddenly cheered the heart of
Colter, who derived confidence from the belief that escape was within the
bounds of possibility. But that confidence was nearly fatal to him ; for
he exerted himself to such a degree that the blood gushed from his nos-
trils and soon almost covered the fore part of his body. He had arrived
within a mile of the river, when he distinctly heard the sound of footsteps
behind, and every instant expected to feel the spear of his pursuer. He
again turned his head and saw the savage not twenty yards from him.

Determined, if possible, to avoid the expected blow, he stopped, turned
around, and spread out his arms. The Indian, surprised at the movement
and perhaps at the bloody appearance of Colter, also attempted to stop ;
but, exhausted with running, he fell while throwing his spear, which stuck
in the ground and broke in his hand. Colter instantly snatched up the
pointed part, with which he pinned him to the earth, and then continued
his flight. The foremost of the pursuing Indians, on arriving at the place,
stopped until others came up, and then gave a hideous yell. These
moments were improved by Colter, who, although fainting and exhausted,
succeeded in gaining the skirting of cottonwood trees on the borders of
the fork, to which he ran, and plunged into the river. Fortunately for
him, a little below this place was an island, against the upper point of
which a raft of drift timber had lodged. He dived under the raft, and,
after several efforts, came to the surface of the water, among the trunks
of trees covered with smaller wood to the depth of several feet. Scarcely
had he secured himself, when the Indians reached the river, screeching
and yelling, as Colter expressed it, "like so many devils." They were
several times on the raft during the day, and were seen through the chinks
by Colter, who was congratulating himself on his escape, until the idea
arose that they might set the raft on fire. In horrible suspense, he
remained until night, when, hearing no more from the Indians, he dived
from under the raft, and swam instantly down the river to a considerable
distance, then landed and tramped all night. Although happy in having
escaped from the Indians, he was completely naked, under a burning sun ;
the soles of his feet were filled with the thorns of the prickly pear ; he was

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 501

hungry and had no means of killing game, although he saw abundance
around him, and was at a great distance from the nearest settlement.
Almost any man but an American hunter would have despaired under
such circumstances, but the fortitude of Colter remained unshaken. After
seven days of sore travel, during which he had no other sustenance than
the root known by naturalists under the name of " psoralea esculenta," he
arrived in safety at Lisa's Fort, on the Bighorn branch of the Yellow-
stone River.

But Colter and Potts were not the only ones whom the account
brought back by Lewis and Clarke led into the Rocky Mountains. St.
Louis was already headquarters for the western fur trade, and although
then but a small village with less than 1,500 inhabitants, its yearly ship-
ment of furs exceeded in value two hundred thousand dollars. No steam-
boat had yet landed at its wharves, giving augury of its future greatness ;
but the French and Spanish merchants of the town were enterprising and
did not fear to embark their fortunes in any enterprise which promised
heavy gains, although proportionate risks, by sending their wares thousands
of miles into the wilderness, whither they could be transported only on
pack-horses or in barges, slowly cordelled against the muddy current of
the Missouri and Yellowstone.

Lewis and Clarke had been almost given up as lost, and their return, in
September, 1806, with news of the country around the head waters of the
Missouri, created the most intense excitement. Early the next spring
Emmanuel Lisa, who had hitherto traded on the upper .Mississippi,
ascended with a large party the Missouri and Yellowstone, and built a
trading post on the latter river, at the mouth of the Bighorn, which was
kept up a number of years and became known throughout the Northwest
as " Manuel Lisa's Fort." Colter had probably returned with him and
entered the mountains on a trapping expedition from his post when taken
by the Blackfeet, as related above. But Lisa wished to extend the scope
of his operations still further west, and returning to St. Louis, he with
eleven others formed the Missouri Fur Company, with a capital of forty
thousand dollars, and the year 1809 found him again ascending the Yellow-
stone. Crossing the Belt range over the Bozeman Pass, he established a
post at the confluence of the "Three Forks " of the Missouri, at the lower
end of the Gallatin valley. But a few years ago the remains of his stockade
might still be seen on the banks of the Madison, but have now been
washed away by the encroachments of the river. This was a very favor-
able point, as many trails emerged here from all points of the compass ;
but its drawbacks were still greater, for past it led the high road over

502 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

which the Blackfeet war parties traveled on their marauding excursions
against the Shoshones, the Bannacks, and the Crows. The valleys along
the Three Forks have not within historical times been the home of any
Indian tribe, although a remarkable " kitchen-midden " in the Gallatin
valley indicates that here was at one time the site of a permanent village.
The region was debatable ground. War parties of all the surrounding
tribes scoured it, and although the Blackfeet claimed it and were the con-
stant scourge and dread of the neighboring tribes and the white trappers
(as within our own memory of the first miners and farmers of Montana),
yet their real home lay farther north on the Teton and Maria's rivers, and
they never remained here long. But they came too often for the success
of Manuel Lisa. His stock was stolen, his hunting and trapping parties
harassed and killed, and even the fort itself attacked. The enterprise proved
a failure. Lisa himself with the greater number of his men went down the
Missouri with their small collection of furs, leaving his associate, Henry,
to hold the fort. But it soon became untenable, and to save the lives
of himself and his men, Henry was forced to abandon it and retreat
up the Madison and across the mountains to Snake River. Here he built
the first American trading post on the Pacific slope, and his name
is deservedly perpetuated in Henry's Lake and Henry's Fork of Snake
River.

The story of Astor's futile attempt to gain control of the fur trade on
the Columbia is familiar to all through Irving's fascinating work "Astoria."
He had sent out land parties as well as ships, and, after the failure of his
Pacific establishment, he continued the trade on the upper Missouri and in
the Rocky Mountains. His company was the North American, and it was
the only association engaged in the western trade which was not controlled
in St. Louis. The British fur traders had also long owned establishments
within the territory of the United States, but were expelled from the
country east of the mountains in 1 815 by an act of Congress.

The expeditions heretofore referred to had all passed north and west of
the National Park ; but the St. Louis merchants had gradually extended
their operations up the Arkansas and Platte rivers, and after Ashley's
successful trading ventures (1823-27), reaching across the Rocky Mountains
into central Utah, the yearly rendezvous and center of the fur trade
became for a number of years established on the Sweet Water branch of
the Platte and on Green River, the source of the Colorado. In 1827 the
Rocky Mountain Fur Company bought out Ashley, and under its leaders
Sublette, Smith and Jackson, and later, Bridger and Fitzpatrick, bands of
trappers scoured the entire country surrounding the Park. But somehow,

0
DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 503

as before remarked, all trails seem to have led around the enchanted land,
which was only entered accidentally by a very few.

I have been unable to find any published account indicating an earlier
visit by white men to the geyser basins than the year 1830. This is in a
volume published in 1871, but copyrighted in 1869, and therefore before
the date of the Washburn-Doane expedition, by which the region in
question became first generally known. The book is a history of the fur-
trade and the settlement of Oregon, especially as bearing on the life of
Joseph Meek, a trapper in the employ of the Rocky Mountain Fur Com-
pany, from whose personal relation of his life it purports to be written.
Meek and his party were surprised by the Blackfeet in the Gallatin
Mountains, in the western part of what is now the Park. In the confusion
he was separated from his companions, and after wandering several days
had a remarkable experience :

" On the following morning, a very bleak and windy one, having break-
fasted on his remaining piece of mutton, being desirous to learn something
of the progress he had made, he ascended a low mountain in the neighbor-
hood of his camp, and behold ! the whole country beyond was smoking
with the vapor from boiling springs, and burning with gases issuing from
small craters, each of which was emitting a sharp, whistling sound.

" When the first surprise of this astonishing scene had passed, Joe
began to admire its effect in an artistic point of view. The morning being
clear, with a sharp frost, he thought himself reminded of the city of Pitts-
burg, as he had beheld it on a winter morning, a couple of years before.
This, however, related only to the rising smoke and vapor; for the extent
of the volcanic region was immense, reaching far out of sight. The
general face of the country was smooth and rolling, being a level plain,
dotted with cone-shaped mounds. On the summits of these mounds were
small craters from four to eight feet in diameter. Interspersed among
them, on the level plain, were larger craters, some of them four to six
miles across. Out of these craters issued blue flames and molten brim-
stone." . . . " On descending to the plain described the earth was
found to have a hollow sound, and seemed threatening to break through."

Here he found two of his companions and proceeded with them to
camp, " which they overtook the third day, attempting to cross the high
mountains between the Yellowstone and Bighorn rivers." I think there
can be but little question that this is intended to describe a visit to one
of the geyser basins, probably the lower one on the Madison. The
locality fits perfectly, as nearly as it can be ascertained from the vague
language of the book, and, while the description is indefinite and fanciful,

504

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

it seems to be better suited to one of the geyser basins than to the phe-
nomena of any other part of that volcanic region, particularly the com-
parison to the appearance of the city of Pittsburg on a winter's morning.

The earliest published account of the geysers of which I have any
knowledge was in 1842, in a newspaper, called the Wasp, published by the
Mormons at Nauvoo, Illinois, and as it is of exceptional interest, I copy it
entire :*

" I had heard in the summer of 1833, while at rendezvous, that re-
markable boiling springs had been discovered on the sources of the
Madison, by a party of trappers on their spring hunt, of which the accounts
given were so very astonishing, that I determined, to examine them
myself before recording their description, though I had the united testi-
mony of more than twenty men on the subject, who all declared they saw
them, and that they really were as extensive and remarkable as had
been described. Having now an opportunity of paying them a visit, and
as another or a better might not soon occur, I parted with the company
after supper, and taking with me two Pend-Oreilles (who were induced to
make the excursion with me by the promise of an extra present) set out
at round pace, the night being clear and comfortable. We proceeded over
the plain about twenty miles, and halted until daylight at a fine spring*
flowing into Cammas Creek. Refreshed by a few hours' sleep we started
again after a hearty breakfast, and entered a very extensive forest, called
the Pine Woods, a continued succession of low mountains or hills, covered
by a dense growth of this species of timber, which we passed through, and
reached the vicinity of the springs about dark, having seen several small
lakes or ponds on the sources of the Madison, and rode about forty miles,
which was a hard day's ride, taking into consideration the rough irregu-
larity of the country through which we had traveled, f

'• We regaled ourselves with a cup of coffee, the materials for making
which we had brought with us, and immediately after supper lay down

* The article appeared in No. 17, Vol. I., dated August 13th, 1842. It seems to have been
taken from an unpublished work, called "Life, in the Rocky Mountains," but no clue is given to the
name of its author. The only copy of this paper, of which I have any knowledge, is in possession
of Mr. T. E. M'Koin, of Townsend, Montana ; but it might probably be found in Eastern libraries,
to which I have not had access.

f The rendezvous appears to have been at Market Lake, in Idaho. The writer's route lay
across a barren lava plain to Henry's Fork of Snake River, across that stream, and thence over a
densely wooded, basaltic plateau, extending to the continental divide, which he crossed probably
near the head of the Little Fire Hole branch of the Madison. It will be noticed, that although
he crossed the watershed between the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, it is here so low, that no mention
is made of going over any mountain range.

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 505

to rest, sleepy and much fatigued. The continual roaring of the springs,
however (which was distinctly heard) for some time prevented my going
to sleep, and excited an impatient curiosity to examine them, which I
was obliged to defer the gratification of until morning, and filled my
slumbers with visions of waterspouts, cataracts, fountains, jets-d'eau of
immense dimensions, etc., etc.

" When I arose in the morning, clouds of vapor seemed like a dense
fog to overhang the springs, from which frequent reports or explosions of
different loudness constantly assailed our ears. I immediately proceeded
to inspect them, and might have exclaimed with the Queen of Sheba,
when their full reality of dimensions and novelty burst upon my view :
* The half was not told me.' From the surface of a rocky plain or table
burst forth columns of water of various dimensions, projected high in the
air, accompanied by loud explosions and sulphurous vapors, which were
highly disagreeable to the smell. The rock from which these springs
burst forth was calcareous, and probably extends some distance from
them beneath the soil. The largest of these wonderful fountains projects
a column of boiling water, several feet in diameter, to the height of more
than one hundred and fifty feet, in my opinion ; but the party of Alvarez,
who discovered it, persist in declaring that it could not be less than four
times that distance in height, accompanied with a tremendous noise.
These explosions and discharges occur at intervals of about two hours.
After having witnessed three of them, I ventured near enough to put my
hand into the water of the basin, but withdrew it instantly, for the heat of
the water in this immense cauldron was altogether too great for my com-
fort, and the agitation of the water, the disagreeable effluvium continually
exuding, and the hollow, unearthly rumbling under the rock on which I
stood, so ill accorded with my notions of personal safety, that I retreated
back precipitately to a respectful distance.

" The Indians who were with me were quite appalled, and could not by
any means be induced to approach them. They seemed astonished at my
presumption in advancing up to the large one, and when I safely returned,
congratulated me on my narrow escape. They believed them to be super-
natural, and supposed them to be the production of the evil spirit. One
of them remarked that hell, of which he had heard from the whites, must
be in that vicinity. * The diameter of the basin, into which the waters of
the largest jet principally fall, and from the center of which, through a
hole in the rock of about nine or ten feet in diameter, the water spouts up

* Early white explorers must have been of the same opinion, judging from the nomenclature
used by them — e, g. , Hell's Half Acre, the Devil's Den, the Devil's Slide, Hellroaring Creek, etc.

506 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

as above related, maybe about thirty feet. There are many other smaller
fountains, that did not throw their waters up so high, but occurred at
shorter intervals.

" In some instances the volumes were projected obliquely upward and
fell into the neighboring fountains or on the rock or prairie. But their
ascent was generally perpendicular, falling in or about their own basins
or apertures. These wonderful productions of nature are situated near
the center of a small valley, surrounded by pine-crowned hills, through
which a small fork of the Madison flows.

" From several trappers who had recently returned from the Yellow-
stone, I received an account of boiling springs, that differ from those seen
on Salt River * only in magnitude, being on a vastly larger scale. Some
of their cones are from twenty to thirty feet high and forty to fifty paces
in circumference. Those which have ceased to emit boiling vapor, etc., of
which there were several, are full of shelving cavities, even some fathoms in
extent, which give them inside an appearance of honey-comb. The ground
for several acres' extent in the vicinity of the springs is evidently hollow,
and constantly exhales a hot steam or vapor of disagreeable odor, and a
character entirely to prevent vegetation. They are situated in the valley
at the head of that river near the lake which constitutes its source.

"A short distance from these springs, near the margin of the lake, there
is one quite different from any yet described. It is of a circular form, several
feet in diameter, clear, cold and pure ; the bottom appears visible to the eye
and seems seven or eight feet below the surface of the earth or water, yet
it has been sounded with a lodge pole fifteen feet in length without meet-
ing any resistance. What is most singular with respect to this fountain,
is the fact that at regular intervals of about two minutes a body or column
of water bursts up to the height of eight feet, with an explosion as loud as
the report of a musket, and then falls back into it ; for a few seconds the
water is roily, but it speedily settles and becomes transparent as before
the effluxion. A slight, tremulous motion of the water and a low, rumbling
sound from the caverns beneath precede each explosion. This spring was
believed to be connected with the lake by some subterranean passage, but
the cause of its periodical eruptions or discharges is entirely unknown. I
have never before heard of a cold spring whose waters exhibited the phe-
nomena of periodical explosive propulsion in form of a jet. The Geyser of
Iceland and the various other European springs, the waters of which arc

* The writer may refer to Salt Fork of Stinking Water, where Colter's Hill was located, as
already stated, or to Salt River, a branch of the Snake, where are also found remarkable boiling
springs.

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 507

projected upward with violence and uniformity, as well as those seen
on the head waters of the Madison, are invariably hot."

There can be no doubt that this is a description of one of the Geyser
basins on the Fire-Hole branch of the Madison, probably the lower basin,
as only one prominent geyser is spoken of, and the lower basin has but one
large, spouting geyser, the fountain, which, however, does not now throw
its waters to as great a height as stated in the narrative, although Dr. A.
C. Peale in his exhaustive paper on the geysers thinks there are indications
in the surroundings of this geyser of occasional very violent eruptions.
Where the writer describes what he has himself seen, he is very correct
and moderate in his statements, and only where he relates things from
hearsay does he enter the realm of fiction. It would be interesting to
know who was the writer ; but probably impossible at this late day. Of
Alvarez, who is stated in the article to have visited the region in 1833,
Captain Bonneville says, in a letter to the Montana Historical Society, he
recollects his name as a trader and thinks he came to the mountains
as he (Bonneville) was leaving them (in 1834). He also states that he did
not personally know of the thermal springs and geysers, but his men knew
about them and called the location the Fire Hole.

During a period of ten or twelve years from Ashley's first expedi-
tion the fur-trade remained profitable. Many of the traders made for-
tunes, although few kept them. Hundreds of American trappers were
yearly scattered through the country on all sides of the upper Yellow-
stone, while few entered that particular section. Gradually the beaver
were trapped out, the fur became less valuable, the competition be-
tween the different companies grew ruinously keen, and in 1838 the last
regular rendezvous was held on Green River. The glory of the trapper
had departed. Some returned to the western portion ; some joined the
tide of emigration setting toward the Pacific, and by swelling the settle-
ment on the Willammette helped to decide the question whether Oregon
should be English or American ; some became mere " squaw-men," joined
and intermarried with the Indians, adopting their mode of life and sinking
to their level ; some few clung to their old haunts, but became usually
moody, misanthropic creatures, who alone, or with a single companion,
wandered along the well known streams and mountains, formerly full of
life and activity, now lonely and deserted, finding early and unknown^
graves — killed by bloodthirsty Blackfeet or skulking Crows. What trade
was left was carried on with the Indians from permanent posts, and was of
an entirely different character from the old fur-trade, being mostly for
robes and skins and not furs proper.

5<d8 discovery of the Yellowstone national park

We have heard of Bridger as one of the partners in the Rocky Mount-
ain Fur Company. He also had fallen from his high estate, although he
clung to the Indian country, and we find him twenty years later (in 1859)
acting as scout and guide to a government expedition, commanded by
Capt. W. F. Raynolds, with Dr. F. Y. Hayden as naturalist and geologist.
In the spring of i860 they attempted to enter the basin of the upper Yel-
lowstone from the south, but without success. " Bridger said at the outset
that this would be impossible," reported Raynolds, " and that it would be
necessary to pass over to the head waters of the Columbia, and back again
to the Yellowstone. I had not previously believed that crossing the main
crest twice would be more easily accomplished than the transit over what
was in effect only a spur, but the view from our present camp settled the
question adversely to my opinion at once. Directly across our route lies
a basaltic ridge, rising not less than 5,000 feet above us, its water appar-
ently vertical, with no visible pass nor even canon. On the opposite side
of this are the head waters of the Yellowstone. Bridger remarked triumph-
antly and forcibly to me upon reaching this spot : ' I told ycru you could
not go through. A bird can't fly over that without taking a supply of
grub along.' I had no reply to offer, and mentally conceded the accuracy
of the information of 'the old man of the mountains.'''

Baffled here, the party made another effort after crossing to the head
of Snake River ; but the deep snows of early June forced them back. The
time for the entrance into the enchanted castle had not yet come, although
it was drawing near ; but Raynolds was not the true prince for whom the
thorns of the hedge surrounding " Dornroschen's " castle were to change
into roses, or he would not have been kept back by his vertical basaltic
ridge, which has since been surmounted by Captain Jones and others.
Raynolds's report was published in 1868, and in the introduction to it
(written in 1867) he refers to this region in the following words: "Be-
yond them is the valley of the upper Yellowstone, which is, as yet, a terra
incognita. My expedition passed entirely around, but could not penetrate
it. My intention was to enter it from the head of Wind River, but the
basaltic ridge previously spoken of intercepted our route and prohibited
the attempt. After this obstacle had thus forced us over on the western
slope of the Rocky Mountains, an effort was made to recross and reach the
district in question ; but, although it was June, the immense body of snow
baffled all our exertions, and we were compelled to content ourselves with
listening to marvelous tales of burning plains, immense lakes, and boiling
springs, without being able to verify these wonders. I know of but two
men who claim to have ever visited this part of the Yellowstone valley —

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 509

James Bridger and Robert Meldrum. The narratives of both are very re-
markable, and Bridger, in one of his recitals, described an immense boiling
spring that is a perfect counterpart of the Geysers of Iceland. As he is
uneducated, and had probably never heard of the existence of such natural
marvels elsewhere, I have little doubt that he spoke of that which he had
actually seen. The burning plains described may be volcanic, or more
probably burning beds of lignite, similar to those on Powder River,
which are known to be in a state of ignition. " * * * Had our
attempt to enter this district been made a month later in the season,
the snow would have mainly disappeared, and there would have been
no insurmountable obstacles to overcome. I cannot doubt, therefore,
that at no very distant day the* mysteries of this region will be fully
revealed, and though small in extent, I regard the valley of the upper
Yellowstone as the most interesting unexplored district in our widely
expanded country."

At the time this paragraph was written the human eye had again
rested on these wonders ; but, although at least one man of intelligence
and education was of the party which penetrated to two of the geyser
basins in 1863, he missed the opportunity of becoming' famous by not
publishing his discovery until many years later. In the " Contributions
to the Historical Society of Montana," already referred to, is a paper by
Col. W. W. de Lacy, a well-known civil engineer, describing a prospecting
trip up the South Snake River in 1863. The party found no gold, but
entered accidentally the Shoshone and lower Fire-Hole geyser basins.
These might have offered greater attractions to some men than even
golden prospects, but this party did not appear to consider them of suffi-
cient interest to detain them an hour even. De Lacy's account of what
he saw (he did not himself enter the Shoshone basin) is as follows :

" On the 9th (of September) we continued our journey, and after travel-
ing three miles descended the mountain-side into an open country. In
another mile we reached the head of a small stream, the water of which
was hot, and soon entered a valley or basin, through which the stream
wandered, and which was occupied on every side by hot springs. They
were so thick and close that we had to dismount and lead our horses,
winding in and out between them, as we best could. The ground sounded
hollow beneath our feet, and we were in great fear of breaking through,
and proceeded with caution. The water of these springs was intensely
hot, of a beautiful ultramarine blue, some boiling up in the middle, and
many of them of very large size, being at least twenty feet in diameter
and as deep. There were hundreds of these springs, and in the distance

510 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

we could see and hear others, which would eject a column of steam with
loud noise. These were probably geysers, and the boys called them
' steamboat springs/ No one in the company had ever seen or heard of
anything like this region, and we were all delighted with what we saw.
This was what was afterward called the ' Lower Geyser Basin ' of the
Madison by Prof. Hayden. We then went on for several miles, stopping
occasionally to admire the beauty, variety, and grandeur of the sight, and
at length came to a large stream flowing northerly, near the banks of
which were scattering hot springs, and some of which had been hot once,
but had now cooled apparently, the water being tepid and muddy, with a
strong smell of sulphur."

Gradually it came to be generally stalked of through Montana that
wonderful volcanic phenomena existed near the sources of the Madison
and Yellowstone, and in 1870 the geysers may be said to have been really
discovered by a party of gentlemen from Helena, Montana, under the
lead of Surveyor-general Washburne and Lieut. Doane, with a squad of
soldiers from Fort Ellis. The history of their journey has been often
told : by Lieut. Doane, in his admirable report to the War Department ;
by Mr. Langford, in Scribners Monthly ; and by others in various maga-
zines and newspapers.

Great interest in further exploration of the region became at once wide-
spread both in America and Europe, and a party of the U. S. Geological
Survey, under Dr. Hayden, passed the summer of 1871 in the Park, and
gave to the world the first detailed and scientific account of its wonderful
phenomena. Their report was promptly followed by an act of Congress,
setting the whole district aside as a national pleasure ground. This
measure we owe largely to Dr. Hayden, and recent events have shown
the wisdom of his forethought in urging its immediate passage, even while
the Park was considered almost inaccessible. When we remember how
closely we have escaped having an extortionate monopoly established in
the Park even now, when it is declared public property forever, we may
imagine what the case would have been if it had been left open to settle-
ment. Since 1871 the Park has been a much visited and a much written
about region. Government expeditions have traversed it almost yearly,
and it is now being carefully mapped on a large scale by the Geological
Survey. A bibliography of the Park, published by Dr. A. C. Peale in a
recent report of the survey, has 97 titles. One railroad already runs to its
northern boundary, and another will probably soon reach it from Snake
River. Thousands of tourists visited it last season. It has long been the
pleasure ground of Montana. It bids fair to fulfil the intention of

DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK 51 1

the framers of the National Park Act and become the pleasure ground of
America.

But it will be said : the Park is easy of access ; wagon roads enter it
and traverse it ; railroads are built to its borders, and all without even
crossing a single range of mountains. How was it that it remained so
long undiscovered ? This was due to a variety of causes, but chiefly to its
peculiar geographical position.

The Rocky Mountains have been explored partly by government ex-
peditions, partly by Indian traders and trappers, and partly by prospectors.
Very little original discovery has been done by government expeditions in
the Northwest, if we except the great journey of Lewis and Clarke. They
have followed rather than' led. Even Fremont was first to tread very few
of the paths he "found." From 1806 to i860 only one government ex-
ploring party of importance entered Montana — that of Capt. Raynolds,
and if he had been a month later he would probably have penetrated to
the geyser basins. Indian traders did not enter the Park, because no
Indians made their home there, and natural curiosities had no attractions
for them. Prospectors for gold and silver have hunted the Rockies
through with wonderful energy and daring. Deep snows, arctic cold,
yawning precipices, bloodthirsty Indians — all have they defied in their
eager search for the Eldorado. Go where you will in Montana to-day ;
climb to the highest mountain basins ; scale the rocky walls to the
farthest sources of the streams ; penetrate the deepest defiles and the
darkest caflons — everywhere you will find holes dug on the gravel bars
and in the creek bottoms ; the prospector has been there before you,
panning the gravel for a color. It would have been strange indeed if he
missed the geysers and the sulphur springs. We have seen that he did
not ; but no trace of gold was found in the geyser formation, the hot
springs deposit, or the mud of the paint pots, and he therefore passed
them by with a glance and dismissed them from his mind as of slight
importance. The trappers remain to be considered. The great highways
of travel across the continent have always (as they do to-day) followed
the course of the rivers. Along the Platte and the Yellowstone lay the
roads of the trappers to their hunting grounds. Between the South Pass
on the great emigrant route and the Bozeman Pass, now occupied by the
Northern Pacific Railroad, stretch nearly unbroken masses of mountains,
trending generally north and south. The only two entrances into the
high table-land or " Park," lying between these mountains, are from the
north up the Yellowstone, or from the west up the Madison. On the east
and south the Surwy and Shoshone ranges are without a break, and ex-

512 DISCOVERY OF THE YELLOWSTONE NATIONAL PARK

ceedingly difficult to surmount. The great rendezvous of the trappers lay
south and south-west of the Park on Green River and in Jackson's and
Pierre's Holes or valleys. Those were their gathering places, where they
passed every midsummer, and whence they scattered to their allotted
trapping grounds for the fall and winter hunt. The Park is a snowy
country. The snow lies late in the summer and falls early in the autumn.
It cannot well be entered except in July, August and September. The
great Indian trails, which were mostly followed by the trappers in their
journeys, led on either side of the Park. On the east they skirted the
Shoshone range, leading through a comparatively easy country into the
open plains of the lower Yellowstone valley. On the west they followed
Henry's fork of Snake River, across the easy passes at Henry's lake, to the
Madison below the upper canon, and thence down that river or the west
Gallatin to the great valley of the Three Forks. High ranges lay always
between these trails and the Park. When the trappers returned to the
rendezvous in the spring and might easily haye followed the Yellowstone
to the lake, the snow lay still deep in the mountains, and they were
anxious to reach the gathering place in time to meet the yearly caravan
of goods from St. Louis. They had therefore no time for exploration,
but followed their wonted routes.

A few did enter the Park by accident, and if it had been a good trap-
ping ground, it would soon have become as well known as Sweetwater
or Green River; but beaver do not inhabit streams fed frorn boiling geysers
or sulphur impregnated«springs, and it had therefore no more attractions
for the trapper than for the prospector. These were mere utilitarians
who wanted the knowledge of the true open sesame to unlock the door
to the mysteries of nature. This was reserved for the modern traveler,
with his thirst for knowledge and his love of the beautiful. To him
it has been fully revealed, and may it forever remain sacred to his enjoy-
ment.

THE SHARPLESS PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON

Editor of Magazine of American History:

As you expressed the desire for an engraving of the Sharpless Portrait
of Washington, for the Magazine, and with it a brief sketch of the history
of the miniature itself, I am pleased to be able to comply with your re-
quest, and thus present to the public for the first time this admirable
portrait of Washington — engraved from the original miniature now in my
possession. It was painted by Mrs. Elizabeth Sharpless, wife of Sharpless
the painter of portraits in pastel, who came from England to this country
at the close of the Revolutionary War to paint the portraits of the leading
statesmen and officers of the Revolution ; his chief object being the for-
mation of a gallery to be exhibited in England, as many there were curious
to see the faces of the patriots and soldiers who had brought disaster on
British armies and defeat on the arms of England, which for so long had
been accustomed to victory. He also, no doubt, had in view the profit to
be obtained from painting duplicate copies of portraits for those who were
able to pay for them, as he painted six or more copies for certain persons
to my knowledge. Mrs. Sharpless belonged to a family of rank and dis-
tinction in England, and never painted for gain ; but as an artist she was
the master of her husband, as this miniature will fully testify when com-
pared with any of Washington's portraits. While at Mount Vernon Mrs.
Sharpless became a favorite of Washington, and at her request he sat for
this picture, she saying she wished it as a souvenir of the Great Chief, to
keep and show to her friends in England. She must have completed it in
Philadelphia, for on a paper at the back is written, " Philadelphia, 1796, E.
Sharpless" The gallery of portraits being finished, the Sharpless family
returned to England, where the paintings were duly exhibited, and when
curiosity was satisfied, and after Mrs. Sharpless' death, her son came to
this country with many of them, hoping to sell them to the persons repre-
sented, or to their families, or, failing that, to friends or any one who
would pay the highest price. The miniature by Mrs. Sharpless was in-
herited by the son, who brought it again to the United States about 1809.

My mother, Eliza White, then young, handsome, an heiress, and the
only child of an officer who had been an aid of Washington, and after-
wards commanded the Virginia Cavalry in Greene's army, excited the

Vol. XL— No. 6.— 34

514 THE SHARPLESS PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON

admiration of young Sharplcss, who, on leaving this country for an ex-
tended tour in Europe, presented the miniature to her, saying: "I am
afraid of losing it if I carry it on my travels, and I know of no one I care to
give it to more than to you, whose father was the friend of Washington,
and whose family have so many relics of the Revolution and its chief actors."
This miniature is one of the last, if not the very last portrait ever
painted of Washington, and is, as a work of art, one of the finest ever put
on ivory. All who have seen it acknowledge the skill and power of
the artist. The likeness has also been considered one of the best. Any
one who has seen Houdon's statue of Washington, at Richmond, would at
once observe how perfect is the profile and the shape of the head. When
a boy, now long years, more than a half century, ago, many officers of the
Revolution used to visit my grandmother (a South Carolinian) as they
passed through New Jersey on their way from and to the South, and I well
recollect their expressions of delight and admiration of this picture, and
their comments on the faithfulness of the likeness. Major Wm. Popham,
of this city, the last surviving officer of the Revolution, and a President-
General of our Society of the Cincinnati, asked me about this portrait in
1843, and said : "Your family should preserve it with great care, for it is
the best likeness of Washington ever painted." Popham was at that time
ninety-three years of age. It was the year preceding this that he pre-
sided at the dinner of the Cincinnati, at the City Hotel, in Broadway, near
Wall Street, and made a speech of half an hour in length, which for
elegance, classic lore, eloquence, wit and epigram, I have never heard
equaled, and it was so characterized by Gen. Sir James Hope, commanding
in Canada, who came down to the dinner ; he said, on our toasting the
Queen, many pretty and complimentary things, and then remarked, " I am
an old man myself (he was seventy-three), I have served in all four quarters
of the globe, and have been at many public entertainments, but this is the
first time in my life that I have ever seen and heard a man past ninety
making a speech at a dinner ; and such a speech as your president has
made, a man might well cross the Atlantic Ocean to hear."

All who listened to that remarkable speech have passed into the
silence of the tomb, except the Hon. Hamilton Fish, the present President-
General of the Cincinnati, and myself. I inclose with this paper a eulogy
on the " CHARACTER of Washington," from the pen of a British states-
man, which has always appeared to be one of the most perfect specimens of
eloquence and of English composition in the language. Many of your
readers may never have had opportunity of seeing it ; thus the reproduc-
tion of it in this connection needs no apology.

THE SHARPLESS PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON 5 1 5

THE CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON.

" No matter what may be the birth-place of such a man as Washington, no climate can
claim, no country can appropriate him — the boon of Providence to the human race, his
fame is Eternity, and his residence Creation.

Though it was the defeat of our arms, and the disgrace of our policy, we almost bless
the convulsion in which he had his origin — if the heavens thundered, and the earth rocked,
yet, when the storm passed, how pure was the climate that it cleared, how bright in the
brow of the firmament was the planet it revealed to us !

In the production of Washington it does really appear as if nature was endeavoring to
improve upon herself, and that all the virtues of the ancient world were but so many
studies preparatory to the patriot of the new.

As a General, he marshaled the peasant into a veteran, and supplied by discipline the
absence of experience.

As a statesman he enlarged the policy of the Cabinet into the most comprehensive sys-
tem of general advantage ; and such was the wisdom of his views, and the philosophy of
his council that to the soldier and the statesman he almost added the character of the
sage.

A conqueror, he was untainted with the crime of blood; a revolutionist, he was
free from any stain of treason, for aggression commenced the contest, and a country
called him to the command, Liberty unsheathed his sword, necessity stained, Victory re-
turned it.

If he had paused here, history might doubt what station to assign him, whether at the
head of her citizens or her soldiers, her heroes or her patriots. But the last glorious ac
crowned his career, and banished hesitation.

Who like Washington, after having freed a country, resigned her crown, and retired
to a cottage rather than remain in a capital ?

Immortal man ! He took from the battle its crime, and from the conquest its chains,
he left the victorious the glory of his self-denial, and turned upon the vanquished only the
retribution of his mercy.

Happy, Proud America ! The lightnings of heaven could not resist your sage, the
temptations of earth could not corrupt your soldier."

yNzG*.fc&

Sans Souci, New Rochelle, N. Y., May 14, 1884.

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

While Shakespeare characterized as basely mechanical the plodding func-
tions of artisans of his day, it may be said of the mechanical developments
of ours that their most notable manifestation is of the logical faculty in
a struggle with material facts, bending them to its own conclusions. The
mechanic, in the higher sense of the word, is not only an idealist, but in
our day he has come to be one of the most notable types of idealistic
thinkers.

It is this which lends a peculiar interest to our subject. We recognize
the genius of the mind which sees in scattered and diffused elements of
power the making of a united empire. The thought comes to that mind
like an inspiration as it ponders upon such a development, hand by
thought, working a work of years and perhaps halting again and again to
brood over insuperable obstacles as though in the faith that they might
become melted in the crucible of its vision. In this wise has been the
working out of that mechanical ideal, the interchangeable system.

The germination of this system found its most favorable soil in the
manufacture of fire-arms, which were produced under government con-
tracts and in large quantities. We find in the history of this manufacture
a series of men who were imbued with the idea and pushed it to success-
ive degrees of mechanical perfection. First of these was Whitney, in-
ventor of the cotton gin, who introduced some of its most essential
administrative features at his armory at Whitneyville, Connecticut, which
was established before the close of the last century. Next Hall invented a
breech-loader designed with especial reference to its interchangeable manu-
facture, which was prosecuted under government auspices at a factory near
the U. S. Armory at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. Between 1824 and 1827,
he had so far completed his system as to secure practical uniformity in
large lots of arms, although the joints between the interchangeable
parts were by no means fine. Col. North, at his armory at Middle-
town, Connecticut, also made some progress in the same direction, but
the U. S. muskets did not yet truly possess the feature of interchange-
ability. In 1838, a new model musket was completed by Benjamin
Moore, master armorer at Harper's Ferry, under directions from the
Ordnance Office at Washington. Of this model twenty-four sample
guns were made with sets of gauges to establish a greater uniformity of

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

517

model. The interchangeable system of manufacture of the musket was
however first practically taken up by Thomas Warner, master armorer at
the Springfield Armory. It was based by him on a further alteration of

the 1838 model. Arms completely
interchangeable (excepting the
breech-screw) were turned out in
quantities in 1840, while at Harper's
Ferry the output of interchange-
able arms began April, 1845, on the
1842 model, the facilities at Spring-
field being superior to those at the
Ferry. In 1852, Cyrus Buckland,
master mechanic at the Springfield
Armory, completed the uniformity
of the U. S. musket by devising
machinery for making interchange-
able breech-screws. Then rapidly
followed the dissemination of the
system throughout the armories
of the world and its application
in making sewing machines,
watches, locomotives, agricultural
machinery, and many other pro-
ducts of high industrial consequence, which could not possibly be made
and used as at present but for the improvement in cheapness and quality
resulting from this system of manufacture.

The plan of uniformity in fire-arms was attempted in France in 1783, and
was noticed by Thomas Jefferson, whose versatile mind was quick to appre-
ciate any ingenious measure. Jefferson advised the purchase by the United
States Government of French arms having the feature of uniformity, but
nothing came of it. The attempt in France was abandoned as a
failure, and the idea, like that of the " musquito fleet" and other
schemes of Jefferson's prolific ingenuity, was laid aside to mellow till its
time. The next appearance of interchangeable fire-arms in Europe was at
the London Exhibition of 1852, where the American rifles shown by Rob-
bins and Lawrence of Windsor, Vermont, were awarded a prize medal, and
these, as well as the revolvers of Colt of Hartford, Connecticut, gave evi-
dence of the existence of a system of uniformity in fire-arms which had
long been maturing in this country.

Whitney does not at first appear as a disciple of Tubal-Cain, but as a

THOMAS WARNER.

5 18 THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

man more versed in letters and a Yankee tutor in the South. The ideality
with which he essayed in a novel manner an undertaking so entirely
foreign to his experience, and the concentration and persistency with which
he pushed it to a practical success, mark him as a man of unusual character.
For a long time after his invention of the cotton gin he led a vexed and
litigious life in the assertion of his claims against infringers of his patents,
and finally turned all his energies to the manufacture of fire-arms.

Unable to procure skilled labor for the work, he surmounted the ob-
stacle by the resources of his own native skill, employing a novel process
of manufacture and giving the work his close personal direction. His
system was a scientific one. Instead of employing single gunsmiths to
make entire guns, he analyzed the gun and applied himself to the manu-
facture of its several parts in quantities, having regard also to the similar
kinds of work to be done on different parts so as to classify and simplify
the operations upon the arm, enabling persons of small experience to per-
form most of them. Professor Silliman, in his memoir of Mr. Whitney,
states that the result at which he aimed, and which he successfully accom-
plished, was the manufacture of arms of as great uniformity as the suc-
cessive impressions of a copper-plate engraving. Here there is a
discrepancy between the language of elaborate eulogy and that due to his-
toric and scientific precision. Mechanical accuracy was in its infancy in
1832, when the memoir was published, and the standpoint of its author
must be considered in judging of his language. We may note some of the
facilities which Whitney lacked — the drop and die forging presses of Hall,
the trip hammers and barrel lathes of Waters, the stocking machinery of
Blanchard, and all the ingenious mechanical designs of Buckland. Except
the drilling with flat drills, the whole story of the art was comprised in the
simple work of the anvil, the grindstone, the file and the shaving knife.
" Grinding was a deadly business. A grinder might be known by his
bloodless hands and fingers, and when he left the work he never recovered
from its effects." In all of the old armories milling machinery was em-
ployed, but it was for the most part too rude in design and too limited in
application to displace grinding and filing to any important extent.
Whatever ingenuity Whitney may have exhibited in tools of which no
account is preserved, the fact remains that in 181 5 his methods were still
rude, and not markedly in advance of his contemporaries. Interchange-
ability may have been attained by him in sample locks and guns, but it
cannot be gainsaid that it was not a feature of his ordinary manufacture.

In 18 1 5, Col. Decius Wadsworth, in charge of the Ordnance Office, con-
ferred with Messrs. Stubblefield of Harper's Ferry, Prescott and Lee of

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

519

Springfield, and Whitney of New Haven, and made a report advising
certain changes in the model, and also : " That a sufficient number of
pattern muskets and rifles be made on the foregoing principles and dis-
tributed to the various armories, public and private, for the purpose of
insuring practical uniformity; no deviation from these patterns to be
tolerated after the work now in hand shall have been finished off."

This was a very good resolution, but like many such it fell short of
fulfillment, and how far may be appreciated from the anecdote told by the
younger Whitney of Mr. Pomeroy, one of the early contractors. He used
to stipulate for a case of pattern muskets, feeling sure that if any objec-
tions were raised to the quality of the work done by him, he could bring
forth from the case something quite bad enough to match it.

Hall's breech-loading rifle was used in government service for many
years. It was expressly designed and manufactured as an interchangeable
arm, and was tested upon its merits as such. The evidence in the matter
is comprehensively stated in the report of Messrs. Carrington, Sage and
Bell to Col. Bomford, respecting Hall's work between 1824 and 1827.
Their language may seem extravagant because the inspectors had no such
criterion as the refinements of modern mechanism, but the severe test of
stripping off and reassembling the mixed components of 100 guns, the
details of the machines as described, the employment of boys to tend
them, the rating of work by cuts or operations, and the saving of labor all
indicate an interchangeable system of manufacture. Hall had machinery
for trimming, milling, edging, turning and boring, and in drop and die
forging he was a long step in advance of his northern contemporaries.
Still, looking back from the standpoint of present accuracy, his methods
and appliances may be regarded as having emerged but a little from the
machine shop primeval, for his machines were very clumsy and the rifles
produced had such open joints and were in finish so little different from
the common muskets that the interchangeable feature was not recognized by
many who were familiar with the arm. When, after many years of manu-
facture, Hall's breech-loader was finally discarded in the U. S. service, and
its inventor had sought his fortune and found his last resting-place in the
far West, then his old machines, upon which large sums had been expended,
went piece by piece to the scrap heap and thence back to the cupola, there
being metal enough in one of his crudely-proportioned milling machines to
make three or four modern machines.

The manufacture of U. S. muskets at the national armories was begun
at Springfield in 1795, and at Harper's Ferry in 1801. Some consider Col.
Stubblefield, one of the early superintendents at the Ferry, as the "setter-

520 THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

in-motion " of the interchangeable system. Stubblefield was a man of
unquestionable mechanical ability. The incumbent of his position was
required to be a practical mechanic, and as he had never been apprenticed
in the armorer's trade, he qualified himself by making a complete musket
with his own hands, which was admitted as sufficient evidence of his prac-
tical attainments.

Following Whitney, the most notable contractors were Simeon North
(Middletown, Conn.), Asa Waters (Millbu.ry, Mass.), and Lemuel Pomeroy
(Pittsfield, Mass.). We may also note the names of Savage, Johnson,
Tryon and Derringer, the last of whom gave his name to a pistol once
more famous than the Colt. Remington, whose sons established the great
armory at Ilion, began as a maker of gun barrels in Northern New York,
and supplied North and Savage of Middletown, Conn., and other con-
tractors. Asa Waters of Millbury first started a powder mill, and he
states that there was scarcely a barn in his native county under which he
had not " bent his back " in procuring saltpeter.

Col. Simeon North commenced manufacturing pistols in 1814, and mus-
kets a few years later. "All these," says Silas Goodrich, his superintend-
ent, " were made to interchange as respects the lock parts and the
mountings of the stocks." The joints were not always close, but the
stocks were all made in quantities without reference to particular mount-
ings, and the lock parts were made in quantities and hardened without fit-
ting and marking. Milling and some stocking machinery was used, also
the well-known expedient of jig-filing, and Goodrich repudiated the sug-
gestion that they copied anything from Whitney. Col. North's manage-
ment led to financial embarrassments. He became heavily indebted to
the government for advances, and some years later, when he essayed the
manufacture of Hall's rifles, he believed that an effort would be made to
break him down by severe inspections. He therefore made special efforts
to secure accuracy, and when inspectors came from the Ferry with "more
numerous and exact gauges than had ever before been used," the rifles
stood the test, and were pronounced " the best made in the United
States."

Benjamin Moore was in his younger days master armorer at Spring-
field. There was at the Springfield Armory at the same time an appren-
tice who gave promise of becoming an expert craftsman, but who was so
small in stature that boards had to be placed for him to stand upon to
enable him to reach his work vise. When he first applied for work, Benj.
Prescott objected to him as too small, but his influence in armory affairs
was destined to become greater than that of Prescott himself. One morn-

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL 521

ing, Mr. Moore coming into the shop, called to this lad : " Tom, can you
make me a lock-plate before eleven o'clock?" " Yes, sir," answered Tom
Warner,, and at eleven his master came after it. " I want that," he said,
" to take with me to Harper's Ferry to show them there what a boy can
do." Warner was the projector of the movement for interchangeability
at Springfield Armory in 1839-40, and is now in his 90th year, the oldest
surviving patriarch of old armory days.

Respecting Mr. Moore's agency in introducing interchange work,
several claims have been made which cannot be substantiated. These are
that prior to the introduction of the system by Warner at Springfield,
Moore, assisted by one Zadoc Butt, introduced the system at Harper's
Ferry, keeping it a secret, and that Moore came to Springfield to inaugu-
rate the system there, and was assisted by six armorers from the Ferry.
Nineteenth August, 1839, Col. Bomford directed that Mr. Moore should
be sent to Springfield " for the purpose of informing the master armorer
of that place of the various methods used for preparing the tools, etc., re-
quired for the new model muskets." The model was of Moore's design,
but his visit, a brief one, was not for the introduction of an interchange-
able system of manufacture. This is obvious from the uniform testimony
of all the officers and armorers of note at Springfield Armory at this time
and conversant with the circumstances of Moore's visit. The six men
alleged to have assisted him did not go to Springfield at all until sixteen
years after, when Moore's connection with the armory had long since
ceased. The alleged secret system is contradicted by the record of arms
produced and by the methods and facilities employed at Harper's Ferry
before 1840, also by the evidence of many Harper's Ferry artisans. It
is an established fact that the 1822 flint-lock model was not an inter-
changeable arm, and that, excepting the breech-screw, the parts of the
1840 flint-lock and also of the 1842 percussion model muskets were inter-
changeable. The 1840 model was never manufactured at the Ferry, ex-
cepting that in 1838, 24 models (of which the 1840 model was an altera-
tion) were made there. At Springfield the output for the year ending 30th
September, i84i,was io,OOOof the i840new model muskets, while the out-
put at the Ferry for the same year was 8,650 of the 1822 old model muskets,
and they kept on turning out these old model guns till April, 1845. The
product of Springfield Armory for 1844 was 4,701 of the 1840 model flint
locks and 3,200 of the 1842 model percussion locks, while at the Ferry they
had so much to do getting ready to make the 1842 model that they only
turned out 608 muskets, and these old flint-locks. At both armories, com-
ponents were made some time before the date of turning out complete

522 THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

guns, but both in machinery and interchange, Springfield was decidedly in
advance of the Ferry at this time.

Mr. Moore was specially employed to improve the musket model under
advices from the Ordnance Office at Washington. He had the full confi-
dence of the commanding officer, Col. Bomford, and worked on these
changes for a series of years, finally in 1838 completing his model and
twenty-four patterns of the same made by selecting the best components
and finishing with great care, and having very full sets of gauges to
determine their proportions. Two of these model guns with sets of
tools and gauges were sent to Springfield, and afterward were made the
basis of Warner's system, the model being first altered especially by
lengthening the breech. All these muskets were derived from the old
French model, and this change was made, as Col. Talcott said, " to
adapt it to the Yankees, who were larger and longer-geared than
Frenchmen."

Mr. Alexander Stocking, of Worcester, who worked with these models,
writes: "With regard to the two models of 1838, sent from Harper's
Ferry, I remember the parts were not near enough alike to interchange, as
I had to use them in making jigs and gauges to file the various parts,
and asked Mr. Warner which of the models I should use. His reply was
to take the parts nearest right." But Cyrus Buckland pronounced Moore's
gauges superior to any before made at either armory, although he pro-
ceeded to improve upon them by making an entirely new set which he
considered better adapted to secure interchangeable work.

Mr. Adam Brown was military store-keeper at Harper's Ferry Armory
from January, 1834, until 18th April, 1861, when the Civil War came on.
Handling every gun produced in that period, he is a valuable witness of
what was actually done. He writes : " You ask if the manufacture of
the new model muskets was commenced in the spring or fall of 1840. In
reply I have to state we did not commence to make any of the new model
muskets in 1840. We were not ready to make them. We had all the
new tools and machines to make and purchase before we could make any.

Major Craig saw in April, 1841, that we

were not ready to make the new model muskets until we got the tools and
machines made for them. He got permission from the Ordnance Depart-
ment to make 600 of the old model of 1822 flint-lock musket per month in
order to keep the hands at work until we got ready to make the (new)
model muskets."

Mr. John H. King was at Harper's Ferry from 1814 until after Moore s
dismissal, as he says: "Commencing at the foot of the ladder and endings

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

523

second in command/' He states that he can count up 63 gauges used by
Capt. Hall on his breech-loader, and that Mr. Moore patterned his gauges
for the musket after these. Of course Mr. Moore did not originate
gauges, but the list of those which he designed for his model in 1838 is
very full, and may be considered to contain the germ of an interchange-
able system.

It may be said that exact gauges
are tantamount to interchange, but
this does not end the matter, for
they are not tantamount to a manu-
facturing system by which the inter-
change may be maintained. Moore
was a skillful model maker, and as
such prepared his 24 models and
gauges, but in Ordnance Notes No.
25, Major Wade, who was well ac-
quainted with Moore, refers to the
fact that a system of interchange
was started at Springfield (not at
Harper's Ferry) in 1840, and that
he called the attention of Col.
Talcott to the report of Carrington,
Sage and Bell on the work of Hall
as early as 1824, that they looked
up the matter on the files, no pub-
lication being made of it at that time, and Col. Talcott was astonished to
find that so much had been done at the Ferry of which he was entirely
ignorant. Major Wade makes no mention of Moore as responsible for an
interchange system, although in his letter he is recalling his reminiscences
on this very subject. But as Col. Talcott did not know of the steps Hall
had taken, so Warner, the master armorer, knew nothing of them.

It may seem strange that the idea of interchange should have dawned
upon Warner's mind as a new inspiration. But we see that the Whitney-
ville works had passed into the hands of men, who, instead of going on to
realize the ideal of their founder, fell back to pronouncing it impracticable.
We see that after Hall had followed the idea as far as his mechanical facil-
ities would permit, and had made an arm especially designed for inter-
change, its manufacture was discontinued and the arm was condemned,
while the rudeness of finish of the existing rifles was such as not to sug-
gest their forgotten principle of construction. And now the aide had

WILLIAM SMITH.

524 THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

fallen back to nothing more than that of improving the arm, of fixing
upon better designs, and limiting the variation therefrom by means of
gauges and closer inspections. The quality of interchange (if it could be
so called) was not of recognized value in field work nor in repairs, and the
matter of improvement was looked upon something as a millennial under-
taking. At both national armories, the musket parts were still fitted gun
for gun, and the idea of a practical interchange of parts, if it suggested
itself to ordnance officers, was only to be pronounced impracticable.

In 1839 Col. Talcott, who was then inspector of the U. S. Armories
and Arsenals, being upon one of his tours of inspection, wrote to Mr.
John Robb, who was superintendent at the Armory, that he wanted Mr.
Warner to assist him, but that if he could not get away from his new model
work, to sen.d Mr. Weatherhead. Warner had previously given Mr.
Robb his ideas about the interchange, and was told he could do as he
pleased about it. But as it involved great responsibility and cost, he
did not dare to attempt it without better authority. So he wanted to
get Col. Talcott to indorse the scheme, and being unable to go himself
he detailed his project in a long descriptive letter which was carried
by Weatherhead to Col. Talcott at Pittsfield. After tea on the evening
of Talcott's return, Warner, full of his idea, called upon him at the
Hampden House.

11 Go into my room," said Talcott, " and I'll talk with you about it."
So Warner explained his proposed methods step by step until past mid-
night, when Talcott wound up the interview by saying : " Mr. Warner, this
is a very doubtful undertaking. I'm afraid you will never succeed in it."
" I am as sure of it," answered Warner, " as I am of going home to-night."

" Then," said Talcott, " you can go ahead, and I'll stand back of you."

There is a ring of naturalness in a letter dated 16th August, 1840, from
Warner to his old friend Moore, narrating how he conquered opposition

and introduced the system : "As to our domestic

(the Armory) affairs, of which I suppose you would like to hear, they go on
as usual. I have nearly got through with a very tedious job, that is, in
finishing our tools and machinery for the new model musket. We have
now commenced putting up guns, and they meet my most sanguine ex-
pectations. I have caused a thorough re-organization of all the different
branches of work ; it would take a long time to go through with a history
of the whole, therefore I will only mention a few of the modes of doing
the work. The branches throughout are subdivided into as many as they
could be conveniently. There are four branches in filing the lock-olate,
three in tumblers, two in cocks, three in forging bayonets, which are

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

525

finished without the use of grindstones — they are milled throughout the
blade, and are forged by tilt hammers. Our guns are all stocked to one
lock, one barrel, one set of mountings, and so on. The branch of finishing
is no more , the work is finished before it goes into what we called the
finishing room. Our stocks will be done principally by machinery, so
much so that I think six or eight men will do all of the hand work. Our

new machinery and tools have
cost us about $20,000, and I an-
ticipate carrying it still further"
" You may think that I am
rather egotistical, but I have
mentioned myself as doing this
because the plan was generally
opposed, and I had to force the
business for some time, until it
was found that opposition was

CYRUS BUCKLAND.

of no use, but when all see I was
determined in it, there was a
general yielding to my views,
and I have had the assistance of
some men, such as Cyrus Buck-
land, William Smith, and Na-
thaniel French, to whom a great
deal of credit is due, as what
has been done was once con-
sidered impracticable and almost
impossible."

In 1842, Warner was persua-
ded to leave his place at the U. S. Armory and to go to Whitneyville, a
desertion which gave offense to Col. Ripley, the then superintendent.
He improved the machinery and introduced the interchange at Whitney-
ville, but far from realized his expectations of a fortune. As a subcontractor
he suffered much loss from imperfections in iron barrels, so that he appealed
to Sanderson & Bro., importers, to know if they could not get him some
metal with less carbon and more of the fiber of steel. This inquiry is said
to have led to the earliest use of the so-called low steel for gun barrels.

Leaving Whitneyville, Warner followed various successive enterprises. At
one time, the same lawsuit which brought success and the earnest of a great
fortune to Col. Colt brought defeat and misfortune to Warner's interests.
But while Nemesis showed him few favors, she spared his energies for a

3 26 THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

much longer service than often falls to the lot of mortal man. He con-
tinued as an active and efficient artisan until some time past his eightieth
year. In one of Col. Talcott's reports, 6th Aug., 1841, after referring to
the use of the tilt hammer in forging bayonets as a great advance, he adds:
" But the construction of an entire set of machinery for finishing it in all
its parts, and thereby dispensing with the process of grinding, so ruinous to
the health of man, deserves a medal of gold from the friends of humanity.
Thomas Warner, the present master armorer, is entitled to all the credit of
these invaluable improvements."

Nathaniel French was one of Col. North's skilled artisans. Coming to
Springfield at about the close of Col. Roswell Lee's superintendency, he
designed and built the motive machinery for some new shops in that
part of the Springfield Armory known as " the water shops " (these being
on the river front, while the " hill shops," arsenals and officers' residences
occupy a handsome park overlooking the city). French made the main
.shafts round and small, running them at higher speed, despite the objec-
tions of old-style mechanics, who shook their heads and declared that the
smaller journals would " wear out in a month."

William Smith writes as follows in respect to the design of the modern
type of milling machine : " I have no disposition, in my eightieth year
(1882), to arrogate to myself anything that does not belong to me. Mr.
Noble, the superintendent when Mr. French left as master machinist, saw
fit to appoint Mr. William Ferre and myself jointly as master machinists,
and advanced the pay of each of us, and we got up the milling machine
with sliding spindle boxes. I made the drawing, but consulted with him.
We determined to get up a machine that would meet all requirements as
far as possible, and it has stood forty-six years without material im-
provement.

At Harper's Ferry, in 1842, John H. King designed an ingenious but
somewhat clumsy machine for bedding lock parts and mountings for
stocks, but after 1840 the great number of effective machines designed by
Cyrus Buckland had an important influence upon the maintenance of the
interchangeable system. Blanchard blazed the way for Buckland, as
Whitney did to some extent for Warner, but in his peculiar field of inven-
tion, Buckland laid down so broad a path that his successors have found it
wide enough to walk in. From 1840 until 1852, under the encouragement
of Col. Ripley, he designed and built a series of intricate and beautiful
machines, of which the lock-plate bedding machine is here illustrated as a
fair example. This instrument of interchange work will be seen to be not
more truly mechanical than it is monumental, and it may be said in

THE RISE OF A MECHANICAL IDEAL

527

general that these machines were the means of substituting for hand-filing,
machine cuts of great accuracy.

Buckland's machines were copied in the national and private armories
and shops in the United States, and after the London Exhibition of 1852, the

Ames Manufacturing Co. duplicated many
of the machines, and sold them to nearly all
of European governments, furnishing models
for a world-wide practice. In evidence of
their labor-saving results, we may note the
fact that, in 1840, before their introduction,
the U. S. Government paid $8.30 for the
work on a musket, and in 1853 the cost nad
been reduced to $4.31 per musket. Some of
this saving must be attributed to better
system and economy, but much was due to
the machines. One of Buckland's last
works was the design of the breech-screw
machinery, by which the interchangeability
of the musket parts was completed.

The fear of burdening my account with
details has led me to pass lightly over the
fullness of historic evidence which I have
been at great pains to gather. Such details
are multiplied indefinitely as we pass to the wider applications of the
principle of interchangeable mechanism and the prolific growth of manu-
factures of every kind which have felt the stimulus of this system.
Interchangeable mechanism is no longer limited to instruments of de-
struction. In agriculture, it plows, it sows, it reaps, it gathers into barns.
More than this, it prepares our flour, it spins and weaves our clothing,
it keeps our time, it speeds our cars upon the rails. It is three or four
servants to every man, and it has within forty years grown from infancy to
maturity.

Witnessing the results of the development of this mechanical idea,
seeing them in a swelling tide of statistics, realizing them in their vast in-
fluences upon the conditions of human life, and dwelling with anxious con-
cern upon their probable consequences on future culture and character, I
plead no apology for ranking the mechanics, whose story I have told,
among the great idealists in other fields of thought, while I reckon that
the rise of many an empire is already dwarfed in historic moment by the
rise of this mechanical ideal.

LOCK-PLATE BEDDING MACHINE.

A DINNER WITH GENERAL SCOTT IN 1861

It was the morning of that gloomy day in Washington on which came
the news that the United States Navy Yard opposite Norfolk, Virginia,
had been evacuated and burned.

I was at the time Inspector-General of the District of Columbia and
in command of the District troops, all the infantry and cavalry which the
government then had at its disposition for the defense of the Federal
District, the preservation of order in the capital, and the guarding of the
public buildings and archives of the nation. It was my duty to so station
the troops that all approaches to the city should be constantly watched;
and I held possession not only of the " long-bridge " and " chain-bridge "
over the Potomac, but also had pickets stationed far out on the roads lead-
ing into the city, and nightly guards in all the principal public buildings.

Each morning at 9 o'clock I was required to appear in the office of the
General-in-Chief (Lieut.-General Scott), to make report in person to him of
the occurrences of the past night and to receive his orders for the day.
Each evening I also reported in person to him at his quarters, after his din-
ner, to inform him of all that had happened during the day and to receive
any special orders for the night. On the morning in question I entered
General Scott's office at the usual hour, and found him busily engaged in
writing. As I approached and saluted, the general looked up over his
spectacles, and on seeing who had entered, said, a little sharply : " Colonel
Stone, you will please come and dine with me this afternoon at half-past
four o'clock. Good-morning, sir ! " and immediately resumed his writing.

Knowing what serious news the general had received, I was not at all
astonished at his unusual reception, and saluting in silence I withdrew, to
pass a busy day in perfecting arrangements for the defense of the city and
public buildings. It was believed that a force on the Virginia side of the
Potomac was preparing to seize the capital. Punctually at half-past four
o'clock in the afternoon I presented myself at the general's residence, and
on entering found his valet, Clark, placing the soup on the table. General
Scott received me with a preoccupied air, motioned me to my place at the
table, and sat down immediately. The soup was served and disposed of
in perfect silence and the tureen removed. A large roasted chicken was
then placed before the general, who said : "Colonel Stone, will you do me
the favor to carve that chicken ? " And then, as I proceeded to comply,

A DINNER WITH GENERAL SCOTT IN l86l 529

and placed the knife at the wing joint, he cautioned me, " Very little of the
breast with the wing, please ! " his peculiarities on little things at the table
not quitting him even in his anxiety about great matters. I served him to
what I knew he liked, and the dinner progressed in silence ; but this silence
was broken by a knock at the door and an orderly entered with a
telegraphic dispatch. The general received the missive, opened and read
it, and then, pushing forward his plate, called : " Clark ! bring me pen, ink
and paper ! " These were quickly brought ; the general wrote rapidly
for a moment; and holding up the paper, said, sadly: " Colonel Stone,
we have fallen upon evil days. To think that a man who has known
me so long and so well as has my old friend John Jordan Crittenden
should find it necessary to send me a telegraphic dispatch to which I
have to make such an answer as this ! " and he read as follows:

"To the Hon. John Jordan Crittenden,

Lexington, Kentucky.
" I have not changed. I have had no thought of changing. I am for
the Union.

" Winfield Scott."

The telegram was sent off ; and the general continued : " In these evil
days no man has entire confidence in any other man. Even my old friend
Crittenden felt the necessity of being reassured by a word direct from me
■ — well as he knew my sentiments a short time since ! "

The simple meal went on in silence and was soon finished. A decanter
of wine stood between us on the table and had been untouched. General
Scott said : " Colonel Stone, you will find that sherry very good." I took
the decanter and filled first his glass, then my own. He raised his glass
slightly, and, looking over it at me very intently, he said: " Gosport Navy
Yard has been burned ! " I replied, quietly : " Yes, General ! " He continued :
" Harper's Ferry bridge has been burned ! " Again I replied : " Yes,
General." Again he spoke : " The bridge at Point of Rocks was burned
some days since!" I replied: " Yes, General." He continued: "The
bridges over Gunpowder Creek beyond Baltimore have been burned ! " I
still replied: " Yes, General." He added: " They are closing their coils
around us, sir!" Still I replied, in the same tone: " Yes, General."
" Well, sir ! " said the general : " I invited you to come and dine with me
to-day, because I hoped that you could listen calmly to that style of con-
versation ! Your very good health, sir! " And he drained his glass, while I
bowed and followed his example. " Now," said the general, " how long

Vol. XI.— No. 6.-35

530 A DINNER WITH GENERAL SCOTT IN 1 86 1

can we hold out here?" I replied : " Ten days, General, and within that
time the North will come down to us."

" How will they come? The route through Baltimore is cut off."

" They will come by all routes. They will come between the Capes of
Virgmia, up through Chesapeake Bay, and by the Potomac. They will
come, if necessary, from Pennsylvania through Maryland directly to us ;
and they will come through Baltimore and Annapolis."

" Well, sir, how many me'n have you ? "

" In all, General, there are four thousand nine hundred. But that
number includes the battery of artillery near your headquarters, and the
Ordnance men at the Arsenal, not under my command, and who will have
enough to do to guard the Arsenal."

" How many miles of picket line between your outposts? "

" About eighteen miles, General."

" Eighteen miles of picket line and less than five thousand men ! Then
you must, in case of attack, fight your pickets ! "

"Yes, General; but as the enemy attacking could not be strong enough
to make a serious effort at more than one point, the pickets on the points
attacked seriously can, when pressed, fall back slowly and firing constantly
or frequently, and the moving fire would soon inform us as to which
quarter is most threatened. Then force can be withdrawn from un-
threatened points and marched to strengthen the real resisting force. This
is all we can do, and what we can do must be done."

" Well, sir ! where are your centers ? "

" There are three, General. First, the Capitol, where have been stored
some two thousand barrels of flour, and where Major McDowell remains
every night with from two hundred to three hundred of my volunteers.
Second, the City Hall hill, a commanding point, with broad avenues and
wide streets connecting it with most important points, having in its vicinity
the Patent-Office and the General Post-Office, in each of which I place a
force every night. In the General Post-Office we have stored a large
quantity of flour. Third, the Executive Square, including the President's
house, the War, Navy, State, and Treasury Departments, in each of
which, and in Winder's building, I place a force every night after dusk.
The citadel of this center is the Treasury building. The basement has
been barricaded very strongly by Captain Franklin of the Engineers, who
remains there at night and takes charge of the force. The front of the
Treasury building is well flanked by the State Department building, and
fifty riflemen are nightly on duty there. The building opposite is also oc-
cupied at nights. The outposts at Benning's bridge and the pickets in that

A DINNER WITH GENERAL SCOTT IN 1 86 1 531

direction will, in case of attack in force, retire, fighting, to the Capitol.
Those on the northeast and north will, if pressed, retire by 7th street to
the City Hall hill, while those on the northwest and west will, in case of
attack, fall back and finally take refuge in the Treasury building, where
they will be joined by the detachments guarding the river front when the
attack shall have become marked and serious that only the centers can be
held. In the Treasury building are stored two thousand barrels of flour,
and perhaps the best water in the city is to be foun,d there. The city is so
admirably laid out in broad avenues and wide streets centering on the
three positions chosen, that concentration for defense at any one of the
three is made easy. The field battery can move rapidly toward any out-
post where heavy firing shall indicate that the attack is there serious, and
with the aid of this battery the retreat from that point can be made
slowly enough to give time for concentration on that line of the outlying
companies in positions not threatened. In case a sharp resistance outside
the city may fail to prevent an advance of the enemy, we can occupy the
centers until the North shall have time to come to our relief. All our in-
formation tends to show that the force of the enemy which can immediately
act against the Capitol does not exceed five thousand organized men ;
and before that number can be largely increased our relief will come.
These District of Columbia volunteers would be fighting in defense of
their homes, and would fight well."

The general listened attentively, and looked over the map of the city
which I had drawn from my pocket and placed before him while indicating
the positions.

He then said : " It is all that can be done. Your plan is good. Your
pickets will have to fight well, and must try to not fall back more than
fifteen paces at a time, and to fire at least once at each halt. This re-
quires good men and good devoted officers. These soldiers of the District
will probably fight quite as well in defense of their homes as will the
enemy in attacking them. But you have too many centers. You cannot
hold three. You will need all your force concentrated to hold one position
against an energetic force equal to or superior in numbers to all you have.
The first center to be abandoned must be the Capitol. It is a fire-proof
building. There is little in it that is combustible excepting the libraries
of the Congress and the Supreme Court, and I do not believe that
American soldiers, even in rebellion, are yet capable of burning or destroy-
ing public libraries and the archives of courts of justice.

" The second center to be abandoned will be the City Hall hill/'

Here I ventured the remark that it would be a pity to abandon so com-

532 A DINNER WITH GENERAL SCOTT IN l86l

manding a position, with such admirable avenues of communication to all
parts of the city.

The general continued: "It is a pity to abandon so commanding a
position, as you say, my young friend. But we must act according to the
number of troops we have with which to act. All else must be abandoned,
if necessary, to occupy, strongly and effectively, the Executive Square,
with the idea of finally holding only the Treasury building, and, perhaps,
the State Department building, properly connected." He paused a mo-
ment, and then said : " The seals of the several departments of the govern-
ment must, this night, be deposited in the vaults of the Treasury. They
must not be captured and used to deceive and create uncertainty among
public servants distant from the capital. And," said he, speaking more
impressively, " should it come to the defense of the Treasury building as a
citadel, then the President and all the members of his cabinet must take
up their quarters with us in that building ! They shall not be permitted
to desert the capital ! "

Such was the condition of the capital of our country at that time, and
such was the plan adopted by the old General-in-ChiefN

Flushing, Long Island, April, 1884.

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
sir henry Clinton's original secret record of private daily intelligence

Contributed by Dr. T/iomas Addis Emmett

With an Introduction and Notes by Edward F. DeLancey

{Continued from page 444, Vol. XI.)

Intelligence recd from Cap*. Beckwith,

dated 17 Jimey 1781.

Dr Sir

There is 1700 prisoners in Lancaster Barracks, the Rebels say 900. They want
for every necessary of life ; many of them lying in the intermitting fever, and has
no care taken of them. I can't but think they might be relieved by a little assist-
ance, for they have attempted to rise twice, but were prevented by the Rebel
Guard which is about 40 men. I could collect 100 arms, and 100 lbs of powder,
and lead equivalent. It is but 35 miles from the lower ferry on Susquehanna to
Lancaster. . There is always a large store of powder in Lancastor. By accounts I
have had from the Rebels, they are going to move all the British prisoners to the
Yankee country.* There is thousands of barrels of flour in Philadelphia.

Dr Sir

Yours

H. N.

Doctor Henry Norrisf

(In another hand.)
Sir,

I have made bold to put the author of this letter's name, as he is a stranger
to you. He is the person that carried the letter, &c from Col : R.J and thinks hard
there is no compensation allowed him. He may be commanded to do anything
that is in his power to the relief of the above.

* The "prisoners" mentioned in this letter were Burgoyne's troops captured at Saratoga,
in 1777. They were not "prisoners" but were detained by Congress, in violation of the
capitulation.

f Or " Norrice," of Pennsylvania. He was tried in 1778 on a charge of supplying the Royal
army with provisions, and found guilty. He was sentenced to confinement with hard labor for one
month, and to pay ^50 for the use of the sick in the Whig camp. — IL Sabine, 121.

X Col. Beverly Robinson.

534 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Intelligence from Gould*

2nd July, 1 78 1.
Sir

I have had a long conference this day with D ;f he is in the greatest want

to know the situation and strength of the different posts at Kingsbridge, Fort Wash-
ington and its vicinity. He wants to know whether the bridges are in good repair
or not and how many cannon are in the works that command the bridge. Likewise
the number of cannon in the fort at Brooklyn. The number of ships of force in
the harbour, and their names. The several guards and patrols at Kingsbridge. He
is packing up his baggage to day, and is going to march tomorrow, I believe
towards Tappaan. He would not tell me where. J

Letter from to

Col : Ja?nes DeLancey

Morrisannia, 3a July 1781

My business from home was on purpose to acquaint you, with the Rebel schemes,
that will shortly be put in execution. The French fleet is to move from Rhode
Island to Sandy Hook ; and the Rebels are collecting all the shipping together,
whaleboats and flatboats to [come] down the East River with a view of landing on
Morrisania Point, and from thence to Haerlem. The Connecticut Militia is to
land on the East end of Long Island, and to march down the Island, and at the
same time the body from the Whiteplains is to march down upon these lines - The
movement depends entirely upon the French fleet ; and yesterday an express went
from the French Admiral to the French Duke at Whiteplains. You may depend
upon [it] the Frenche's baggage has been these three days steady in coming to them
in abundance. We have various accounts about the numbers at Whiteplains, but
the most I have heard is 12000.

This day Waterbury was to move to Byram but had not when I came from home.
I have nothing more material to add, but have the honor, &c.§

* The same " Gould," the New Jersey informer, who gave the account of the mutiny of the
New Jersey line mentioned in the first entry of this " Private Intelligence," of 20th January, 1781.
(Vol. X. Mag. Am. Hist., p. 331.)

f Col. Elias Dayton, of N. J.

% This statement by "Gould "of his interview with Col. Dayton, shows how detailed and
minute were the directions for intelligence given by Washington to that officer, prior to the projected
surprise, of Col. James De Lancey's corps at Morrisania, and of the forts on Manhattan Island. Day-
ton's march, for which he was " packing up his baggage," was to the North River, to support
Washington's movement if it succeeded.

§ The first part of this letter gives probably the current story of the day in the writer's neigh-
borhood. But the last clause, about Waterbury, was important in its result. Waterbury was
posted at Horseneck, just east of Byram River, with about 300 men. Washington, on 30 June,
ordered him, on receipt of his letter of that date, to march his force " to form a junction without fail

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 535

From Cap1. Beckwith. 3d July 1781.

Ezek! Yeomans informs me, that he came from the Bergen shore this afternoon ;
he was told by people upon whom he can depend, that yesterday an officer came
from East side of Hudson's River, and landed at Kloster-dock. They told him at
first that he was a General, but upon more particular enquiry he found he was only
a Colonel, but could not learn his name. This officer viewed the ground about the
Liberty pole : he had a party of Dragoons with him. The inhabitants gave out,
that the chief object was to scour the country in order to secure the grain and
forage *

with Colonel Sheldon, at Clapp's on King Street, on the 2d July, by sunset," with four days'
cooked provisions and without baggage ; and to keep the proposed movement " a profound secret
from every officer under your command." {VIII. Sparks, 88.) The next day, July 1st, he wrote
him that he would be joined at Clapp's by the Duke de Lauzun and his Legion, and to put himself
under that officer's command. (VIII. Sparks, 92.)

As the writer of this letter to Col. De Lancey evidently knew of Waterbury's projected move-
ment before he had begun it, and " came from home " to inform of it, the " profound secret " was evi-
dently not very well kept. As it is only about 20 miles from Horseneck to Morrisania, where De
Lancy was posted, and he, after receiving this letter, had time enough to send it to Clinton's head-
quarters in New York, in season to be entered in this Private Intelligence on the 3d of July, it is
clear that Col. De Lancey had prior notice of the movement on the night of the 2d of
July, in ample time to make the attempted surprise the failure that it was. This letter, though
not dated, was evidently written the 1st of July, and must have been received by Col. De
Lancey either the same day or the next — the 2d.

* The officer here referred to was really General Lincoln, and the reconnoisance described de-
cided him notto make the attempt on the forts on New York Island.

This movement, the very first in which the American and French armies acted together, and
which was unsuccessful, is thus described by Washington himself in his "Journal : " (Mag. Am.
Hist., Vol. VI, 1 1 7-1 1 8.)

"June 1W1. — Having determined to surprize the Enemy's Posts at the No. end .of Yk. Island,
if the prospt. of success continued favourable, & having fixed upon the Night of the 2d July
for the purpose— and having combined with it an attempt to cut off De Lancey's and other light
Corps, without Kingsbridge, and fixed on Gen1 Lincoln to command the first detachment, and the
Duke de Lauzun the 2d, every thing was put in train for it, and the Count De Rochambeau re-
quested to file off from Ridgebury to Bedford, and hasten his mar[ch]— while the Duke de Lauzun
was to do the same & to assemble his command (which was to consist' of abt. 3 or 400 Connecti-
cut State Troops under the command of Gen1 Waterbury— abt. 100 York Troops under Captn.
Sacket — Sheldon's Legion of 200, and his own proper Corps) — Gen1 Lincoln's command was to
consist of Scammell's light Troops and other detachments to the amount of 800 Rank and file
properly officered— 150 Watermen— and 60 Artillerists. * * * *

July 2nd — Gen1 Lincolns detachment embarked last night after dark at or near Teller's
Point ; and as his operations were to be the movement of two nights, he was desired to repair to
Fort Lee this day and reconnoitre the enemy's works, Position, and strength as well as he possibly
could, & take his ultimate determination from appearances — that is — to attempt the surprize if the
prospect was favourable — or to relinquish it if it was not, and in the latter case to land above the
mouth of Spiken devil & cover the Duke in his operation on De Lancey's Corps.

At three o'clock this morning I commenced my march with the Continental Army in order to

536 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Exti-act from a letter from Cap1. Marquard ff July, 1781.

" There is a deserter at Morrisania who will be sent to Head quarters tomorrow.
He says he saw Gen1. Washington himself this day, and that he was about 3000
strong, 800 French were with him. Col : De Lancey has not been able to get any

cover the detached Troops — and improve any advantages that might be gained by them — made a
small halt at the New bridge over the Croton abt. 9 miles from Peekskill — another at the church by
Tarry Town till Dusk (9 miles more) and compleated the remaining part of the mar[ch] in the night
— arriving at Valentine's Hill (at Mile Square) about sunrise.

Our Baggage & Tents were left standing at Peekskill.

July 3 d— The length of Duke Lauzun's march & the fatigue of his Corps prevented his coming
to the point of action at the hour appointed.

In the mean time Gen1 Lincoln's Party who were ordered to prevent the retreat of De Lancey's
Corps by the way of Kg's Bridge & prevent succour by that route were attacked by the Yagers and
others — but on the march of the Army from Valentine's Hill returned to the Island. — Being disap-
pointed in both objects from the causes mentioned I did not care to fatigue the Troops any more
but suffered them to remain on their arms while I spent good part of the day in reconnoitering the
Enemy's Works. In the afternoon we retired to Valentine's Hill & lay upon our arms — Duke
Lauzun and Waterbury lay on the East side of the Brunx river on the East Chester road. Our loss in
this day's skirmishing was as follows — viz. ; — [the figures are not given, unfilled blanks being left by
Washington. Capt. Marquard 's letter of 4th July, which succeeds, said, " Two officers and 17 rebels
have been buried near Fort Independence and two more have been found dead this morning. Four
prisoners badly wounded are sent this morning to New York."~\

fitly 4th — Marched and took a position a little to the left of Dobbs ferry & marked a Camp
for the French Army upon our left : — Duke Lauzun marched to the Whitepln & Waterbury to
Horseneck."

The diary of Du Bourg, Rochambeau's Aid, under July 2,-5, says, " Messieurs de Fersen and
de Vauban, to whom M. de Rochambeau had given permission to follow the Legion, returned ;
they told us that De Lancey's corps, which they had expected to surprise at Morrisania, was at
Williamsbridge, and informed of our approach, for at the moment they appeared, they saw about
three thousand English debouch in several columns, which compelled them to re-cross a stream,
and fall into line of battle behind General Lincoln, who was in charge of another expedition, which
was not successful, losing four men killed, and fifteen or sixteen wounded. The Legion fired a
few shots, but there was no one killed or wounded." IV. Mag. Am. Hist., 296.

In his report to the President of Congress, of 6 July, from Dobbs' Ferry, Washington says :
"Gen1 Lincoln with a detachment of 800 men, fell down the North River in boats, landed near
Phillips's House before daylight on the morning of the 3d, and took possession of the ground on
this side Haerlem River, near where Fort Independence stood. This movement was principally in-
tended to support an enterprise, which I had projected against a corps of refugees under the com-
mand of Colonel De Lancey at Morrisania, and other light Troops without the bridge, and which
was to have been executed by the Duke de Lauzun with his own Legion, Col. Sheldon's regiment,
and a detachment of State Troops from Connecticut under the command of Brigadier General
Waterbury. The Duke, notwithstanding the heat of the day of the 2d, marched from Ridgebury
in Connecticut, and reached East Chester very early the next morning ; but on his arrival there
finding by the firing that General Lincoln had been attacked and the alarm given, he desisted from
a further prosecution of his plan (which could only have been executed to any effect by surprise) and
marched to the General's support, who continued skirmishing with the enemy and endeavouring to
draw them so far into the country that the Duke might turn their right and cut them off from their
work on the east side of Haerlem River, and also prevent their repassing that river in boats. Gen-

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 537

intelligence of them. There is only a report that they were encamped at, or near
Valentine's Hill."

From Cap* Marquard 4th fuly, 1781.

I directed one Hunt from East Chester to wait on you. I hope he has com-
plied with my directions.

Another patrol of the Jagers* returned just now. The Country people told
them that the rebels marched from Valentines hill to White Plains, and that French-
men had been with them.

Mr. Cortlandt said that Generals Washington and Parsons came to his house ;f
the former did not go in, but went back ; and that those that came down towards
Kingsbridge had been 1,800 strong. They have driven almost all the cattle and
horses off.

Two Officers and 17 rebels have been buried near Fort Independence, and two
more have been found dead this morning. Four prisoners, badly wounded, are sent
this morning to New York.

P. S. — Cap* Ogden, late of Emmerick's Corps, was here this moment ; he was
kept a prisoner all night at Washington's headquarters, which was at Valentine's hill,
at Tho* Valentines. He estimates those he saw at 4,000 men. They marched this
morning early towards the White Plains. The boats in which the Rebel Detachm'
came down, went up the North River yesterday morning about 4 o'clock. Ogden
saw no French but a few horse. J

eral Parsons had possessed the heights immediately commanding Kingsbridge, and could have pre-
vented their escape by that passage. Every endeavour of this kind proved fruitless ; for I found
on going down myself to reconnoitre their situation, that all their force except very small parties of
observation, had returned to York Island." — VIII. Sparks, 97.

* These were of Col. de Wurmb's Regiment of Yagers, which had shortly before been ordered
from Queen's County, Long Island, to Kingsbridge.

f "Mr. Cortlandt" was Mr. Augustus van Cortlandt, of Cortlandt House, Little or Lower Yonkers,
which is about a mile' and a half north of Kingsbridge. He was for many years before, and at the
outbreak of the Revolution, Clerk of the City of New York. On April 1st, 1781, his elder brother
James van Cortlandt died without issue, and he succeeded to the great Yonkers estate of the family,
where he lived till his death on the 20th December, 1823, at the great age of 96 years. Both were
sons of Frederick van Cortlandt of Yonkers, and his wife Francina Jay, 3d daughter of Augustus
Jay (the first of the Jays in America) and his wife Anna Maria Bayard, daughter of Balthazar Bayard,
whose mother was a sister of Gov. Stuyvesant. Both brothers married sisters, daughters of Corne-
lius Cuyler, of Albany, but neither lady left issue; Augustus's wife died in 1761, and in 1763 he
married, secondly, Catherine Barclay, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Barclay, of Albany. Cortlandt
House, erected in 1748, is still standing, and, with the estate, is the property and residence, of his
great grandson, the present Mr. Augustus van Cortlandt. This year nearly the whole estate has
been selected by commissioners for one of the great parks of the City of New York, within which
it now lies.

% " Capt. Ogden" was Benjamin Ogden of Westchester County, a captain in Col. Andreas Em-
merick's Regiment of Chasseurs. Emmerick's corps had been sent on July 1st, to " Phillipse's

538 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Infor??iation given by Col. Hunt, 4th' July, 1781.

Colonel Hunt came from Kingsbridge this morning, and informs that about
daybreak yesterday morning, as he lay concealed on the ground behind his garden
at Hunt's hill, he saw about 400 Cavalry passing towards Williamsbridge ; that about
a qr- of an hour after sunrise he saw some French troops, about 500, marching the
same road ; a few Rebel troops were with them. He knew them to be French by
their white Clothes, and language. They had no coats on. On Valentine's hill that
morning he saw about 1000 Rebel troops, and on the West side of Brunx he saw,
he thinks, about 400. They were posted last night on Valentine's hill, and about
Hunt's bridge and Brunx River bridge.* About 7 this morning he saw them on
their march back, by the same road they advanced. Some Rebel Officers were at
his house last night, and told his wife they came down with an intention to attack
the lines ; that they were only going back as far as Ward's house, f but would return
soon with the French and attack the lines.

Some people told him they heard Washington say he only came to reconnoitre.
Some who saw the troops told him they believed there were about 5,000 down.

He spoke to a Rebel soldier who was wounded, who told him they had only 3
or 4000 down.

Washington, Lincoln, Parsons, Waterbury, and the French General]; were with
the troops. §

Information from Cap* Sullivan 4th July, 1781.

He arrived at Philadelphia the 12th June, waited upon his brother, General Sul-
livan, and delivered a letter to him from Cap* Holland; after reading it several times
the General told him it was very well, but would not descend into particulars, as
his coming to Philadelphia twice might give suspitions, || and as soon as he had an
answer from New Hampshire, he would inform him of everything in his power, ^[

House," now the Yonkers City Hall, with a foraging party. The next day they were recalled and
on their way back in the fight with Lincoln, Ogden was taken prisoner. He went to Nova Scotia
after the war, became a justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and died at Antigonish, N. S., in
1835. — II. Sabine, 127.

* Williamsbridge.

f In the upper part of Eastchester.

% " The French General" means the Duke de Lauzun, who was a colonel, and the only French
commanding officer engaged in this operation.

§ The "Hunt" mentioned in the preceding letter, and who gave the information, was the
Colonel Hunt, of Hunt's Hill near Huntsbridge, Westchester County, on the Bronx River, about
three miles north of Williamsbridge. He was of the family of the Hunts of Hunt's Point on
the Sound.

I So in the MS.

f This refers to Captain Daniel Sullivan's former visit to his brother, Gen. John Sullivan, de-
tailed in the affidavit of the former entered before in this secret intelligence on the 17th May, 1781.
That visit was made in the first week of May, 1781; Daniel Sullivan leaving, on his return to New

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 539

That Cap* Holland might assure the person which he mentioned in his letter to him,
in whose full confidence he was, that he would do everything in his power to serve
him.*

Captf Sullivan asked his brother, if M™ Holland's visit would be limited to any
certain time ; he said he had not the least doubt she might stay as long as she
pleased ; that Captain Holland would follow her in less than six months, and that
the purchasers of Holland's property had thrown their money away.f That it
was his opinion that unless the French make very great exertions in America
this summer, the Congress will be torn to pieces and the people would return to
their allegiance ; that the Congress was at present in great Confusion, and that he
was determined to take care of himself.]; Cap* Sullivan further says that in every
part of Philadelphia the people were swearing they would pull the Congress house
down.§

(Signed)

Dan1- Sullivan
New York, 4th July, 1781.

York, on the 7th of that month. On this visit, with a second letter, he arrived in Philadelphia on the
12th of June, some five weeks later, according to this affidavit, and as it was not entered in this
" Private Intelligence" till July 4th, 1781, he apparently stayed there some time on this occasion.

* The "person" mentioned in Holland's letter, and referred to by General Sullivan, was evi-
dently either Sir Henry Clinton or Major Oliver de Lancey, the Adjutant-General, most probably
the former.

f The mention in this affidavit of Holland's wife and property and the expected "answer" from
New Hampshire, shows that Gen. Sullivan was in correspondence with parties there, in relation
to Holland and his private affairs, — a result probably of an old friendship between them as brother
New Hampshire men,

\ Nothing could show more conclusively the threatened collapse of the American cause in the
spring and early summer of 1781, from which it was only saved by French aid than this private
opinion of so prominent and active a member cf the Continental Congress as General John Sul-
livan.

§ Daniel Sullivan, who gives this account from his brother the general, of the then wretched
condition of the Continental Congress and its unpopularity with the people of Philadelphia, arrived
there, he tells us, on the 12th of June, 1781. Four days later, on the 16/A of June, 1781, Presi-
dent Reed wrote a long, private, confidential letter to General Greene, in which he refers to the
Congress and the general condition of affairs, from which the following are extracts. The com-
parison of these two perfectly contemporaneous accounts by Reed and General Sullivan is very
curious :

" To write confidentially and on interesting particulars has become so hazardous, that I could
not think of it unless some such opportunity as the present offered. * * * We have had in
this quarter the most remarkable disclosures of private correspondence that could be imagined ;
four mails have been carried into New York this winter and spring, and Rivington retails cut the
letters weekly. Much public dissatisfaction and private enmity has ensued, as you will suppose. My
situation you will know, does not admit of my running any risks of adding to the number of my public
or personal enemies ; and this, I assure you, has been the only reason of my silence. * * * You
will naturally wish to have some estimate from me of our manners and principles, and a view of
our situation as ruled and rulers — the former necessarily precedes the latter ; and indeed, my dear

54-0 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

Then Capt* Daniel Sullivan personally appeared, and made Solemn oath to
the truth of this Information by him Signed,

Before [me]

Stephen Holland

Cap? P. W. A. V,*

From Cap* Beckwith, 5? July, 1781.

Justice Palding, and Sears Crane, came from Bergen point this morning.
They left Newark yesterday Morning at 11 o'clock.

They report that the Jersey brigade are to march this morning from Pompton
and Chatham, to join Gen! Washington. They are supposed to be about 500.
They cannot tell where they are to cross the North River.

They were told by a person at Newark, that a French frigate had . received a
number of Pilots on board at Newport, and had put to sea.

General, I am sorry to be obliged by the all powerful voice of indisputable facts to acknowledge
that the Independence of the country seeming to be pretty well established, a passion, and a
raging one, too, for gain has evidently taken the place of those considerations which were formerly
deemed so honourable and so necessary. * * * The auri sacra fames has taken universal pos-
session, and our Legislature seduced from their duty by the vile popularity which every great and good
mind must despise, dare not attempt any thing vigorous, and where authority ought to supply the
place of enthusiasm, and support private virtue, we behold it dwindled to a shadow. Congress is not
supported by the people, not, as our Tories flatter themselves, that the cause is less revered, or
their persons respected, but because dire necessity has compelled them so often to promise without
the means of performance, and that they have so little at their disposal. Their officers are badly
paid, their contracts unperformed, and every man of independent spirit flies from their service as
from a thankless bondage. * * * The present Congress though not composed of the greatest
men of the country is much less contaminated with party than most of their predecessors, and I
verily believe if the baneful influence of New York, that hot bed of calumny and seditious inter-
ference with the business and characters of others, could be suppressed [the members from ATew York
at this time were James Duane, William Floyd, Ezra L' Hotnmedieu' Alexander McDougall and
John Morin Scott], Congress would soon rise into more dignity and consequence ; but they have sown
the seeds of eternal discord between the Southern and the Northern States, and those characters of
the Middle who could not be brought to think that every vice and wickedness that can disgrace a
people were the characteristics of the New England States. General Washington complains of us
all. Engrossed by military concerns he has not time or opportunity to know the real state of the
country, or the difficulties which environ men in civil life. He will always deservedly possess great
splendour of character, but I am of opinion it has seen its meridian, and it is not improbable he
may one day, as we now, have reason to complain of ingratitude and unkind returns of essential
and disinterested services. " II. Reed's Life of Reed, 353-6-7.

* " P. W. A. V." These initials stand for " Prince of Wales' American Volunteers," a regi-
ment of loyal Americans, of which Montfort Browne was the colonel, and in which it seems,
Stephen Holland had a captaincy. Montfort Browne, a half-pay officer, was, in 1764, appointed
Lt.-Governor of East Florida, and on 5th Feb., 1774, was made Governor of the Bahama Islands.
His post was in the island of New Providence, at Nassau. On March 3d, 1776, the town and is-
land were captured, with slight resistance, by Capt. Esek Hopkins, with the first fleet fitted out by

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 541

From Cap[ Beckwith. $th July, 1781.

Mr Chamier* who gave some intelligence yesterday of the state of affairs to
the Eastward, adds to his information of yesterday having got into Conversation
with an Inhabitant near New London. The conversation turned upon the intended
attack against New York ; this gentleman who is of a Communicate turn, being
asked how they proposed to Carry on their operations for want of boats, he re-
plied, that a great number were Collected up the Connecticut River, and suffi-
cient to answer their purposes.

From Cap*. Marquard to Majr DeLancey.

Morris's house, 6th July 1781.' \ past 3. P. M.
Sir

Lieu* Col. Wurmbf has received information, that the Enemy's Army was in
motion ; whether back, or forwards, he dont know. When the Rebels left Peeks-
kill, they left their tents pitched, under a Camp Guard ; whether they have fol-
lowed the army, or not he could not learn.

I am &c

Marquard.

Capt. Marquard to Majr DeLancey. Morris house. dthJuly 1781. 12 at noon
Sir

Contrary to Col. DeLancey's expectation, every thing has remained quiet here
last night.

Lt. Totten,J with a party of Refugee Rangers lay last night beyond Stephen
Ward's,§ but discovered nothing.

Congress, in violation of his instructions, for which he was censured by Congress, and Gov. Browne,
two inferior officials, and seventy men taken prisoners. Browne was exchanged on Oct. 8th, 1776,
for Lord Stirling, taken at the battle of Brooklyn, and on 30th Aug., 1777, was appointed by Sir
Wm. Howe as Brigadier-General in the Provincial establishment, in addition to the colonelcy of
the above-named regiment, which he had obtained before. Beatsons Political Index, 3d ed.} 455;
III. Sparks, 352, 3d note \ II. Ford's Archives, p. 42.

* Daniel Chamier of Maryland, a refugee, who in 1776 was appointed by Sir William Howe
" Commissary of Stores and Provisions " in New York. See Jones's Hist, 109 for his extortions.

f Commander of the Yager Regiment, stationed at this time at Kingsbridge.

X Of the Totten family, who lived near Pine's Bridge, south of the Croton River. He was a
lieutenant in De Lancey's corps.

§ "Stephen Ward's" was "Ward's house," before mentioned, in the town of Eastchester,
seven miles south of Whiteplains, a well known position, and the scene of the surprise of Capt.
Saml. Delavan's Continental Guard in the spring of 1776, by Captain Archibald Campbell. " After
an offer of surrender had been made by the Americans, a shot was fired from one of the windows
(by Lieut. Baddock), which unfortunately killed Captain Campbell. The British, seeing their com-
mander fall, instantly fired the house, and no resistance being made, revenged his death by killing
upwards of twenty on the stairs and in the adjoining rooms, a few effected their escape by jumping
out of the back windows. " II. Bolton's Hist. Westchester, 2d ed., p. 253,

542 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

By a man who came in yesterday from the Whiteplains I am informed that
Washington's quarters is at Jos : Appleby's, on the Saw Mill River road, about 2\
miles from Hammond's. His troops lay from the Saw Mill River to the Plains.
The French headquarters was at Sam! Purdey's, f of a mile North of the Court
house at the Whiteplains : and that the French are encamped on Gallows hill.*

The French and Sheldon's horse, are no longer at Tuckey-hoe,f but near to the
Main Army. This report is Confirmed by a Man sent out by Col: Wurmb: and a
Woman who came to Morrisania this morning from the lower part of the Plains^
tells the same story.

The Enemy's patroles come down to Phillips's ; yesterday afternoon about ioo
Foot and 40 of Sheldon's Drag? were seen there. There is no fixed post at
Phillips's. § No positive account of their strength ; the general computation is 6
to 7000 ; some say 10,000.

Several people are gone out for intelligence ; I am in hopes to receive some-
thing authentic about their situation, Artillery, Provisions, &c.

It is said amongst the country people that Washington only intended to bring
off all the grain and forage. '

I am &c.

Marquard.

Extract of a letter from S. W. to D. C\ dated Phila 27th June. 1781

You ask, " Will the late money not damn your paper money " ? Yes. It is
truly damned, and out of the power of Congress, or any other body of men in
America ever to give credit to any kind of paper again while the War lasts. You

* The two days, July 5th and July 6th, covered by this letter, were occupied by Washington
in effecting the junction with Rochambeau's army, which explains the quietness Col. De Lancey
did not expect. Washington's entries in his private journal (VI. Mag. Am. Hist., 119) are in
these words :

" July $th. — Visited the French Army which has arrived at North Castle.

"July 6th. — The French Army formed the junction with the American on the Grounds
marked out \by Washington himself on the day before, the 4th of fuly]. The Legion of Lau-
zun took a position advanced of the Plains on Chittenden's Hill [Ckattertons Hill] west of the
River Brounx. — This day also the Minister of France (Luzerne) arrived in camp from
Philadelphia."

The above letter gives what Washington does not mention, the very houses, and their situa-
tions, and their owners' names, occupied by himself and Rochambeau, respectively, as their head-
quarters at the time of that most interesting and important event, the junction of their armies.

\ Tuckahoe, a small hamlet about six miles south of Whiteplains.

X The short designation of Whiteplains, still in common use.

§ Philipse Manor House, now the City Hall of the city of Yonkers.

I "D. C," to whom this letter is addressed, was Daniel Coxe, of New Jersey. Two former letters
to him from the same "S« W." are the entries of nth February and 22d of May, preceding, in
this Private Intelligence. The italics in this letter are underscored in the MS. There is no clue to
the identity of " S. W."

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 543

further ask, " If so, what can you possibly do, or what expedient adopt in its
place " ?

This question is a most extensive one, and would employ a quire of paper
to give one quarter of the reasons which our High Mightinesses* offer upon
this occasion. They affect to make light of the matter, tho' at the same time
the question is a most serious one to them. The Assemblies of Jersey, Pennsylvania,
the Delaware State, and Maryland, are all sitting upon the important subject. I
expect they will generally repeal all tender laws, levy their taxes in hard money,
and take off all restrictions on trade ; except to what they call the Common En-
emy. You ask, " Where is all the hard money to come from to pay the taxes in
case ordered to be collected in specie ?" We answer you with saying, you have
been so very obliging for a considerable time past, as to leave our ports so open, as
to admit of at least Jths of our provision trade to go clear. By this means we have
had in return for our flour, / think I may venture to say with safety, near half a
million of Dollars ; and as we hope and believe that you will conti7iue to indulge us,
we are about to take off all incumbrances on trade, and we expect the French and
Spaniards, will not only give us their money for the support of their West India
Islands, but for provisions for the use of their Fleets and Armies. You will
perhaps ask, where all these provisions are to come from ? There never was so
great an appearance of crops since the settlement of North America, as is at
present all over the Middle Colonies. I have been very lately thro' great part
of the Peninsula, f as well as over a great deal of Jersey and Pennsylvania,
and in the whole course of my ride I did not see a single field that wTas not
uncommonly fine. These advantages we expect, will afford us ways and means to
keep up the flame until the European Powers are so well convinced of the neces-
sity of establishing our independence, as to induce them to interpose, and do it.

The trade (which is now confined to the Delaware, and seems to be all on
which we build our hopes to enable us to pay these Enormous taxes) I should
imagine would be easily interrupted and prevented, by cruizing against such of it
as was intended to be sent to supply your Enemies, as well as by encouraging as
much as possible the sending it to your port &c. This would be not only getting
supplies for your army much cheaper than you do from Europe, but would be
bringing over to your party and interest thousands of people who are now busy
against you. I could engage Members of Congress in the trade, provided it was
properly gone into. Quere ? whether or not, a political project of this sort, does
not deserve consideration. Give me if you please your opinion on the subject. I
am sure you may contract for any quantity you please, and pay for it with Con-
vention bills.J

N. B. Received 6th July, 1781.

* The Continental Congress.

f Between the Delaware and Chesapeake Bays.

% This accords with former information in this Private Intelligence, It is not improbable that

544 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

The Original sent this date to Commodore Affleck, to be sent to Admiral
Graves.*

Intelligence by J S M 6ih July 1781.

A few days ago I received information by one that acts as an Aid to Col:

D f that they were to march on Thursday morning towards Kings ferry, (but) I

thought it might be premature. They have marched. He told me that Col D

believed that General W expected a French fleet to act in conjunction to at-
tack W. J,

From F
favoured by J. T. J. July 6. 1781.

some " Members of Congress " were really engaged sub rosa in this sort of trade. The " Con-
vention bills," were those allowed by Congress to be drawn for supplies for the " Convention
Troops," as Burgoyne's captured forces were termed, and proved an easy and safe means of
payment.

* Then in command of the British Fleet in American waters.

f Col. Elias Dayton.

TWO UNPUBLISHED LAFAYETTE LETTERS

Contributed by Mr. Henry E. Pierrepont.

The Marquis de Lafayette to William Constable Esq. of New York.

Paris May 13th 1785.
My dear friend

I have been honoured with your letter of New York March the 18th, for which
I return my best thanks. The information it contained gave me a great pleasure,
because I am always happy to hear that you are well, that you often think of your
absent friend, and because you are pleased to enter into particulars of your political
and mercantile proceedings, both of which are very interesting to the future con-
sequence and wealth of the United States. The more I live on this side of the
Atlantic, the more I see the necessity to invest Congress with powers to regulate
trade. Gen! Knox's appointment to the War Department is a very good measure.
If his plans are not cramped, I am sure they will be very useful. The conduct of
England respecting America is very strange. I think that either a temporary pro-
hibition of their commerce, or our open attack against them in Canada may bring
them to. But I would prefer the former, as a more moderate measure, altho in
the latter, whenever it happens, and it will be the case before ten years, I will be
very happy to be concerned. Let the Confederation be strengthened, a proper
guard be appointed for the frontiers, a good plan of militia adopted, political and
mercantile views to be federal and the five per 100 impost be generally fully
adopted, and then I don't care for the snarls or attacks of any power in Europe.

I think with you, my dear Constable, that upon a proper experience of the
matter, Gallo American trade will flourish. The West India arret has excited
your clamour, and yet it is short of what we had wished for. Among the reasons
given by French commercials, I remark this, that the British who restrain and con-
tradict, run away with the trade of America, and that the complaisance of France
does not American Vessels going to England.

Marechal Casmei, the Naval minister, has been prevailed upon to make essays
of the Northern and Southern timbers of America. He has in consequence sent
to New England, and to the Southern States. I had applied for him to give me
two orders for two cargoes of Maine timber, one of which directed to you, but he
answers he will defer doing so until he has got the returns and the samples he has
sent for. I have left the name of your house with him, and I hope when he sends
orders for cargoes, it will be to you. Irr the mean while I beg you will forward me
some particular proposals. The minister has also promised he would send for

Vol. XI. -No. 6.-36

546 TWO UNPUBLISHED LAFAYETTE LETTERS

some American Hemp, in order to encourage that cultivation, the benefits of
which we now give to Russia.

As I think the greatest service we can now render to America with respect to
her trade, is to induce this country to favor American importations, I have been
very desirous to obtain an exemption of duties on whale oil, but find it the more
impossible, as this government is now endeavoring to set up its fisheries again, and
is fitting out vessels to that purpose. In consequence of this I took a round about
way, and made a bargain to be proposed to the American merchants, which I think
to be advantageous, and which I requested Mr. Adams to communicate particularly
to you, in case you find it profitable to enter into the Society.

I am going through Rochelle, a place that was much concerned with the Indian
trade. I wish to encourage them to set it up again, and form Societies in New
York. If they choose to do so, I will write to you by the next packet. A propos
of indians, there is a young man of the Oneida tribe whom I wanted to have with
me, and who now is about Niagara. As he was willing to come the only difficulty
is to find him out, and to send him to me. Chief Louis of the indians, who lives
at Oneida Castle, knows everything about it. The only thing would be to send an

express to him and diffray the expenses which will be and indeed some man

or other ought to accompany him to the Havre, where the packets are now to arrive.

The Havre being near Paris, I would be obliged to you to send by them several
articles, mostly like these, cranberries, butter, cod fish, cider which you may apply
for to Mr. Breck, and so on. It is pleasing to me to have in Paris those things
which I have seen in America, and those little enjoyments can only be felt by
those who have lived at a great distance from a beloved country — to others they
must seem whimsical. You must also let me know to whom I must direct my bills,
or simply draw on me when we have an account to settle.

We have long been negociating, and I dont think there will be any war this
year. Bavaria and the Ottoman Empire are two bones of Contention. But as
France is very desirous to avoid a quarrel, and as on the other hand it may be pro-
duced by the ambition or the interest of a few individuals throughout Europe, it is
difficult to form a precise judgment. I will in the course of the Summer visit the
Imperial and the .... troops.

The Duke de Choiseul the former prime minister of the late king died a few
days ago in Paris. ,

When you send me to the Havre, I beg you will direct to M. Cadrau at the
Havre who will forward it.

I beg, my dear friend, you will present my best respects to Mrs. Constable, and
remember me most affectionately to my friends — adieu, with every sentiment of
tender regard, sincere esteem, and enduring attachment, I have the honour to be

dear Constable

Yours

Lafayette.

TWO UNPUBLISHED LAFAYETTE LETTERS 547

The Marquis de Lafayette to Wm. Constable Esq.

Utrecht 4th November 1799.
My dear friend

The inexpressible pleasure I felt in our unexpected meeting has been increased
by the receipt of your letter from the Hague as the loving attention and Kindness
of yours to me is highly precious and cordially welcomed. The loan you have
offered to me by enclosing a bill of ^"200 Stg. I would have, at any time, grate-
fully accepted, but find a particular satisfaction to tell you, that, in this moment,
it proves very seasonable. Receive my best thanks, dear Constable, and may I
soon present them personally to you.

I much wish for the speedy arrival of the American Commissioners. It appears
to me by my intelligences from France, and by some circumstances relative to my-
self, that the politics of my native country are likely to enter a better channel.
Should the movement become so favorable as I expect it, we would rejoice in an
immediate beginning of the negociation, which is to put an end to the unhappy
position. I would as much as anybody, spern a reconciliation in any degree in-
consistent with the honor and interest of the United States, but whenever it is
effected on proper grounds, no body can so heartily enjoy it, as your Gallo-
American friend.

With a most lively sense of your constant affection to me, and with an attach-
ment not less tender and long-lasting, I am my dear Constable

Yours

Lafayette.

548

NOTES

Reformation of new jersey — Ex-
tract of a letter fro?n Elizabeth Toun, New
Jersey, March 5, 1785. It will afford
you I know, some degree of pleasure to
be informed that there is, both in this
town and in Newark, a glorious revival
of religion, which, under God, is greatly
to be attributed to the indefatigable la-
bours of that pious servant of Christ, the
Rev. Mr. Ogden, aided by the worthy
and judicious Dr. McWhortor. Bigotry,
that bane to society and religion, dissi-
pates fast, and the episcopalians and
non-episcopalians can now worship to-
gether with that catholic spirit which
characterises a true Christian. Many
among us who have led very dissolute
lives, are now crying out with the pious
Job, O that I knew where I might find
him. Happy era ! Blessed transition
from vice to virtue ! — JV. Y. Packet,
March 14, 1785. W. K.

Charles reade — A writer in the Con-
temporary Review for May, says of Chas.
Reade : " In his undergraduate days
the future novelist seems to have been
rather Byronic. A tall graceful youngster
with a splendidly-proportioned figure
and muscles to match, he attracted at-
tention by his long flowing curls. Ab-
horring alcohol in every form, as well as
tobacco, he did not assimilate largely
with his junior common-room, though
he was far from unpopular. He read —
in his own fashion — and at the age of
twenty-one figured in the third class, and
was at once elected fellow. His fellow-
ship rendered him independent, and for
the best part of twenty years he lived a
life of incessant action, mostly in the

open air. Nevertheless, unlike Lord
Beaconsfield's fine young English gentle-
man, he was devoted to books, and in
effect was storing up material which
afterwards enabled him to construct sit-
uations, not only stagey but real. At
the time the man was very much a Guy
Livingston. He was a dead shot ; he
knocked Alfred Wynn round the field at
Liverpool; he excelled as an archer and
as a pedestrian; few, if any, could beat
him in throwing a cast-net, and among
other accomplishments he reckoned the-
atrical dancing. Anon he was in Scot-
land herring-fishing — a rather dangerous
amusement, for which he entertained a
passionate preference; anon for the shoot-
ing at Opsden, delighting the family
circle by a geniality which he lost in later
life ; anon in the vicinity of Leicester
Square, where his chambers were alive
with uncaged squirrels ; anon in Paris,
where he studied to some purpose the
art of dramatic construction, and, oddly
enough also, by way of pastime, the ar-
cana of the violin-trade."

" The hunters of Kentucky " — A
writer in the North American Review
makes the assertion that the famous song
of " Tippecanoe and Tyler too" was to the
political canvass of 1840, what the Mar-
seillaise was to the French Revolution ;
that "it sang Harrison into the Presi-
dency." But powerful as was the influ-
ence of that song, it was not, in my opin-
ion, any greater than was that of " The
Hunters of Kentucky" in promoting the
election of General Jackson. Innumerable
copies of the latter, in hand-bill form,
were printed and circulated extensively ;

NOTES

549

every Jackson man and boy almost — par-
ticularly all the Jackson young men —
committed the words to memory, and it
was everywhere sung with great anima-
tion and eclat. As there is still a goodly
number of persons living who might be
gratified to see it once more, I venture to
offer it to the Magazine of Ameri-
can History. H. K.
Washington, May 13, 1884.

THE HUNTERS OF KENTUCKY.

Ye gentlemen and ladies fair,

Who grace this famous city,
Just listen, if you've time to spare,

While I rehearse a ditty ;
And for the opportunity

Conceive yourselves quite lucky,
For 'tis not often that you see

A hunter from Kentucky :
O ! Kentucky,

The hunters of Kentucky.

We are a hardy free-born race,

Each man to fear a stranger ;
Whate'er the game, we join the chase,

Despising toil and danger :
And if a daring foe annoys,

Whate'er his strength or force is,
We'll show him that Kentucky boys

Are alligators — horses :
O ! Kentucky,

The hunters of Kentucky.

I s'pose you've read it in the prints,

How Packenham attempted
To make Old Hickory Jackson wince,

But soon his schemes repented ;
For we, with rifles ready cocked,

Thought such occasion lucky,
And soon around the general flocked

The hunters of Kentucky :
O ! Kentucky ;

The hunters of Kentucky.

I s'pose you've heard how New Orleans
Is famed for wealth and beauty ;

There's gals of every hue, it seems,

From snowy white to sooty :
So, Packenham he made his brags

If he in fight was lucky,
He'd have their gals and cotton bags,

In spite of Old Kentucky ;
O ! Kentucky,

The hunters of Kentucky.

But Jackson he was wide awake,

And wasn't scared at trifles,
For well he knew what aim we take

With our Kentucky rifles ;
So, he led us down to Cypress Swamp,

The ground was low and mucky ;
There stood John Bull in martial pomp,

But here was Old Kentucky :
O ! Kentucky,

The hunters of Kentucky.

We raised a bank to hide our breasts,

Not that we thought of dying,
But then we always like to rest,

Unless the game is flying :
Behind it stood our little force —

None wished it to be greater,
For every man was half a horse

And half an alligator :
O ! Kentucky ;

The hunters of Kentucky.

They didn't let our patience tire

Before they showed their faces ;
We didn't choose to waste our fire,

But snugly kept our places ;
And when so near we saw them wink,

We thought it time to stop 'em,
It would have done you good I think,

To see Kentuckians drop 'em :
O ! Kentucky ;
The hunters of Kentucky.

They found, at length, 'twas vain to fight,

When lead was all their booty,
And so, they wisely took to flight,

And left us all the beauty.
And now, if danger e'er annoys,

Remember what our trade is ;
Just send for us Kentucky boys,

And we'll protect you, ladies :
O ! Kentucky ;

The hunters of Kentucky.

550

QUERIES — REPLIES

QUERIES

Will some reader of the Magazine
of American History give me informa-
tion concerning the British Ship Huzzar
wrecked in Hell-gate during the Revo-
lution ? Where may the history of the
affair be found ?

N. C. Husted, M.D.

Tarrytown, N. Y., May 10

I have seen the inquiry and inter-
esting replies as to " Webster Chowder"
in recent numbers of the Magazine, and
desire information as to the origin of the
word " Chowder " ?

I would also like to inquire who was

St. Clair Pollock, whose grave is in Riv-
erside Park, New York (near the drive),
at about One Hundred and Twenty-
eighth Street, Hudson River?

And will some one give me a brief
sketch of the house " Claremont," near
this grave, and oblige.

A. M. D.

New York, April 28, 1884

[The two first Queries of A. M. D. are re-
ferred to our readers for solution; the brief sketch
of the house "Claremont," requested, will be
found embodied in an article on Riverside
Park in the Manhattan for July, from the pen
of the editor of this Magazine.— Editor.]

REPLIES

Webster chowder [xi. 360, 458] —
Since the publication of the May Maga-
zine the following interesting letter
appeared in the Boston Budget, con-
tributed by the Washington correspond-
ent of that paper. In the reply by
Montauk [xi. 460] allusion is made
to Webster's skill in planking shad,
and as the communication contains a
full account of that delightful ac-
complishment, and also the failure of
the distinguished statesman in making a
chowder, it is deemed proper to preserve
it in connection with the Magazine
articles on that subject :

"In ante-bellum days, at this season
of the year, when there was a long
session, a party went down the Potomac
every Saturday on the steamboat Salem
to eat planked shad. It was chiefly com-
posed of Senators and Representatives,
with a few leading officials, some promi-
nent citizens, and three or four news-

paper men, who in those days never
violated the amenities of social life by
printing what they heard there. An
important house in Georgetown would
send on board the steamer large demi-
johns filled with the best wines and
liquors, which almost everybody drank
without stint. Going down the river
there was a good deal of card-playing in
the upper saloon of the boat, with some
story-telling on the hurricane deck.
Arriving at the White House fishing
grounds, some would go on shore, some
would watch the drawing of the seine
from the boat, some would take charge
of the culinary department, and a few
would remain at the card-tables. The
oaken planks used were about two inches
thick, fourteen inches wide, and two feet
long. These were scalded and wiped
dry. A freshly caught shad was then
taken, scaled, split open down the back,
cleaned, washed and dried. It was then

REPLIES

551

spread out on a plank and nailed to it
with iron pump tacks. The plank with
the fish on it was then stood at an angle
of forty-five degrees before a hot wood
fire and baked until it was a rich dark
brown color, an attendant turning the
plank every few moments and basting
the fish with a thin mixture of melted
butter and flour. Meanwhile an ex-
perienced cook was frying fresh shad-
roe in a mixture of eggs and cracker
dust at another fire, where sweet and
Irish potatoes were being roasted in the
ashes. On one occasion Mr. Webster,
who had some codfish sent him in ice on
a Government steamer from Boston,
carried them down on a shad-bake, with
a large kettle, some pork, some ship
biscuit, some milk and some onions, and
had a chowder made by a couple of us
who were from Massachusetts. He
was very particular in having the pork
first cut into dice, fried, and then taken
out with a screen. The melted pork re-
mained in the kettle, and in it were
placed successive layers of fish, crackers,
onions and potatoes until the kettle was
two-thirds full, when we poured in a
generous quantity of milk. I regret to
say that the chowder was slightly burnt
and was not a success, although Mr.
Webster persisted in calling it excellent
and ate several platefuls. The planked
shad, meanwhile, were served on the
planks on which they had been cooked,
each person having a plank and picking
out what portions he liked best, breaking
up his roast potato on the warm shad,
while the roe was also served to those
who wished for it. After the fish came
punch and cigars, and then they re-
embarked and the bows of the steamer
were turned toward Washington. When

opposite Alexandria an account was
taken of the liquor and wine which had
been drunk, and an assessment was
levied, which generally amounted to about
$2 each. I never saw a person intoxicated
at one of these shad-bakes, nor heard
any quarrelling."

First piece of artillery [xi. 360]
— Extract from the oration of D. T. V.
Huntoon, at dedication of monument to
General Richard Gridley, at Canton,
Mass., May 30, 1877: "It is said that
America commenced her Revolution
with but ten pieces of cannon, and to
the mechanical science and ingenuity
of Gridley was she indebted for the
first cannon and mortars ever cast in
this country. His furnace was for a
long time employed by Congress under
his direction casting cannon for the use
of the army. In February, 1776, we
find -him at Mashapog Pond with a
number of men proving some mortars,
which were afterward placed on Dor-
chester Heights. He was assisted at
this time by Capt. Curtis, who like him-
self was a veteran of the French war.
One year later, February 14, i777»
Congress empowered Robert Treat
Paine to contract with him for forty-
eight howitzers, to be sent to Ticon-
deroga."

Bemus's heights [vii. 226, viii. 577] —
For sale, that very valuable tract of
land and farm, in the possession of
Jonathan Bemus, situate at Stillwater,
about twenty-six miles north of the City
of Albany, containing two hundred and
forty-seven acres ; it is bounded on
Hudson's River, and is fifty-six chains
in breadth along the said river. This

55:

REPLIES

tract and farm is the well-known place
called Bemus's Heights. N. Y. Packet,
$#t. 5, 1785 W-K-

Slavery in the colony and state
of new york [xi. 408] — Editor of
Magazine of American History : I have
read with great interest the article
in your last number on " Slavery in the
Colony and State of New York." I
have in my possession a rather curious
old document in regard to the subject
— a bill of sale of a negro woman. I
send you a copy, thinking it may perhaps
interest some of your readers.

W. G. Ver Planck

New York, May 7, 1884

[The Bill of Sale.]

" Know all men by these presents, that
I, Mary Vought, of the Toun of
Duanesburgh, do hereby in consider-
ation of the sum of one hundred dollars,
money of account of the United States,
to me paid by James Williams, of the
same place, grant, bargain and sell to the
said James my negro woman slave named
Bett, aged Thirty-seven years and six
months. To have and to hold the said
Bett unto the said James Williams as
fully as the said Mary Vought is author-
ized by the laws of this State to convey
her as a slave ; also all such right and
title as the said Mary Vought has by law
to the service of all or any of the children
of the said Bett, except a boy named
Fortune.

In witness whereoL I have hereto set

my hand and seal, this 7 th day of March,
1818.

Mary Vought.

Seal.

Sealed and delivered in the \
presence of the wards (
" to the said James," in- f
terlined, '

Jno. Vought."

Portrait of thomas nelson, jr.
[xi. Z^Z\ — Since the publication of our
May Magazine, a letter from R. Chan-
ning Page, M.D., who has recently
examined Trumbull's painting of the
Signers, in Washington, informs us that
Nelson's portrait is missing from that
group of worthies, and that the artist
who made the copy for the engraver —
from which our illustration — was prob-
ably misled, and sketched some other
likeness in the place of the one intended.
We cannot understand why Trumbull
should have omitted the portrait of so
conspicuous a character, and await
further investigations with much interest.
Meanwhile, Dr. Page further states that
there is but one original portrait of
Thomas Nelson, Jr., the signer, in ex-
istence (in Gloucester County, Virginia),
from a photograph of which our portrait
of him was engraved for the Magazine in
December, 1883 [x. 457] ; thus our
readers may be assured of possessing an
approved picture, even though a doubt
rests upon the correctness of the latter
presentation. Editor.

SOCIETIES

553

NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY — At

the monthly meeting, May 6, Dr. George
H. Moore submitted, on behalf of the Ex-
ecutive Committee, a memoir of the late
Hon. Augustus Schell, President of the
Society, an extended and scholarly trib-
ute of respect for his public services
and lifelong interest in the Society, to
which the members present listened with
the deepest interest.

The paper of the evening, on " Curious
Forms of the Ballot, " was read by Ludovic
Bennet, Esq., in which he contributed
the result of an exhaustive research into
the history of election by ballot, tracing
it from its origin, and describing the va-
rious forms in use in ancient Athens and
Rome, the many unique methods em-
ployed in modern Europe, its introduc-
tion into Great Britain, and its first adop-
tion in America in 1634. The paper
was an extremely valuable addition to
the history of the subject, and was ren-
dered particularly entertaining by the
many amusing anecdotes and bits of
pleasant irony with which it was happily
interspersed.

The death of the venerable Dr. Wil-
lard Parker on April 25th, was announced
to the Society, and resolutions, offered
by Dr. Jared Linsly, were adopted ex-
pressive of the Society's sense of the
great loss to it and the community, oc-
casioned by the decease of its distin-
guished associate.

Charles G. Havens, Esq., was elected
a resident member of the Society.

Society's house, 18 Somerset Street, the
president, Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, Ph.
D., in the chair. Rev. Henry A. Hazen,
chairman of the committee appointed for
the purpose at a former meeting, reported
a resolution on the recent death of Rev.
Dorus Clarke, D.D., which, after remarks
by several gentlemen, was unanimously
adopted. Several valuable gifts to the
Society followed, of which those of Reu-
ben Rawson Dodge, of Wilkinsonville,
the original portraits painted in 1670, of
Edward Rawson, secretary of the Mas-
sachusetts colony, and his daughter Re-
becca, whose sad and tragical history
has been made familiar to us by Whittier
in his " Leaves from Margaret Smith's
Journal, " were perhaps the most notable.
Rev. John H. Heywood, of Cambridge,
then read an interesting paper on " Dan-
iel Boone and the Genesis of Kentucky,"
the purpose of which was to show the
historic significance and value of Boone's
life in its connection with the exploration
and founding of the State.

NEW ENGLAND HISTORIC, GENEALOGI-
CAL society — A monthly meeting was
held Wednesday afternoon, May 7, at the

The huguenot society of America
held its first annual meeting in the Hall
of the Young Men's Christian Associa-
tion Building, April 2t)J 1884, the Presi-
dent, Hon. John Jay, presiding. The
organization has since its beginning in-
creased from twelve to one hundred and
fifty members. The officers elected for
the ensuing year were: — President, John
Jay ; Vice-President for New York, Ed-
ward F. DeLancy ; Secretary, Rev. A.
V. Wittmeyer ; Treasurer, Morey Hale
Bartow. Chauncey M. Depew was
elected Vice-President of the Society on
Staten Island ; Rev. E. De Puy, Vice-

5 54

SOCIETIES

President in New Paltz ; Robert G. Win-
throp, Vice-President in Boston, and
Charles M. De Puy, Vice-President in
Pennsylvania.

The following evening a public meet-
ing was held in the Reformed Church,
Fifth Avenue and Twenty-eighth street.
President John Jay occupied the chair,
an address of welcome was delivered by
Rev. Dr. Talbot W. Chambers, and the
paper of the evening was read by Rev.
Dr, A. G. Vermilye, entitled " The Min-
gling of the Huguenots and Dutch in ear-
ly New York. " Rev. Dr. Vedder, pastor
of the Huguenot Church of Charleston,
S. C, spoke of the Huguenots of South
Carolina.

THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIE-
TY assembled in Checkering Hall, New
York City, on the evening of April 23,
and listened to a lecture by Gen. James
Grant Wilson, entitled " Memorials
and Footprints of Columbus." The
President, Judge Daly, was absent, and
Col. T. Bailey Myers presided in his
stead. The lecturer traced the life of Co-
lumbus previous to his voyage in 1492,
and described the places in which he
lived, some of which remain almost un-
changed, and the various books and rel-
ics which have been preserved in his
memory in the cities of Spain. He also
read the following letter from the Duke
de Veragua, a lineal descendant of Co-
lumbus, dated Madrid, April 5.

" The most authentic portrait of Colum-
bus, in my opinion, is the one recently re-
stored, which you saw last winter in the
National Library of Spain. It has been
engraved by the Royal Historical Society.
The best statue of the discoverer is the
one recently erected on the Columbus

monument in Madrid, now nearly com-
pleted. I do not think any of the histo-
rians or writers have been successful in
their efforts to deprive Genoa of the
honor of being the birthplace of Colum-
bus, or of taking from Havana the glory
of possessing his ashes. In regard to
the fourth centenary of the discovery of
America, I am positive that the King of
Spain and his Government purpose com-
memorating that event of 1492, in a grand
and appropriate manner, giving to the
United States the first place among the
Nations invited to join in this important
celebration. Should your Republic de-
cide on a commemoration to be celebra-
ted in the great metropolis of the New
World, it is to be hoped that it will oc-
cur at a time, and in a manner, that will
not conflict with the programme of the
King of Spain. So I trust that your
definite arrangement will be postponed
until you are duly acquainted with our
project."

Historical society of southern
California — At a meeting held at Los
Angeles, December 6, 1883, the follow-
ing officers were elected for the year
1884: President, J. J. Warner; Vice-
Presidents, H. D. Barrows, A. F. Coro-
nel, J. G. Downey, John Mansfield ;
Treasurer, J. M. Guinn ; Secretary, C.
N. Wilson ; with a General Committee
of ten members.

The objects of this Society are " the
collection and preservation of all materi-
al which can have any bearing upon the
history of the Pacific Coast in general
and of Southern California in particular;
also the discussion of historical subjects;
the reading of such papers and the trial
of such scientific experiments as shall be

SOCIETIES

555

determined upon." It was organized in
November, 1883, and has a membership
of forty-three.

At a meeting on the 7th of January,
1884, President Warner delivered an in-
augural address of great power and ex-
ceptional excellence, and his words of
wisdom have been appropriately pre-
served in a neat little pamphlet of thir-
teen pages, which might be read with
profit in many sections of our country.

THE MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY

—At the regular monthly meeting, April
14, 1884, Mr. Lewis W. Wilhelm, of
Baltimore, fellow in the Johns Hopkins
University, read a paper upon " Sir
George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore," in
which he endeavored to give a more
connected and detailed biography of
Lord Baltimore than has been given by
previous biographers, John P. Kennedy
and Dr. John G. Morris, since new facts
have been lately brought to light by ear-
nest investigators. Mr. Wilhelm identi-
fies the birthplace of George Calvert as
the little village of Kiplin, Yorkshire,
and remarks that it is a curious histori-
cal fact that the Winthrops of Massa-
chusetts, the Penns, the Washingtons
and the Calverts of Maryland, as well as
the great body of New England Puri-
tans, had been residents of Yorkshire.

The exact date of Calvert's birth is
yet uncertain. The probable date is
1580, though by some writers it is placed
as late as 1584, the year in which Raleigh
landed in Virginia. Mr. Wilhelm de-
scribed Calvert's career, his education
at Oxford and his public career. Cal-

vert's political career began in 1597,
when he accompanied Sir Robert Cecil
in his splendid embassy to the French
court, the ambassador's retinue contain-
ing not less than two hundred men.
While Calvert was Secretary of State
(1619-1625) occurred the beginnings of
the famous thirty years' war on the con-
tinent ; the famous Spanish negotiations
between Spain and England, looking
toward the Spanish match, and the be-
ginnings of that parliamentary struggle
(1621) which led to such tragical results
in the reign of King James's successor,
Charles I.

Georgia historical society — At
the monthly meeting at Hodgson Hall,
May 5, Vice-President General G. M.
Sorrel presided in the absence of the
President, General Jackson. The Sec-
retary was absent and the Librarian,
Mr. William H. Harden, read the min-
utes of the last meeting. Gen. C.
W. Darling, Secretary of the Oneida
(N. Y.) Historical Society, and Hon.
John D. Washburne, Secretary of the
American Antiquarian Society, Worces-
ter, Massachusetts, were elected cor-
responding members.

Rev. J. P. Strider, who was to have
lectured before the Society on this oc-
casion, was prevented by illness. Several
letters were read, gifts acknowledged,
and reports made. The Chairman
formally announced the death of Hon.
John O. Ferrill, and, upon motion, a
committee of three, consisting of Messrs.
Holt, Larcombe and Harden, was ap-
pointed to prepare suitable resolutions
in the form of a memorial.

5 56

BOOK NOTICES

STUDIES IN HISTORY. By Henry Cabot

Lodge. i6mo, pp. 403. Boston, 1S84 :

Houghton, Mifflin & Co.

A more acceptable volume than this collection
of eleven essays could hardly be provided for the
lover of American history. Mr. Lodge is a
brilliant writer, the master of a vigorous, engag-
ing style, and in these studies gives unmistakable
evidence of having made himself thoroughly
acquainted with the best authorities. The book
is both delightful and informing. The subjects
treated are biographical, chiefly, and form a
closely connected series of chapters in the early
history of the great Federalist party. The author
gives us a charming essay on Fox, and another,
amusing and entertaining, on Rev. Samuel
Sewall, entitled "A Puritan Pepys ;" then follow
essays on William Cobbett, Alexander Hamilton,
Timothy Pickering, Caleb Strong, Albert
Gallatin, Daniel Webster, and others, all bearing
more or less directly upon the growth and
development of our political system. William
Cobbett's ' name is, presumably, less familiar to
the public of to-day than the othe.rs mentioned,
but he had a remarkable and interesting
life, and with his irrepressible pen played an im-
portant part in the public affairs of the period.
He was one of the founders of the party press,
and by far the ablest ; and his brief but stormy
career in Philadelphia casts a strong side-light
upon the movements of the great Federalist
leaders.

Mr. Lodge does not find it an easy matter to
write of Alexander Hamilton. Not, as he tells
us, that the difficulty is in analyzing his character,
but in estimiting his worth, the measure of his
success in the many fields of human intelligence
which he entered, to appreciate and properly
criticise him, under all aspects, and in all his
varying pursuits; for however much the historian
may analyze and dissect, the final tribunal passes
sentence on the whole man, moral and intellectual,
statesman and financier, jurist and soldier, orator
and writer all combined. Bat the singular apti-
tude of Mr. Lodge for grasping just such a
many-sided subject appears to marked advantage
and with exceptionally gratifying results in these
terse pages. He has expressed his thoughts from a
high ethical standpoint, and reasoned with a fair-
ness of judgment that canrtot fail to render the
production permanently valuable. His study of
Timothy Pickering is excellent and forcible ; it
brings before us in the flesh that uncompromising
and severely republican statesman, with all his
reckless courage, ardent ambition, and uncon-
trollable will. And we turn with a freshly awakened
interest to the career of Caleb Strong, of North-
ampton, who as Governor of Massachusetts
(1812-16) denied on constitutional grounds the
right of the President to make requisition for

troops to carry on the war with Great Britain.
The work as a whole is one of peculiar merit,
and we commend it with enthusiasm to our
readers.

FIFTH AVENUE TO ALASKA. By Edward
Pierrepont, B.A. With maps by Leonard
Forbes Beckwith, C.E. i2mo, pp. 329. New
York, 1884 : G. P. Putnam's Sons.
The opening paragraph to this volume arrests
instant attention. The author says he is as-
sured by everybody that an unknown author will
not be read by anybody, and then adds : " but
how to become a known author before one has
published anything is the puzzle." This apology
is wholly unnecessary. Mr. Pierrepont has
plunged into the arena with a book of travels —
not in the Old World, after the prevailing fashion,
but in our own newer civilization, and through
our own American forests and fields — and its
signs of promise from the very beginning are
sufficient to secure its complement of appreci-
ative readers. It is written in a pleasant, engag-
ing, familiar style, and as it describes a well-
planned journey across this great Western
continent, by rail, steamer, stage, and on horse-
back— covering a period of four months, and a
distance of some twelve thousand five hundred
miles — it will, we predict, find a cordial welcome
wherever knowledge is sought concerning our
recently acquired " Russian Possessions," where
there is no night, and the sun rises some four
hours after it sets. The work teems with geo-
graphical and other information concerning the
various points on the route, particularly along
the Pacific coast ; and valuable maps illustrate
what the text so admirably pictures, how we are
severed from Alaska by the British Possessions,
and how no part of Alaska comes anywhere near
the United States. This Alaska is a country of
vast dimensions, more than twice larger than the
thirteen original States, and it possesses one of the
largest and grandest rivers in the world. Its
breadth from east to west in direct line is
two thousand two hundred miles, and from north
to south one thousand four hundred miles ; and
its most western island is further west of San
Francisco than San Francisco is west of the
coast of Maine. It was purchased by treaty with
Russia in 1867, and delivered in due form upon
payment of $7,200,000. Secretary Seward re-
garded the acquisition as quite the crowning act
of his official life, and though many people then
thought the region would never be more than a
land of ice-bound rivers, it is now conceded
that the seal-fisheries alone will pay a six per
cent, interest on the cost. The inhabitants of
Alaska, the author tells us, are chiefly ignorant,
ungrateful and cruel savages. They are pe-

BOOK NOTICES

557

nurious, even miserly, and can exist on a little
dried salmon the year round. The volume con-
tains picturesque sketches of the region along the
Columbia River, of Yellowstone Park, and of
many and varied thrilling experiences in the
Hoodoo Mountains.

seldom now ; yet when he does appear, Wash-
ingtonians feel that he confers at once an
honor and a pleasure."

HAND-BOOK OF TREE-PLANTING ; or,
Why to Plant, Where to Plant, What to
Plant, How to Plant. By Nathaniel H.
Egleston. i6mo, pp. 126, 1S84. New
York : D. Appleton & Co.
The special object of this timely book is to
aid landowners, who are inexperienced in the
cultivation of trees in masses, and whose lot is
cast in portions of the country nearly destitute
of trees. It is so prepared, however, as to be an
excellent guide to all tree-planters, whether
prospective forests or ornamental shade are
under consideration. The author treats of the
ruthless warfare upon the woods which has
characterized our growth as a nation, and shows
how the new word, forestry, has come into our
common daily speech, through the sudden
awakening to the fact that trees have an intimate
connection with climate, with the distribution
of rainfall, and with agricultural success : in
short, that forests possess a positive value. He
tells us that the world is habitable by man only
as man and the trees hold it by joint occupancy.
And then he proceeds to the general lesson of
Where, What, and How, with some tables at
the close of the work stating the number of trees
needed to plant on an acre of ground, etc.

HER WASHINGTON SEASON. By Jeanie
Gould Lincoln. i2mo, pp. 207. Boston :
James R. Osgood & Co. 1884.
The author of this novel has displayed con-
siderable ingenuity of method : telling her
story in a series of letters, assumed to be from
the pens of her principal characters, one to the
other. The plot, however, is weak — hardly
worthy of comment — and the picture of Wash-
ington society presented of little moment seri-
ously considered. Through the vivacity of the
accomplished letter-writer we are entertained
with a variety of glimpses of social life in our
national capital, and there are some forcible de-
scriptions of men and manners in the volume —
as, for instance, where the author says :
" Among Aunt's guests was the dignified, hand-
some, and genial Mr. Corcoran, Washington's
noted philanthropist. Beside a multitude of
private charities of which the world will
never know, he has given to Art the fine gal-
lery which bears his name ; to the aged a Ladies'
Home that is to them a veritable haven of rest ;
and to the dead, the beautiful cemetery of Oak
Hill. Mr. Corcoran goes out into society but

THE NATURALIST'S DIRECTORY. 1S84.
Containing the names, addresses, special de-
partments of study, etc., of the Naturalists,
Chemists, Physicists, Astronomers, etc., etc.
Also, a list of the Scientific Societies of
America. Edited by Samuel E. Cassino.
i2mo, pp. 191. Boston : S. E. Cassino & Co.
In the preparation of this directory it has
been deemed expedient to exclude all names
from which the editor has had no direct com-
munication within a year and a half. The ad-
dresses should, of course, be trustworthy in a
work used largely in making valuable exchanges.
One thousand or more addresses have been
eliminated, and in each case two or more circu-
lars were first sent without effect. In the second
part of the work the members corresponding with
those in the body of the book are arranged al-
phabetically by States, and by special studies
under each State.

FLOWERS AND THEIR PEDIGREES.

By Grant Allen. i2mo, pp. 266. New

York, 18S4 : D. Appleton & Co.

Among the essays brought together in this
little volume the reader will find none more in-
teresting and instructive than the third, entitled
"Strawberries." The ancestry of the straw-
berry, and how the edible fruit has developed
from the inedible seeds, are discussed clearly and
with much spirit. The botanical scholar will
naturally profit more from these scientific investi-
gations than the general reader. But each sub-
ject throughout the volume is presented in such
a winning style as to excite curiosity, and at the
same time is so thoroughly informing that
the tendency of the work in any event will
be to create taste for floral study, even where it
does not now exist. We particularly commend
the essay on "The Origin of Wheat," to our
readers ; and also the " Romance of a Wayside
Weed." The book is inexpensive, and should
find a place in every home.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, AND
THE ACQUISITION OF THE VALLEY
OF THE MISSISSIPPI. A Paper read be-
fore the Missouri Historical Society, April
15, 18S4, by Rt. Rev. C. F. Robertson,
D.D., LL.D. Pamphlet, pp. 27. 1SS4. St.
Louis.
"It is worth our while, at a time when we

are recalling centennial memories," says the

553

BOOK NOTICES

accomplished bishop, " to draw together the
scattered threads which go to make up the
varied fabric of our Western life, and to consider
the causes and the elements which have con-
tributed to its past and present. At its foundation
are some of the brightest names, the purest
strains of blood, and the strongest characters in
our national annals. " The orator then goes on
to point out the widely diversified causes that
affected the peopling, and thus the progress and
political condition of this portion of America.
The essay is timely and instructive, and deserves
wide circulation.

ILLINOIS AND THE THIRTEENTH
AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITU-
TION OF THE UNITED STATES. A
paper read before the Chicago Historical So-
ciety, January 15, 1884, by William Bross,
A.M. Pamphlet, 8vo, pp. 8. 1S84. Chicago:
Jansen, McClurg & Co.

The details of the official record of the part
taken by Illinois in confirming the Thirteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United
States are here given in full. " But they show
no sign of the deep solemnity which accom-
panied the passage of the resolution," says the
author of the paper. " The whole history of
the struggles of mankind for freedom through all
the ages seemed pictured on the minds of the
members. Especially did visions of the dear
ones sleeping their last sleep that the Union
might live, that by this sublime act this dark,
foul blot might be wiped from her proud escutch-
eon, appear to drive out every other thought.
Men spoke in whispers, as if standing among the
tombs of the past, and before them was the
angel of light and liberty pointing to the glori-
ous future of the Republic. The few who op-
posed were merely maintaining their consistency,
and in their inmost souls were glad that this
day would mark another forward and substantial
movement in the progress of the race. At the
distance of nineteen years, some — doubtless all —
of the men who voted for this great measure of
freedom regard it as the most important act of
their lives, and I certainly do — signing it for the
people of Illinois, as presiding officer of the
Senate. That in all the future it will stand out
as a marked event in human progress there can-
not be a particle of doubt."

WHAT PROFESSION SHALL I CHOOSE,
AND HOW SHALL I FIT MYSELF
FOR IT ? With a brief statement of facilities
offered at the Cornell University, and a prefa-
tory note by Andrew D. White. Pamphlet,
pp. 58. 1884.
Young men and young women who are seek-

ing to avoid aimless lives will find this little
work extremely useful and suggestive. It em-
bodies the replies of several learned professors
in Cornell University to a a series of eight ques-
tions propounded by President White. Among
the subjects discussed are Theology, Medicine,
Law, Teaching, Civil and Mechanical Engineer-
ing, Farming, Mining, Journalism, etc., together
with the facilities afforded for preparation in
either profession. Concerning journalism, the
author of the essay on that subject says: "No
profession, in the present condition of American
society, offers more attractions to the man who
desires to exercise a commanding influence for
good upon his day and generation. Time, how-
ever, has brought about a change in the require-
ments for success. Geniuses, who are above all
rules, may at this day ' pick up ' the profession ;
but the great majority of aspirants must more
and more give themselves preparatory discipline
and culture. Editorial chairs established origi-
nally by men of uncultivated genius are now more
and more occupied by successors who have been
thoroughly educated. This is an additional
proof that the American people are less and less
inclined to be satisfied with the sort of news-
papers that pleased their grandfathers. What
they need is the discussion of living questions
thoroughly, cogently, with broad knowledge of
principles and facts, and in small compass.".

HISTORY OF THE MINNESOTA VAL-
LEY, including the Explorers and Pioneers
of Minnesota. By Rev. Duffield Neill.
And the HISTORY OF THE SIOUX
MASSACRE. By Charles S. Bryant. Im-
perial 8vo, pp. 1,016. North Star Publishing
Co., Minneapolis, Minn.

This handsome work covers a broad field and
extends over a long period of time, embracing
the accounts of early explorers and reaching back
among the legends of the past ; it touches re-
cents events also, and the present condition of
affairs, with a prophetic glance into the future of
the Minnesota Valley. It has evidently been
prepared with painstaking care, and will grow in
value and interest with each succeeding year. The
admirably written description of the Sioux Mas-
sacre in 1862 occupies thirteen chapters, or
nearly one hundred pages, of the body of the
book, and reads like a veritable romance of the
olden time. The forty-fourth chapter is devoted
to chronology, and one chapter each is given to
the history of twenty-one counties. There is
also a valuable chapter on the " Geology of the
Minnesota Valley," prepared by the able Profes-
sor N. H. Winchell, State Geologist. Mr.
Neill's contribution to the volume is a vivid pict-
ure of the early history of the Territory, showing
its remarkable development. He relates many

BOOK NOTICES

559

incidents of great interest, among which is a
graphic account of the visit of the venerable
widow of Alexander Hamilton to the Upper
Mississippi in 1838. She came West to visit her
son, W. S. Hamilton, engaged in the lead mines
of Wisconsin, and embarked with some tourists
for Fort Snelling. "She bore her age with
graceful dignity, and every morning before break-
fast would, unattended, take a long walk in
search of wild-flowers."

STORIES BY AMERICAN AUTHORS.
Vols. I., II., III., i6mo, pp. 177, 198, 198.
New York, 1884 : Charles Scribner's Sons.

These little books come to us opportunely,
and will accompany us one and all on our sum-
mer trips, being of fitting size for the pocket
and the satchel, and in their contents offering
much that is delightful for summer reading in
cars, steamboats, and by the wayside. They are
a collection of noteworthy short stories, con-
tributed during the last twenty-five years — and
especially during the last ten — by representative
writers to various periodicals and publications
not now easily accessible. Volume I. represents
such authors as Bayard Taylor, Albert Webster,
and Rebecca Harding Davis. Volume III. con-
tains " A Story of the Latin Quarter," by Frances
Hodgson Burnett ; " Two Purse-Companions,"
by George Parsons Lathrop ; "A Memorable
Murder," by Celia Thaxter, and other exception-
ally interesting stories. Three volumes of the
series are already issued and others are to follow.
The tiny books are tastefully bound, and each
coming volume will be warmly welcomed.-

JAMES AND LUCRETIA MOTT. Life
and Letters. Edited by their granddaughter.
Anna Davis Hallowell. With Portraits,
i2mo, pp. 557. Boston : Houghton, Mifflin &
Co. 1884.

James Mott and Lucretia Coffin were united in
marriage according to the order of Friends, on
the nth of April, 1811, "with a gravity and
weight becoming the occasion." The bride-
groom was almost twenty-three, tall, shy, sandy-
haired, with a pleasant face and a kindly blue
eye, and the bride was a tiny, graceful girl of
eighteen, whose sparkling vivacity and sense of
humor were in striking contrast with her Quaker
breeding. Her perceptions were very quick and
generally very clear. The two were happy in
each other ; their agreement on all controverted
questions was almost perfect. The pursuit of
moral truth was the exercise in which Lucretia
Mott's mental powers were most at home. She
was fortunate in herself, blessed with divine
gifts ; but she was doubly blessed, in the com-
panionship of a noble, loving husband, who was

a support and an inspiration in all her under-
takings. She called him her bulwark. She was
the more widely known ; yet no one can contem-
plate the lives of two persons, so united — each
seeming the other's complement — without realiz-
ing that his life made hers a possibility. He was
calm, sensible, clear-sighted, one who was with-
out fear, and whom nothing could move to the
slightest bitterness. His was the gentler and
more yielding disposition ; hers the indomitable
energy and resolution, which in a less disciplined
character might have been willfulness. He was
a good listener, she a good talker ; and it natu-
rally fell to her part to express the convictions
they held in common. The contrast between his
quiet ways and her animation was fully appre-
ciated by themselves ; and she would often rally
him on his taciturnity.

In the early abolition movement Mrs. Mott
was indefatigable in her activity. She was Presi-
dent of the Female Anti-Slavery Society, organ-
ized in 1833, and was at all times an inspiration
to its members. As a speaker she was argumen-
tative, practical, and incisive, holding to her
motto, which she always wrote beneath her sig-
nature, "Truth for authority, not authority for
truth." The letters, speeches, and journals
which appear in this volume reveal the beauty of
her character afresh at every reading. With all
her intellectual acumen, no woman was ever
more beloved. Her granddaughter has excel-
lently well fulfilled the duty of a biographer, and
enabled us to look into the peaceful home of
James and Lucretia Mott, where all who sought
help and sympathy — particularly in the stormy
days of the anti-slavery struggle — were warmly
welcomed, and where no cloud ever obscured the
sweetness and brightness of their hostess.

THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND, By
John Richard Green, M.A.,LL.D.,with Por-
trait and Maps. 8vo, pp. 607. New York :
Harper & Brothers. 1SS4.
Only those who have written history can ade-
quately estimate the labor bestowed on such en-
lightened work as that of John Richard Green.
Before his ideas could be presented in the clear,
realistic, and fascinating style in which we find
them, an immense amount of varied material
must be gathered, analyzed, and digested. Much
has been said of this great author's power of
condensation, his talent for shortening without
losing the interest and color, the light and shade,
or any of the substantial worth of his story ; but
the average reader will never find it possible to
comprehend the extent of the learning necessary
for acquisition before attempting to produce a
work of this character. Mr. Green made him-
self the master both of the original authorities
and of their modem interpreters. He was on all
points fortified with knowledge. " The Conquest
of England" and the " Making of England"

560

BOOK NOTICES

really form but one connected narrative. The first
eight chapters of this volume bring the history-
down to the death of Edmund Ironside. The re-
maining three chapters were in part dictated
by Mr. Green, and in part written after his death
from his notes. The preface by Mrs. Green is
a touching sketch of the manner in which the
work was accomplished by the dying historian.
Writing whenever his malady permitted him to
hold a pen, learning to dictate when he could no
longer write with his own hand, and finally
passing away and leaving to his wife his unfin-
ished labor, which it has since been her task of
love to give to the world. Mr. Green's ac-
count of Danish warfare and the success of the
Danes presents new features and characteristics,
notwithstanding that the story has been told
again and again. The charm which all his writ-
ings display, and the secret of his extraordinary
literary success, may be credited in large measure
to his quick perceptions, his apprehension of the
perspective of a picture — the great outlines — and
his ability to measure accurately the relative im-
portance of the events he described. He could
place before his readers such a picture of a
period as would teach them not only the origin,
but every stage of the development, of institu-
tions, laws, and customs which still exist at the
end of a thousand years. And in so doing the
vigor, the effectiveness, and the very brilliancy
of his writings excite so mu,ch admiration that
there is danger of losing sight of his complete
command of the facts relating to his subject.
The book is handsomely printed, and is destined
to live and teach in all the future. An author who
is always learning, even to his last moment of
existence, has something new in his legacy of
printed lessons which it will be well for us to
cherish.

Q. P. INDEXES, NO. XV. -The Q. P. Index
Annual for 1883. i2mo, pp. 62. Bangor,
U.S.A.: Q. P. Index, Publisher. 1884.
This little volume by W. M. Griswold, A. B.
(the third annual issue), is, as its name indicates,
an Index to a large list of periodicals. The
mode of arrangement is simple and of special
service to literary workers. Hosts of articles of
great value on particular subjects, inclosed in
volumes of essays, magazines, and miscellaneous
writings, are practically inaccessible because the
general title of the volume gives no clue to what
is in it. This index is a key to unlock many a
treasure of the kind relating to history, biography,
society, literature and travel. The interpreta-
tion of the figures and abbreviations used, is re-
peated at the foot of each page for convenience.
Mr. Griswold deserves the thanks of every
scholar and reader in the land.

HADDEN'S JOURNAL AND ORDERLY
BOOKS. A Journal kept in Canada and
upon Burgoyne's Campaign in 1776 and 1777.
By Lieut. James M. Hadden, Roy. Art.
Also orders kept by him and issued by Sir
Guy Carleton, Lieut. -General John Burgoyne,
and Major-General William Philipps, in 1776.
1777, and 1778. With an explanatory chap-
ter and notes by Horatio Rogers, Brevet Brig-
adier-General, U.S.V. i2mo, square, pp. 581.
Albany, 1884. Joel Munsell's Sons.
The importance of this publication is apparent
even from the merest cursory glance at its con-
tents. The journal of Hadden formerly be-
longed to William Cobbett, of London, and is
undoubtedly one of the most valuable manuscript
documents bearing upon Burgoyne's campaign
yet discovered. " A knowledge of the British,"
says the accomplished editor of the work, " no
less than of the American participants in Bur-
goyne's campaign, are necessary to a proper
understanding of that great event." Of Bur-
goyne's Canadian and Provincial officers, and
especially of the leader of Burgoyne's Indians,
General Rogers gives in his notes much new
and welcome information. Of Burgoyne him-
self we have a full biographical sketch. The
editor, although writing of Englishmen, who
were fighting against a cause in which his
grandfather was an officer, seems to write with-
out prejudice, and draws his conclusions with
becoming fairness. His thought has been for
the historical student, rather than for the gen-
eral reader ; hence, as he tells us, no dates and
no precision of statement of any fact have been
omitted, merely to add to rhetorical effect. It
is a volume of intrinsic worth, and one which
no library in the United States, of any preten-
sions whatever, can afford to miss from its
shelves.

ANNOUNCEMENT.— The July number of
the Magazine will contain an article of excep-
tional interest from the pen of J. Hammond
Trumbull, LL.D., President of the Connecticut
Historical Society. Mr. Lewis Rosenthal! will
contribute an able and timely essay touching the
origin of the Declaration of Independence. An-
other paper of great general interest, prepared
by the distinguished historical scholar, James
W. Gerard (to be read before the New York
Historical Society at its June meeting), concern-
ing French spoliations on our commerce prior to
1801, with a history of the various efforts made
before Congress by claimants to secure indemnifi-
cation for losses, will be given to our readers in
the July issue.

INDEX

ABRAHAM, view of the Plains
of, 296.

Adams, Charles, Jr., the records of
North Brookfield, map., 265.

Adams, John, portrait, 93; elected
President of the U. S.', 95; ap-
pointed commissioner to nego-
tiate treaty of peace with Great
Britain, 442.

Adams, John Quincy, portrait, 102;
elected President of the U. S.,
103.

Adams, Robert C, History of the
U. S., in Rhyme, noticed, 368.

Adventure, capture of the priva-
teer, 443.

•Affleck, Commodore Edmund,
noticed, 251.

African trade, 230.

Alexander, Robert, furnishes secret
intelligence to the British, sketch
of. 435.

Allen Grant, Flowers and their
pedigrees, noticed, 557.

Allen, Ethan, negotiations with the
British, 57, 435.

America, Researches into the lost
Histories of, noticed, 87; Brisso,
De Warville's notes on, in 1788,
244; first piece of artillery cast int
360, 460; the oldest stove in, 375;
influence of William III., of Eng-
land, on 421 ; first piece of artil-
lery cast in, 550; adoption of the
ballot in, 1634, 553 ; the Huguenot
Society of ,_ first annual meeting,
553-

American Army, condition of the,
1781, 55, 57, 61, 163.

American Authors, Aboriginal, and
their Productions, noticed, 87.

American coin, first, 177.

American Colleges, their students
and work, noticed, 271.

American Geographical Society,
April meeting, paper on memori-
als and footprints of Columbus,
by Gen. James Grant Wilson,
553- *

American Literature, Library of
Aboriginal, noticed, 182.

American patriotism on the sea,
181.

American Revolution, General
Clinton's secret record of private
daily intelligence, 53, 156, 247,
342, 433; battle between the
French and English fleet, 53; con-
dition of the Continental army.
1781, 55; Washington's mode of
obtaining secret intelligence, 58;
headquarters of Washington at
New Windsor, 61; proposed at-
tack on Lloyd's Neck, L. I., 66-
last cantonment of the Continental
army, 77, 81; death of Colonel
Vol. XL— No. 6.-37

Barber, 83; Gen. Sullivan's ne-
gotiations with the British, 156,
353; table showing the deprecia-
tion of the Continental paper
money, 165; Washington buttons,
176; the Simsbury mines, 247;
threatened riot in Newark, N. J.,
253; army provisions, 254; Wash-
ington's mail captured, 255; debt
of the U. S., 1781, 257; flags of the;
260, 360, 460; Col. Jackson of the,
263, 361; Maj.-Gen. Montgomery,
273; first colors captured in the,
283; assault on Quebec, 290,
French troops at West Point, 342;
Gen. Clinton mistrusts Gen.
Arnold, 348; Gen. Wayne's Indian
name, 359; first piece of artillery,
360, 460; the Hessians and the
other German auxiliaries of Great
Britain in the war of the, 366; the
Virginia Declaration of Indepen-
dence, 369; the old Capitol at
Williamsburg, Va., 374; Aaron
Burr at Quebec, 291, 454 ; wreck
of the frigate Huzzar, 550 ; num-
ber of cannon in the commence-
ment of the, 550; Bemus Heights
for sale, 548.

Amory, Thomas C, letter respect-
ing the loyalty of Gen. Sullivan,
353-

Appling, Lieut. -Col. Daniel, ad-
dress on the life of, 86.

Arbuthnot, Admiral Marriot, his
inactivity complained of, 69.

Arnold, Gov. Benedict, purchases
islands in Newport harbor, R. I.,
from the Indians, 1658. and sells
the same to the town of Newport,
1673, 467.

Arnold, Maj. -General Benedict,
wounded at the assault on Que-
bec, 291, 294; mistrusted by Gen.
Clinton, 348.

Art, the destruction of ancient
works of, 365.

Arthur, Chester A., address at the
unveiling of the Washington
statue in N. Y. City, 78; succeeds
to the office of President of the U.
S., 204; portrait of, 206.

Artillery, first cast in America, 360,
460, 550.

Aubrey, Lady Letitia, daughter of
William Penn, first ruler of the
Barony of Nazareth, 208.

Aurelius, Marcus, sketch of, 268.

BACK SHAD, origin of the
term, 253.
Baird, Charles W., the Huguenots

in Boston, 266.
Ballot, curious forms of the, 54S.
Baltimore, Md., proposed location
of the National Capital, 47; fune-

ral expenses in 1762, 260; maga-
zine at, 1781, 4375 defense of, 438.
Bancroft, George, History of the

U. S.. revised edition, vol. iv.,

noticed, 367.,.
Banks, C. E., the first Gov. of Me.,

180.
Baptismal name, a quaint, 456.
Baptist Church, in Me., and S. C,

180.
Barber, Col. Francis, accidental

death of, 83.
Barnes, Thurlow Weed, Memoir of

Thurlow Weed, vol. 11. noticed,

463.
Batty, Joseph, an emissary of Gen.

Clinton, 54.
Baxter, James P., the great seal of

the Council for N~w Englan ,

424.
Bayard, Harriet E., wife of Stephen

Van Rensselaer, 29.
Beckwith, Capt. George, furnishes

information of t e Continental

army to Gen. Clinton, 57, 342,

Bellomont, Earl of, visits Rhode
Island, 467.

Bemus Heights, 562.

Benedict, Eli, noticed, 167, 433, 438.

Eennet, Ludovic, curious forms of
the ballot. 54S.

Berkeley, Charles City Co., Va.;
birthplace of William Henry-
Harrison, view of, 373.

Blacket, W. S., Researches into the
the lost Histories of America,
noticed, 87.

Bogert, Cornelius J., mentioned,
213.

Book Notices. — January — Blacket's
Researches into the lost Histories
of America, 87; Evans's Memoir
of Kosciusko, 87; Guss's Early
Indian History on the Susque-
hanna, 87; Brinton's Aboriginal
American Authors, 87; Harland's
Judith, a Chronicle of old Va.,
88; Guenn: a Wave on the Breton
Coast, by B. W. Howard, 88.

February— Brinton's Aboriginal
American Literature, 182; Rich-
ards' the Lord is my Shepherd.
182; Le Bosquet's Memorial of
John Farrer, 182; Archives of
Md. 1637-1664, 182; Neill's Md. in
the beginning, 183; Conkling's
guide to Mexico, 183; Dewey's
Autobiography, 183; Andover
Review, 1S4.

/I Ta rch— Morales' Cuba, 270;
Hill's Recollections, 270; Sedg-
wick's Fallacies, 270; English
Comic Dramatists, 271; Thwing's
American Colleges, 271; De
Long's Voyage ot the Jeannette,

562

INDEX

271; Reade's Language and Con-
quest, 272; Titcomb's Early New-
England People, 272.

April— Lowell's Hessians and
the other German Auxiliaries of
Gre t Britain in the Revolution-
ary War, 366; Halton and Har-
vey's Newfoundland, 366; Ban-
croft's U. S. Vol. iv., 367; Bunce's
My House, 367; Semi-Centennial
of Iowa, 368; Skull s Dorothea
Scott, 368; Adams' U. S. in
Rhyme, 368; the Bay State
Monthly, Nos. 1-3, 368.

May— Barnes' Memoir of Thur-
low Weed, 463; Schuyler's Peter
the Great, 463; Chicago Historial
Society Collections, Vol. 11.,
464; Goodwin's Dearborn Family,
464.

June— Studies in ■ History, by
Henry Cabot Lodge, 556; Fifth
Avenue to Alaska, by Edward
Pierrepont, 556; Handrbook of
Tree Planting, by Egleston, 557;
Her Washington Season, by Jeanie
Gould Lincoln, 557; The Natural-
ist's Directory, by Cassino, 557;
Flowers and their Pedigrees, by
Allen, 557; The Acquisition of the
Valley of the Mississippi, by Bish-
op Robertson, 5573 Illinois and the
Thirteenth Amendment, by Gov.
Bross, 558; What Profession Shall
I Choose.-' 558; History of the
Minnesota Valley, 558; Stories by
American Authors, 559; James
and Lucretia Mott, 559; Green's
Conquest of England, 559; Q. P.
Indexes, XV., 560; Hadden's
Journal and Orderly Books, 560.

Boone, Daniel, and the genesis of
Kentucky, 548.

Boston, Mass., convention held at,
1780, 224; description of, in 1788,
244; the Huguenots in, 266; the
case of the slave Anthony Burns,
454- „.

Botner, Ehas, mentioned, 433.

Bourdieu, Peregrine, mentioned,
360.

Brenton, William, sketch of, 494.

Brenton's Point, Newport Harbor,
R. I., earthworks erected on, 1776,
472; ceremonies at the naming of
Fcrt Adams on, 484; map of the
fort on, 488; sketch of, 494.

Brewster, Capt. Caleb, secret agent
of Gen. Washington, 247.

Brinton, Daniel G., Aboriginal
American Authors and their Pro-
ductions, noticed, 87; library of
Aboriginal American Literature,
noticed, 182.

Brissot, de Warville, J. P., portrait;
notes on America in 1788, 244.

Bristol Fort, Newport harbor, R. I.,
number of guns at, 1777, 475.

British army, the first colors cap-
tured from the, in the Revolu-
tion, 283.

Brodhead, Davis, History of the
location of our National Capital,
46; the Barony of Nazareth, 208.

Brookfield, Mass., early settlement
of, 265.

Bross, William, the thirteenth
amendment in the Illinois LegiSr-
lature, 1865, 181, noticed, 558.

Brown, Col. John, killed by the
Indians. 1780, 57.

Brown, Oliver, his services in the
revolutionary war, 458.

Bryant, Charles S., History of the
Sioux massacre, noticed, 558.

Buchanan, James, portrait of, 195;
elected President of the U. S.,
200.

Buckland, Cyrus, portrait of, 525;
mention of, 526;

Buffalo Historical Society, annual
meeting, election of offieers, 180.

Bunce, Oliver B., My House, an
Ideal, noticed, 367.

Burke, Edanus, speech on the loca-
tion of the National Capital, 51.

Burke, Edmund, portrait of, 278.

Burns, Anthony, case of the slave,
454-

Burnett, Frances Hodgson, works,
mentioned, 559.

Burr, Aaron, duel with Gen. Hamil-
ton, 212; at Quebec, 294, 454.

Burrage, H. S., memoir of William
Screven, 180.

Burrall, Jonathan, first treasurer
of the N. E. Society of N. Y., 36.

CABLE, GEORGE W., address
before the Nineteenth Century
Club, 79.

Cachanaquoat, chief sachem of the
Narragansett Indians, sells islands
in Newport harbor to Gov. Bene-
dict Arnold and John Greene, 467.

California, Historical Society of
Southern, Dec. meeting election
of officers, 55.5 ; inaugural address
of J. J. Warner. 553.

Cape Diamond, Ca., view of, 292.

Cary, Col. Archibald, member of
the Va. convention of 1776,388;
portrait of, 389.

Carroll, David, appointed commis-
sioner for the location of the
National Capital, 48.

Cassino, Samuel E., Naturalist's
Directory, 556.

Castle Hill, Newport harbor, R. I.,
earthworks erected on, -776, 472.

Celeron, leaden plate deposited by,
in the Ohio river, 1749, 360.

Chamber of Commerce, of N. Y.,
banquet commemorative of the
evacuation of N. Y. city, 75.

Charles I., the trial of, 269.

Charleston, S. C, first Baptist
church in, 180.

Cherokees, probably Mound-Build-
ers, Dr. Cyrus Thomas, 396.

Chester, Pa., magazine at, 1781,
438.

Chew, Joseph, agent to procure
secret intelligence for Gen. Clin-
ton, 65.

Chicago Historical Society, annual
meeting, 86 ; January meeting,
paper on the thirteenth amend-
ment in the 111. legislature, in
1865, by William Brbss ; election
of officers, 181 ; March meeting,
donations, paper on Elias K.
Kane, by George W. Smith, 462 ;
Collections, Vol. II., noticed, 464-

Claremont mansion, N. Y. City,
550.

Clarke, James, mentioned, 437.

Clarke, Rev. Dorus, resolutions on
the death of, 553.

Clarkson, Banyer, Mrs. Fletcher's
tomb, 350.

Clinton, Gov. George, employs
agents to procure secret intelli-
gence, 59.

Clinton, Sir Henry, secret record of
private daily intelligence, 53, 156,

247, 342, 433, mistrusts Gen. Ar-
nold, 348 ; at Newport, R. I., 474;
secret record, 533.

Coaster's Harbor Island, Newport
harbor, R. I., purchased from the
Indians, 467.

Coit, Elisha, one of the founders of
the New England Society of N.
Y., 36.

Colleges, the building up of, 263.

Columbus and the men of Palos,46i;
Columbus, memorials and foot-
prints of, authentic portrait of, in
Spain, 553.

Comanche Indians, cavalry fights
with the, 170.

Conanicut Island, Newport harbor,
R. I., view of the Dumpling's
tower on, 466, 489 ; the battery on,
473.; British abandon, 1778, 476.

Congress, action of, on the location
of the National Capitol, 46 , es-
timate of debt due from U. S.
1781, 257 ; appoint commissioners
to negociate treaty of peace with
Great Britain, 442.

Conkling, Alfred R., Guide to Mex-
ico, noticed, 183.

Connecticut, condition of the Con-
tinental troops of, 1781, 55 ; op-
posed to stamp duties, 220; action
of the assembly, 1778, in regard
to paper currency, 223, 257 ; fur-
nish provisions to the army, 1781,
255 ; slavery in, 420.

Conquer ant, ship,, noticed, 161.

Conskuit, Island, Newport harbor,
R. I., Indian name for Hallidom
Hill, French erect battery on, 480.

Constable, William, letters from
Lafayette, 545.

Continental Army, conditions of the,
1781, 55, 57, 61, 163 ; the last can-
tonment of the, 1783, T] ; at New-
burgh, 1782-83, 81 ; first colors
captured by the, 283 ; uniform
recommended by Washington,
286.

Continental Congress, estimate of
debt due from U.S., 1781, 257;
monument to Gen. Montgomery,
297; appoint commissioners to
negotiate treaty of peace with
Great Britain, 442.

Continental money, value of, 69 ;
opposition to paper money, 69,
157, 223, 257 ; the depreciation of,
1777,81, 165.

Continental Village, N. Y., troops
at, 1781, 55, 57.

Cooke, J. Esten, the Virginia Decla-
ration of Independence, 369.

Coxe, Daniel, a loyalist of the revo-
lution, 161. ,

Crockett, Col. David, the death of,
177, 264.

Crom Pond, N. Y., Continental
troops at, 1781, 55, 57.

Cuba, history of, noticed, 270.

Cullum, George W., Maj. Gen. Rich-
ard Montgomery, 273 : defenses
of Narragansett Bay, R. I., 465.

Curtis, George William, address at
unveiling of the Washington
statue in N. Y. city, 78.

DALY, CHARLES P., Songs
and Song-writers, 179.
Davis, H. C, the importance of
Greek in scientific nomenclature,

365-
Davis, Rebecca Harding, works
mentioned, 559.

INDEX

563

Dayton, Col. Elias, secures secret
intelligence of the British army
for Gen. Washington, 58.

Dearborn, Maj. Gen. Henry, family
of, services, noticed, 464.

De Lancey, Edward F., introduc-
tion and notes to Sir Henry Clin-
ton's secret record of private daily
intelligence, 53, 156, 247, 342, 433,
533 ; vice-president of Huguenot
Society of America, 553.

De Lancey, Col. James, noticed,
letters to Maj. De Lancey, 1781,
162.

De Lancey, Maj. Oliver, his nego-
tiations with Gen. Sullivan, 1781,
156 ; directions to agent of Gen.
Clinton, 349.

De Long, George W., the Voyage
of the Jeannette, the ship and ice
journals of, noticed, 271.

Depew, Chauncey M., vice-presi-
dent of Huguenot Society of
America, 553.

Dewey, Orville, Autobiography and
Letters of, noticed, 183.

De Wolfe family, ancestry of the,
176.

Dill, R. G., the soldiers' homeward
voyage, a thrilling experience at
the close of the war of 1861, 445.

Dinner with General Scott in 1861,
523.

Dodge, Reuben Rawson, presents
portraits of Edward and Rebecca
Rawson to the N. E. Historic,
Genealogical Society, 553.

Douw, Mrs. Volckert P., death of,
noticed, 175.

Duane, James, member of the Con-
tinental Congress, 363.

Duanesburgh, N. Y., bill of sale of
slave at, 1818, 550.

Dumplings tower, Newport harbor,
R. I., view of the, 466 ; no. of
guns at, 1777, 475 ; repaired, 483 ;
called Fort Louis, 484, map of,
489.

Dutch, the mingling of the Hugue-
not and the, in early N. Y., 553.

I^DWARDS, NINIAN, papers of,
-/ noticed, 464.
Eggleston, George Cary, Our

Twenty-one Presidents, 1., 89;

11., 185.
Egleston, Nathaniel H.,Hand-Book

of Tree Planting, noticed, 557.
Ellis, A. B., American Patriotism on

the sea, 181.
Ellison, William, his house at New

Windsor, N. Y., the headquarters

of Gen. Washington, 61.
Emmet, Thomas Addis, Sir Henry

Clinton's secret record of private

daily intelligence, contributed by,

53, 156, 247, 34?, 433, 533.
English Comic Dramatists, noticed,

271.
Estaing, Count d', arrives at Rhode

Island with French fleet, 476.
Evans, Anthony Walton White,

Memoir of Thaddeus Kosciuszko,

noticed, 89; the Sharpless Por-
trait of Washington, 513.

view of logic,
loticed, 270.
Farmer, John, Memorial of, no-
ticed, 182.
Federal Constitution, centennial of,

363.
Fort Pittson, Wyoming, 267.

FALLACIES,
nc

Franklin, Benjamin, appointed
postmaster-general for the Colo-
nies, 230 ; as a courtier, 357 ; ten-
ders his resignation as ambassa-
dor to France, 442.

Fifth Avenue to Alaska, noticed,
556.

Fillmore, Millard, portrait of, 191 ;
succeeds to the office of President
of the U. S., 192.

Fire-arms, the manufacture of, in
the U. S., 516.

Fishkill, N. Y., flatbottom boats for
Continental army built at, 1781,
56, 57-

Fitch, Capt. John, in command of
whale boats, privateers, 1781, 249.

Fitch Charles H.. The Rise of a
Mechanical Ideal, 516.

Fletcher, Mrs. Elizabeth, tomb-
stone, 359.

Flowers and their Pedigrees, no-
ticed, 557.

Force, Peter, the Government re-
quested to publish the collections
of, 364.

Fort Adams, Newport harbor, R. I.
ceremonies at the naming of,
484 ; map of, 488.

Fort Anne, Newport, R. I., erected
1727, 468 ; name changed to Fort
George, 469.

Fort Brown, Newport harbor, R. I.,
484.

Fort Chastellux, Newport harbor,
R. I., view of the battery on,
473 ; name changed to Fort Har-
rison, 480.

Fort Denham, Newport harbor, R.
I., formerly Fort Chastellux and
Fort Harrison. 480.

Fort George. Newport harbor, R.
I., formerly Fort Anne, name
changed to Fort Liberty, re-
paired and furnished with amuni-
tion and guns, 469 ; captured by
the people of Newport, disman-
tled, 473.

Fort Greene, Newport harbor, R.
I., views of the batteries on, 473 ;
number of guns at, 1777, 475 ; the
works on, 490.

Fort Hamilton, Newport harbor,
R. I., used as a quarantine sta-
tion, 484 ; description of the
works on, 489 ; map of, 491.

Fort Harrison, Newport harbor, R.
I., formerly Fort Chastellux,
name changed to Fort Denham,
480.

Fort Liberty, Newport, R. I., for-
merly Fort Anne and Fort
George, 469 ; reconstructed, 472 ;
number of guns at, 1777, 475 ;
name changed to Fort Washing-
ton, 481.

Fort Louis, Newport harbor, R. I.,
484.

Fort Washington, Newport harbor,
R. I., formerly Fort Anne, Fort
George, and Fort Liberty, arm-
ament of, 1792, 481 ; name
changed to Fort Wolcott, 4^t.

Fort Wolcott, Newport harbor, R.
I., formerly Fort Washington,
Fort Liberty, Fort George, and
Fort Anne, 484 ; the works on,
490 • map of 493.

Fox, Charles James, portrait of, 270.

France, advances money to the U.
S., 1781, 164.

French fleet, at Newport, 53, 345,
477-

French troops, to defend West
Point, 1781, 342 ; at Newport,
344, 479; leave Rhode Island, 439,
440, 481.

Frye, Love, family of, Lines to,

357-
Fullerton, William Morton, case of

the slave Anthony Burns, 454.
Fulton, Lieut. James, loyalist of the

Revolution, noticed, 437.

GARDNER, ASA BIRD, death
of Col. Francis Barber, 83 ;
Lafayette's visit to Newburgh,
1824, 178.

Garfield, James A., elected Presi-
dent of the U. S., 204; portrait,
205.

Gas/ee, ship, captured, 470.

Gates, Gen. Horatio, elected by
Congress adjutant-general of the
army, 279.

Georgia Historical Society, Decem-
ber 1883, meeting, paper on the
life of Lieut. -Col. Daniel Appling,
by Sidney Herbert, 86 ; anniver-
sary meeting, address on the
trial of Charles I., by P. W. Mel-
drim, election of officers, 269 ;
April meeting, Ogelthorpe's can-
non presented to, 461, 553.

Germantown, Pa., proposed loca-
tion 6f the National Capitol at, 47.

Gilmour, Robert, furnishes secret
intelligence to Gen. Clinton, 1781,
250.

Goat Island, Newport harbor, R. I.,
purchased from the Indians, por-
tion of sold to the U. S. Govern-
ment, 467 ; fortified, 468 ; number
of guns at, 1777, 475 ; map of Fort
Wolcott on, 493.

Godfrey, Edward, the first Gov. of
Maine, 180.

Goldsbury, Samuel, loyalist of the
American Revolution, 251.

Goodwin, Daniel, Jr., discourse on
the Dearborns, noticed, 464.

Gordon, William, commencement
of his history of the U. S. 4^7.

Gould, William F., the first bank
and bankers of Portland. Me., 180.

Grant, Ulysses S., portrait of, 201 ;
elected President of the U. S., 204.

Gray, David, secret agent of Col.
Robinson, 433.

Grayton, Capt. George, a prisoner
of war, 1781, 160.

Great Britain, commissioners ap-
pointed to negotiate treaty of
peace with, 442.

Greek, the importance of, in scien-
tific nomenclature, 365.

Greene, Col. Christopher, in com-
mand at Croton River, his death,
68.

Green, John Richard, the Conquest
of England, noticed, 550.

Greene, John purchases islands in
Newport harbor, R. I., from the
Indians, 1658, 467.

Grindley. Gen. Richard, first can-
non for the American Revolution
cast by, ^62.

Griswold Family of Conn., with
Pedigree, Edwa rd Elbridgt Salis-
bury, I., 120; II., 219; III., 310.

Griswold, Gov. Matthew, letters of.
to Roger Sherman and Gov.
Trumbull, 222 ; to Elijah Abel,
227; his views on slavery, 230;
character of, 233.

564'

INDEX

Griswold W. M., Q. P. Indexes, No.

15, noticed, 560.
Guenn, a Wave on the Breton

Coast, noticed, 88.
Gunston Hall, Fairfax Co., Va.,

residence of George Mason, view

of. 3S7.
Guss, Abraham L., Early Indian

History on the Susquehanna,

noticed, 87.

HALLIBURTON, JOHN, a
loyalist of the revolution,
family of, 54 ; letter to Capt.
Beckwith, transmitting secret in-
telligence of the Continental
army, 343.

Hadden James M., Orderly Books

- of, noticed, 560.

Hallidon Hill, Newport harbor, R.
I., purchased from the Indians,
called Conskuit by the latter,
French erect battery on, 480.

Hallowell, Anna Davis, James and
Lucretia Mott, noticed, 559.

Hamilton, Gen. Alexander, the
duel between, and Aaron Burr,
212.

Hammond, Abijah, one of the
founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 36.

Hammond, Wiiliam, mentioned,
437-

Hanccck, John, letter to Gen.
Montgomery, transmitting thanks
of Congress, 1775, 284.

Hand-book of tree planting, noticed,
557-

Harland, Marion, Judith: a Chroni-
cle of old Virginia, noticed, 88.

Flarper's Ferry, Va., manufacture of
fire-arms at, 516.

Harrison, Eenjamin, portrait, 371;
view of his residence, 373.

Harrison, William Henry, portrait,
elected President of the U. S.,
107; view of the birthplace of,

373-

Harvey, M., History of Newfound-
land, noticed, 366.

Hassard, James T., agent to pro-
cure secret intelligence for Gen.
Clinton, 53, 60.

Hatfield, Cornelius, agent to pro-
cure secret intelligence for Gen.
Clinton, 70.

Hatfield, Capt. Cornelius, Jr.,
loyalist of the Revolution, 342.

Hatfield, John Smith, agent to pro-
cure secret intcllegence for Gen.
Clinton, 70; loyalist of the Revo-
lution, 342.

Hathaway, Ebenezer, captain of the
privateer Adventure, 1781, cap-
tured, account of his imprison-
ment, 247.

Hatton, Joseph, History of New-
foundland, noticed, 366.

Hayden, Horace Edwin, query as
to Capt. Brown, 458.

Hayes, Rutherfurd B., portrait, ■201;
elected President of the U. S.,
204.

Heath, Maj-Gen. William, employs
agents to produre secret intelli-
gence of the British army, 59: com-
mands at West Point, 61; letter to
Gen. Washington in regard to the
action of Conn, to furnish pro-
visions to the army, 255.

Henderson, William ,_ one of the
founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 35.

Henry Patrick, the signature of,
263; member of the Va. Conven-
tion of 1776, 379; portrait of, 379;
residence of, 381.
Herbert, Sidney, address on the life
of Lieut.-Col. Daniel Appling,
86.
Heron, William, an emissary of
Gen. Clinton, letters to Maj. De
Lancey, 62, 254; negotiations
with Gen. Parsons, 347; resi-
dence of, 349.
Herring and Longare's national

portrait gallery, 458.
Hessians in the American Revolu-
tion, noticed, 366.
Heyvvood, John H., Daniel Boone
and the genesis of Kentucky, 548.
Hibernia Furnace, N. J., artillery

cast at, 460.
Hicks, Mr. an emissary of Gen.

Clinton, 54.
Hill, Henry, Recollections of an

Octogenarian, noticed, 270.
Historic silver, 174.
Holland, Capt. Stephen, his nego-
tiations with Gen. Sullivan, 178 1,
156. _
Hopkins, Commodore Esek, cap-
tures Nassau, N. P., 472.
Hopkins, Samuel M., one of the
founders of the New England
Society cf N. Y., 34; portrait, 35.
Hopkins, Woolsey Rogers, Begin-
nings of the New England
Society of N. Y., 33.
Howard, Blanche Willis, Guenn, a
Wave on the Breton Coast,
noticed, 88.
Howland Ferry, Newport Harbor,
R. I., fortified, number of guns
at, 1777, 475-
Hubbard, D. G., one of the founders
of the New England Society of
N. Y. 3S.
Huguenot Society of America,

meeting of, 553.
Huguenots, in Boston, 266.
Hunters of Kentucky. 549.
Huntington, Samuel, letter to the
judges of the Supreme Court of
Conn, regarding the American
army in the Southern States, 1781,
225.
Husted, N. C, query of, 550.
Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, char-
acter of, 456.

INDIANS, cavalry fights with the
Comanche, 170; the Cherokee
probably mound-builders, 396;
the Natchez, a lost tribe, '300;
massacre of St. Andre, 355; ex-
pedition against the six nations,
364-

Iowa, the Setni-Centennial of,
noticed, 368.

Isaacs, Aaron, mentioned, 66;
sketch of, 156.

JACKSON. ANDREW, portrait,

J ioa; elected President of the
U. S. ioS.

Jackson, Col. Henry, noticed, 264,
361.

Jackson, Col. Michael, noticed, 264/
361.

Jay, E. C, historic silver, 174.

Jay, Chief Justice John, employs
agents to procure secret intelli-
gence, 59; incident of his firmness,
246; appointed cemmissioner to

negotiate treaty of peace with
Great Britain, 442; lines to, 456.
Jay, John, peace negotiations a
century ago, 85.

Jay, John, President of Huguenot
Society of America, 553.

Jeannette, the voyage of the ship,
noticed, 27T.

Jefferson, Thomas, portrait, 97, 394;
elected President of the U. S., 98;
prefers a limited monarchy to a
Republic, 369; author of the pre-
amble to the Declaration of Rights
adopted by the Va. Convention
of 1776, 384.

Jenkins, Steuben, the old Pittston
fort, 267.

Johnson, Andrew, portrait of, 199;
succeeds to the office of President
of the U. S., 204.

Johnson, Rev. Stephen, pastor of
the first church of Lyme, Conn.,
letter to 'Gov. Griswold, 221;
family of, letter to his brother,
457-

Johnson, Thomas, appointed com-
missioner for the location of the
National Capital, 48.

Johnston, Henry P., sketch of Col.
Francis Barber, 83.

Johnston, Obadiah, escapes from
the ship Romulus, 158.

Jones, Judge Daniel, mentioned,
434-

Jones, Paul, at Phila., 1781, 68.

Judith, a Chronicle of old Virginia,
noticed, 88.

Jumel, Mme., mentioned, 267.

KANSAS Historical Society, list
of officers, number of vols, in
library, 267.

Kentucky, the hunters of, song
composed for promoting the elec-
tion of Gen. Jackson, as President
cf the U. S., Daniel Boone and
the genesis of. 548.

King, Charles R., Rufus King and
the Hamilton and Burr duel, 212.

King, Gov. JohnAlsop, mentioned,

3°-

King, John H., designs lock plate
bedding machine for fire-arms,
526.

King, Rufus, one of the founders
of the New England Society of
N. Y., 36; his connection with the
Hamilton and Burr duel, 212.

Kittery, Me., first Baptist Church in,
180.

Knapp, Moses, secret agent for ob-
taining news for Gen. Clinton,
348, 349.

Koch, P., Discovery of the Yellow-
stone National Park, a chapter of
early exploration in the Rocky
Mountains. 497.

Kosciuszko, Thaddeus, Memoir of
noticed, 87.

LA FAYETTE, MARQUIS de,
his knowledge of the Wash-
ington head-quarters, 82 ; visit to
Newburgh in 1824, 82, 83, 178 ; let-
ters of, to William Constable, 1785,
1799, now for the first time pub-
lished, contributed by Henry E.
Pierrepont, ^45.
Lamb, Mrs. Martha J. theVan Rens-
selaer Manor, 1 ; Celebration of
the Centennial of the Evacuation
of the City of New York, 75 ; fri-
sot de Warville, his notes en

INDEX

56S

America, 244; William III. of
England, his influence on Ameri-
ca, 421,

Lambing, A. A., the leaden plate
buried by Celeron in the Ohio
River, 1749, 360.

Lane, George W., portrait, S9 ; trib-
ute to, Charles H. Parkhurst,
1x6.

Language and Conquest, noticed,
272.

Lawrence, Samuel A., one of the
founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 35.

Le Bosquet, John, memorial of John
Farmer, 182.

Lee County, Va., description of
mound at, 396.

Lee, Capt. Ezra, attempts to de-
stroy a British man-of-war, 229.

Lee, Hanry, speech on the location
of the National Capital, 51.

Lee, Richard Henry, introduces res-
olutions in Congress declaring
the Colonies free, 383 ; sketch of,
390 ; portrait, 391.

Leffingwell, William, one of the
founders of the New England So-
ciety of N. Y., 35.

Letters, Gen. Washington to Maj.
Tallmadge in regard to securing
secret intelligence, 58 ; William
Heron to Maj. DeLancey, describ-
ing his negotiations with General
Parsons, 62, 254 ; Lieut. -Col. Wal-
ker to Baron Steuben, regarding
the death of Col. Barber, 84 ;
Matthew Griswold to Phoebe
Hyde, 138 ; same to Cotton Ma-
ther. 140 ; Chevalier de la Lu-
zenne, 1781, in regard to the affairs
of Gen. Sullivan, 158 ; Col. James
DeLancey to Maj. DeLancey,
transmitting the movements of the
Americans, 162 ; Capt. Marquard
to Maj. DeLancey, 162 ; William
J. Livingston to Col. Webb, in re-
gard to mutiny of the Pa. troops,
163 ; Captain Marquard to Captain
Beckwith, 167, 433 ; Rufus King
to Charles King, regarding the
duel between Hamilton and Burr,
213 ; same to Gen. Clarkson, 217 ;
William Wallace to Rufus King,

216 ; Nathaniel Pendleton to same,

217 ; Roger Sherman to Gov. Gris-
wold, 220, 225 ; Stephen Johnson
to same, 221 ; Gov. Griswold to
Gov. Trumbull, 222, 223 ; same to
Roger Sherman, 222 ; Gov. Trum-
bull to Gov. Griswold and others,

224 ; Samuel Huntington to same,

225 ; Oliver Wolcott to Gov. Gris-
wold, 227 ; Gov. Griswold to his
son Matthew, 238 ; Capt. Beck-
with to Maj. DeLancey, 250 ; Gen.
Washington to the New England
Governors, 254 ; Gen. Heath to
Gen. Washington, 255 ; John Han-
cock to Gen. Montgomery, trans-
mitting thanks of Congress, 284 ;
Gen. Montgomery to Col. Bedell,
298 ; Gov. Roger Griswold to
Elias Perkins, respecting depre-
dations on American commerce,
1798, 319 -Elias Perkins to Gov.
Roger Griswold, 320; Robert
Walsh to the same, 321 ; J. How-
land to the same, 322 ; Thomas
Emmerson to the same, 323 ; J. C.
Smith to the same, 324 ; Gov-
Roger Griswold to Gen. Henry
Dearborn, 325 ; Abiel Holmes tc

Gov. Griswold, 326 ; Gen. Wash-
ington to Rochambeau regarding
the moving of the army to the
South, 342 ; Thomas C. Amory to
Editor, respecting the loyalty of
Gen. Sullivan, 353; Col. Robin-
son to Capt. beckwith, 434;
Lieut. -Col. Upham to Gen. Ried-
esel, 439; James Parton to the
Editor, 450 ; William Fullerton
Morton to the Editor, 454; Stephen
Johnson to his brother, 457 ;
Lafayette to William Constable,
545-

Letters of Washington, for the first
time published, I. Oct. 7th, 1772,
Mount Vernon, to his sister, Mrs.
Betty Lewis, 71 ; II. April 7th,
1796, Phila., to his Nephew, Maj.
George Lewis, 73 ; III . June 20th
1773, Mount Vernon, to Col. Bas-
sett, 258; IV. February 12th, 1774,
Mount Vernon, to the same.

Lewis, Mrs. Betty, letters to George
Washington, her brother, 72, 73;
purchases ticket in the Washing-
ton lottery, 73.

Liberty, British armed-sloop, scut-
tled by mob, at Newport, R. I.,
470.

Lincoln, Abraham, portrait, 197 ;
elected President of the U. S.,
200.

Liscomb,William S., the destruction
of ancient works of art, 365.

Livingston, Catherine, marries first
Stephen Van Rensselaer, first pro-
prietor of the Manor house, of
Rensselaerswyck, 6 ; second Rev.
Ellardus Westerloo, 25.

Livingston, Janet, wife of General
Montgomery, 273.

Livingston, Philip, signer of the
declaration of Independence, his
daughter Catherine married Ste-
phen Van Rensselaer first proprie-
tor of the manor of Rensselaers-
wyck, 6.

Livingston, Robert, founder of the
Livingston family in America,
marries Mrs. Alida Schuyler Van
Rensselaer, 22.

Livingston, Gov. William, agents
employed by, to procure seciet
intelligence of the British army,

59-

Livingston, William J., letter to
Col. Webb, in regard to mutiny
of the Pa. troops, 1781, 163.

Lloyd's Neck, Long Island, pro-
posed attack on, 1781, 66.

Long, Enoch. Biographical sketch
of, noticed, 464.

Long Island, the early settlement
of, Edward Holland Nicoll, 239.

Louisiana, the massacre of St. An-
dre, 1729, 355.

Lovett, John, military secretary to
Stephen Van Ransselaer, 27.

Lovett, William, one of the founders
of the New England Society of
N. Y., 36.

Lowell, Edward J., the Hessians
and the other German auxiliaries
of Great Britain in the Revolu-
tionary War, noticed, 366.

Luzenne, Chevalier de la, letter in
regard to the affairs of Gen. Sul-
livan, 1781, 153.

Lyme, Conn., its position and in-
fluence in the American Revolu-
tion, 228; Gen. Washington and
La Fayette at, 229.

MADISON, JAMES, speech on
the location of the National
Capital, 51 ; portraits, 100, 392 ;
elected President of the U. S.,
100.

Maidstone, English sloop-of-war,
mob destroy boat of, at Newport
R. I., 1765, 470.

Maine Historical Society, Dec.
meeting, paper on the British oc-
cupation of Penobscot during the
Revolution, by Joseph William-
son ; the first Governor 'if Maine,
Edward Godfrey, by C. E. Banks ;
the first bank and bank< ;
Portland, by William F. Gould ;
the Rev. William Screven, by H.
S. Burrage, 180.

Mallinson, C. EL, origin of the U.
S. ensign, 176.

Manhattan Island, purchased by the
West India Company, n.

Mansfield, Samuel, one cf the foun-
ders of the New England Society
of N. Y.,36.

Marks, Capt. Nehemiah, letter to
Maj. DeLancey transmitting
news of the continental army,
sketch of, 440.

Marquard, Capt., letters transmit-
ting secret intelligence, 1781, 162,
167, 433-

Maryland Historical Society, April
meeting, paper on Sir George
Calvert, Baron of Baltimore, by
Lewis W. Wilhelm, 553.

Maryland, The Poll Tax in, L. W.
Wilhelm, 38 ; Archives of, 1637-
1664, noticed, 182, History in the
beginning, noticed. 183.

Mason, George, author of the decla-
ration of rights and constitution
adopted by the Va. Convention of
1776, 384 ; portrait, ^85 : opposed
to the Federal constitution, 385 ;
residence of, 387.

Mason, John Mitchell, mentioned,
213.

Massachusetts, condition of the
Continental troops of, 1787, -5 ;
furnish provisions to the Conti-
nental army, 2^ ; slavery in, 419.

Massachusetts Historical Society,
January meeting, paper on Amer-
ican Patriotism on the sea, bv A.
B. Ellis, 181.

Mather, Frederic G., Slavery in
the Colony and State of New York
408 ; 550.

Matthew, David, Mayor of N. Y.
City, mentioned, 62.

Mausup, Indian sachem, sells Con-
skuit Island, Newport Harbor, R.
I., 4S0.

Mechanical Ideal, the Rise of a,
Chatles H. Fitch, 516.

Meldrim. P. W., the trial of Charles
1., 269.

Mexico, Guide to, noticed, t^;.

Miller, J. Bleecker, James Duane of
the Continental Congress, 363.

Missouri, remains of mound-buil.l-
ers found in, 113.

Monroe. James, portrait of, elected
Ircsidcnt of the U. S., iot.

Montgomery, Maj. -Gen. Richard,
George 11'. Cullum, 273 ; portrait,
273 ; view of his residence. 277.

Moody, St. James, captures the
mail and despatches of General
Washington. 255.

Moore, Benjamin, invents new
model musket, 1838, 516.

566

INDEX

Moore, George H., remarks on the
proposed celebration of the Cen-
tennial of the inauguration of
Gen. Washington, as President of
the U. S., 363 ; memoir of Augus-
tus Schell, 553.

Morales, Bachiller y., Cuba Primi-
tiva, noticed, 270.

Moravian Church, purchase the
Barony of Nazareth, 209.

Morgan, Maj.-Gen. Daniel, por-
trait, 287.

Morris, Robert, imports specie in
sugar barrels, 442.

Morton, Sarah Wentworth, poem
by, to John Jay, 456.

Mound-Builders, the Houses of the,
Cyrus Thomas, no; the Cherokees
probably, 396.

Muckleston, William, family of,
358.

Mumford, Benjamin M., one of the
founders of the New England So-
ciety of N. Y., 35.

Mumford, Gordon S-, one of the
founders of the New England So-
ciety of N. Y., 36.

Mumford, John P., one of the foun-
ders of the New England Society
of N. Y., 36.

Murphy, Henry C, sale of the li-
brary of, 358.

Muskets, the manufacture of, in the
U. S„ 516.

NARRAGANSETT BAY, R. I.,
Historical sketch of the De-
fenses of, George W. Ctillum, 465 ;
view of Dumplings tower, 466,
4S9 ; map of 1778, 471 ; map of the
five batteries of, 473 ; map of mili-
tary operations 1777-78, 474, 475 ;
map of Fort Adams, 488 ; map of
Fort Hamilton, 491 ; map of Fort
Wolcott, 493.

Natchez Indians, (the) a lost tribe,
J. H. Walworth , 300 ; the massa-
cre of St. Andre, by the, 1729,
355-

Nazareth, the Barony of, Davis
Brodhead, 208.

Neill, Edward D., Maryland in the
beginning, noticed, 183.

Nelson, Thomas, Jr., member of the
Virginia Convention of 1776, 382 ;
portrait, 383 ; note of 550.

Newark, N. J., threatened riot in,
1781,253.

Newburgh, N. Y., the Continental
army at, 1782-83, 81 ; La Fayette's
visit to, 1824, 82, 83, 178.

Newburgh Bay Historical Society,
first public meeting of, 365.

New England, condition of affairs
in, 1781, 345 ; the great seal of the
Council for, James P. Baxter,
424.

ISew England Historic, Genealogical
Society, annual meeting, election
of officers, 181 ; February meeting,
paper on North Brookfield rec-
ords, by Charles Adams, Jr.,
necrology, 266 ; May meeting, res-
olution on the death of Rev. Dr.
Dorus Clarke, original portraits
of Edward and Rebecca Rawson
presented, paper on Daniel Boone
and the genesis of Kentucky, by
John H. Heywood, 553.

New England People,early, noticed,
272.

New England Society of N. Y.,

Beginnings of the, Woolsey Rogers
Hopkins, 33.

Newfoundland, History of, noticed,
366.

New Hampshire, condition of the
Continental troops of, 1781, 55;
furnish provisions for the army,
255 ; slavery in, 419.

New Haven Colony Historical So-
ciety, annual meeting, election of
officers, 86.

New Jersey, Continental troops of,
join the British army, 70 ; legis-
lature of, increase bounty for en-
listed men, 1781, 253; troops in the
expedition against the Six Na-
tions, 364; slavery in, 419 ; reli-
gious revival in, 1785, 548.

New Jersey Historical Society,
annual meeting, paper on the N.
J. troops in the expeditition
against the Six Nations, by W. S.
Stryker, election of officers, re-
quests the publication of the Peter
Force collection by the Govern-
ment, 364.

New Netherlands, slavery in, 408.

Newport, R. I., recommended to be
fortified, 1667, 465 ; view of the
Dumpling's tower, 466 ; islands in
the harbor of, purchased by the
town of, 1673, 467; Fort Anne
erected, 468 ; melee between the
people of, and British sailors, 1764,
the latter scuttles theBritish armed
sloop Liberty, 1769, 470; British
cruisers captured in the harbor of,
472 ; British fleet and army arrive
at, 474 ; number of forts and
batteries for the defense of the
harbor of, in 1777, 475 ; British
intrenchments, 475 ; French fleet
arrive at, 477 ; French troops at,
479 ; reception and ball to Gen.
Washington, 1781, 480.

New Windsor, N. Y., Gen. Wash-
ington's headquarters at, 61 ; the
last cantonment of the Continental
army at, 1783, 77.

New York, slavery in the Colony
and State of, 408 ; slavery in the
Colony and State of, bill of sale
of slave in, 550; the mingling of
the Huguenots and Dutch in
early, 553.

New York City, purchased by the
West India Company,n; occupied
by the English, 20; New England
Society of, organized, 33 ; City
hotel, 36 ; Ross's hotel, Tontine
coffee house, Borden's long room,
Butler's hotel, Niblo's bank coffee-
house, 37 ; Federal Congress
meets at, 46 ; celebration of the
centennial of the evacuation of,
75, 174 ; unveiling of the Wash-
ington statue, 78 ; bill of funeral
expenses in, 1760, 175 ; pew rent
of St. Paul's church, 1801, 175 ;
British fleet at, 1779, 223 ; attempt
to blow up a British man-of-war,
229 ; proposed attack on, 1781,
255, 256 ; Gen. Montgomery's
monument, 207 ; Washington
abandons the plan of attack on,
343 ; German troops reinforce
Gen. Clinton at, 343 ; associated
loyalists, 349 ; slavery in, 408 ;
first mayor of, 461 ; the wreck of
the British Ship H-uzzar, 550 3 the
grave of St. Clair Pollock, River-
side Park, 550 ; Claremont, 550.

New York Historical Society, anni-

versary meeting, address by the
Hon. John Jay on the Peace
Negotiations a century ago, 85 ;
December meeting,paper on Songs
and Song-writing, by Charles P.
Daly, annual meeting, election
of officers, 179 ; February meet-
ing, paper on the Huguenots
of Boston, by Charles W. Baird,
donations to the gallery of art,
necrology, 266 : March meeting,
resolutions on the death of Eliza
Susan Quincy, 362 ; paper on
James Duane, of the Continental
Congress, by J. Bleecker Miller,
363 ; to celebrate the centennial
of Washington's inauguration,
363 ; April meeting, death of
Augustus Schell, the president of
the society, paper on Columbus,
and the men of Palos, by John
Gilmary Shea, 460 ; May meet-
ing, memoir of the late president,
Augustus Schell, paper on curious
forms of the ballot, by Ludovic
Bennet, resolution on the death
of Dr. Willard Parker, 55^.

Nicoll, Edward Holland, the early
settlement of Long Island, 239,

Nicolls, Mary, wife of Robert Watts,
23-

Nicolls,William, marries Mrs. Anna
Van Rensselaer, his daughter
Mary marries Robert Watts, 23.

Norfolk County, Mass., history of ,
announced, 268.

North, Col. Simeon, manufactures
fire-arms, 516.

North Point, Newport Harbor, R.I.,
royal salute fired on the repeal of
the British Stamp Act, battery on,
enlarged, 472, views of the bat-
teries on, 473 ; number of guns
at, 1777, 475.

Northern Virginia Company, seal
of, 431.

Noyes, Dr. John, noticed, 229.

Notes.— January — Signers of the
three great documents connected
with our national birth, 77 ; last
cantonment of the Continental
army, 77 ; the Washington statue,
78 ; genius and its achievements,
79; did Washington laugh, 80;
Seabury epitaphs, 80.

Febrziary—K Wall Street inci-
dent, 174 ; historic silver, 174 ; fu-
neral expenses in the olden time,
175 ; Mrs. Volckert P. Douw, 175.
March— Flags of the Revolu-
tion, 260 ; funeral expenses in the
olden time, 260 ; Washington in
excitement, 260 ; our twenty-one
presidents, 261 ; death of Eliza
Susan Quincy, 261 ; Giles Bryan
Slocum, 262.

April— Dr. Franklin as a court-
ier, 357 ; a poetic morceauof 1772,
357 ; the Murphy sale of Ameri-
cana, 358 ; a scrap of unwritten
history, 358 ; Wayne's Indian
name, 359 ; Mrs. Fletcher's tomb.

359-

May— Philenia, 456 ; the zero of
Christian names, 456; Gov. Hutch-
inson, 456 ; Gordon's history, 457 ;
Rev. Stephen Johnson, 457.

June— Reformation of New Jer-
sey, 548 ; Charles Reade, 548 ; the
Hunters of Kentucky, 549.
Nuntree-Sinunk, Newport Harbor,
R. I., Indian name for Goat Isl-

and, purohased from the Indians,

467.
Nyenhaus, Albertus, portrait, 14.
Nykerk, Holland, portraits of the

founders of the orphan asylum,

OGDEN, ISAAC, furnishes se-
cret intelligence to Maj. De
Lancey, 62.

Oneida Historical Society, Febru-
ary meeting, paper on ancient
Utica, by G. C. Sawyer, list of
Officers, 269 ; March meeting,
paper on the destruction of
Ancient Works of Art, by William
S. Liscomb, 365; March meeting,
resolutions on the Oriskany
monument, paper on Col. Frede-
ick Visscher, by S. G. Visscher,
462.

Oregon, the admittance of, into the
Union, 16S.

Original documents — Sir Henry
Clinton's original secret record of
private daily intelligence, 53, 156,
247, 342, 433, 533 ; six unpub-
lished letters from Washington s
family correspondence, 71, 258 ;
two unpublished Lafayette let-
ters, 545.

Oriskany monument, 462.

Osgood, Samuel, one of the found-
ers of the New England Society
of N. Y., 36.

PARKER, SIR PETER, arrives
at Newport Harbor, R. I., with

British fleet, 474-
Parker, Dr. Willard, resolutions on

the death of, 553.
Parsons, Gen. Samuel Holden, ne-
gotiates with an agent of Gen.

Clinton, 62, 347.
Parton, James, Aaron Burr at

Quebec, 454.
Patterson, Cornelia,wife of Stephen

Van Rensselaer, the last of the

patroons, 29.
Payne, John Howard, ancestors of,

156.
Pendleton, Edmund, chairman of

the Va. convention of 1776, 376 ;

portrait, 377.
Pendleton, Nathaniel, letter to

Rufus King in regard to the duel

between Hamilton and Burr, 216.
Pennsylvania, proposed location

of the national capital in, 47 ;

meeting of the troops of, 1781,

163, 250 ; slavery in, 420 ; first

piece of artillery cast in, 460.
Penobscot, Me., British occupation

of, i8d.
Peter the Great, life of, noticed,

463-
Philadelphia, Pa., opposition to the

paper money in, 1781, 69, 157.
Pierce, Franklin, portrait, 193 ;

elected President of the U. S.,

196.
Pierrepont, Henry E., letters of

Lafayette to William Constable,
' 1785-1799, now for the first time

published, contributed by, 545,
Pine's Bridge, N, Y., Continental

troops at, 55, 57.
Pittston, Fort, the old, Wyoming,

267.
Plains of Abraham, Can., view of

the, 296.
Plymouth, Mass., Council for the

INDEX

governing of New England estab-
lished at, 424.

Polk, James K., portrait, 186:
elected President of the U. S.,
187.

Pollock, St. Clair, the grave of,
Riverside Park. N. Y. City, 550.

Popasquash Battery, Newport Har-
bor, R. I., number of guns at,
1777, 475-

Portland. Me., the first bank and
bankers of, 180.

Potter, Reuben M., the death of
Col. David Crockett, 177.

Preakness, N. J., Continental troops
at, 1781,57.

Prime, Nathaniel, one of the found-
ers of the New England Society
of N. Y., 35.

Providence, R. I., fort erected on
Stamper's Hill, 1656, 465 ; am-
munition and cannon removed to,
470 ; number of guns at fort, 475.

QUEBEC, antique view of, 274 ;
view of, and its environs with
tne operations of the siege, 280 ;
old city of, 282; Prescot gate, 284 ;
Gen. Montgomery attacks, 285; St.
John's gate, 289; Palace gate, 290 ;
view of the locality where Gen.
Arnold was wounded, 291 ; Cape
Diamond, 292 ; where Gen. Mont-
gomery was killed, 293 ; the Plains
of Abraham, 296.
Queries. — February — Washington
buttons, 176; De Wolfe family,
176: origin of the U. S. Ensign,
176.

March— Valentine on weaving,
263; Rogers' Island, 263; Patrick
Henry's signature, 263 ; Col.
Jackson, 263.

April— Webster chowder, 360;
Bourdieu, 360; first piece of ar-
tillery, 360; flags of the Revolu-
tion, 360; the Washington ode,
360; leaden plate buried in the
Ohio River, 360.

May— Capt. Brown, 458; Her-
ring and Longare's national por-
trait gallery, 458.^

June — The ship Huzzar, 550 ;
origin of the word chowder, 550 ;
the grave of St. Clair Pollock,
550 ; Claremont, 550.
Quincy, Eliza Susan, memoir of,
James Grant Wilson, 261; resolu-
tions on the death of, 362.
Quisquising, the town of, 265.

RALEIGH Tavern, Williams-
burg, Va., views of the old,

37°* 372-

Randolph, Edmund, portrait, 393.

Rawson, Edward, portrait of,pre-
sented to the N. E. Historic, Gen-
ealogical Society, 553.

Rawson, Rebecca, portrait of, pre-
sented to the N. E. Historic, Gen-
ealogical Society, 553.

Reade, John, Language and Con-
quest, noticed, 272.

Reade, Charles, sketch of, in college
days, 548.

Reading, Pa., first piece of artillery
cast in. 460.

Reed, Joseph, threatened by a mob
in Phila., 1781, 70.

Rees, Maj. James, mentioned, 442.

Reid, Harvey, Biographical sketch
of Enoch Long, noticed, 464.

567

Replies.— January— The army at
Newburgh, 178^-83, 81; Lafay-
ette's knowledge of the Wash-
ington head-quarters, 82; Lafay-
ette at Newburgh, 82, 83; Col.
Francis Barber, 83.

February— The first American
coin, 177; Col. David Crockett, 177;
Lafayette's regrets, 178.

March — Col. David Crockett,
264; Quisquising, 265.

A/>ril—Co\. Jackson, 361 ; Val-
entine on Weaving, 31 1.

May - -Webster chowder, 453,
460; flags of the Revolution, 460-
first piece of artillery, 460.

June— Webster chowder, 550 ;
first piece of artillery, 550; Bemus
Heights, 551 ; slavery in the
Colony and State of New York,
551 ; portrait of Thomas Nelson,
Jr., 55i-

Rhode Island, condition of the Con-
tinental troops of, 1781, 55; slavery
in, 420; French troops leave, 439,
440, 481; defenses of Narraganset
Bay, 465; first fort erected in,
1656, 465; view of the Dumpling's
tower, 466; Earl of Bellomont
at, 46^; declares independence
from Great Britain, May 4th, 1776,
472; map of military operations
in, 1777-78, 474, 475; number of
forts and batteries, 1777, 475;
French fleet arrive, 1778, 4763
British leave, 476; French troops
arrive, 479; joins the Union of the
Thirteen States, 1790, 481.

Rhode Island Historical Society,
annual meeting, election of offi-
cers, 180; February meeting,
paper on the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius, by Professor Lincoln,
268; April meeting, proposed
volume on early R. I. by the
society. 461.

Richards, William C, the Lord is
my Shepherd, noticed, 182.

Riedesel, Gen. Frederick A von,
noticed, 439.

Rivington, James, furnishes news
from Phila. to Maj. De Lancey,
1781, 70, 156.

Robinson, Col. Beverley, furnishes
information of the condition of
the Continental army to Gen.
Clinton, 55, 434.

Robinson, John C, the Utah Ex-
pedition, 335.

Rochambeau, Count de, confers
with Gen. Washington, 255; ar-
rives at Newport, R. I., with
French troops, 479.

Rockland Historical and Forestry
Society, annual meeting, election
of officers, 365.

Rocky Mountains, early explora-
tion in the, 497.

Rogers, Benjamin Woolsey, men-
tioned, 30.

Rogers' Island, N. Y., origin of the
several names of, 263.

Rogers, Moses, one of the founders
of the New England Society of
N. Y., 34.

Romar, Col. William Wolfgang,
recommends Narra«v.nsct Bay be
fortified, 468.

Rose Island, Newport Harbor, R.
I., 4S4; works on, 489; map of
Fort Hamilton on, 491.

Ruggles, Nathaniel, secret agent of
Col. Talmadge, 247.

568

INDEX

ST. ANDRE, the massacre "of,
355-
St. John, ship, melee between the
crew of the British schooner,
and the people of Newport, R. I.,
1764, 470.
Sacket, Mrs. Peter, mentioned, 249,

250.
Salisbury, Edward Elbridge, the
Griswold Family of Conn., with
Pedigree, i., 120; ii., 219; hi.,
310.
Salisbury, Mrs. Edward E., an-
cestry of the De Wolfe family,
176.
Sanford, Peleg, purchases island in
Newport Harbor, R. I., from the
Indians, 1675, 480.
Sawyer, G. C, ancient Utica, N. Y.,

269.
Schell, Augustus, memoir of, 553.
Schuyler, Alida (daughter of Philip
Petersen Schuyler), marries first
Rev. Nicolaus Van Rensselaer,
second, Robert Livingston, 22.
Schuyler, Eugene, Peter the Great,
Emperor of Russia, noticed, 463.
Schuyler, Gertrude (daughter of
Philip Petersen Schuyler), wife of
Stephanus Van Cortlandt, 21, 24;
heroism of, 22.
Schuyler, John Bradstreet, men-
tioned, 25.
Schnyler, Peter, first mayor of
Abany, N. Y., marries Maria Van
Rensselaer, 23.
Schuyler, Philip Petersen, marries
Margritta Van Slechtenhorst, 21.
Scott, Dorothea, noticed, 368.
Scott, Capt. George, loyalist of the

Revolution, 437.
Scott, Gen.Winfield, A Dinner with,

in 1861, Charles P. Stone, 513.
Screven, William, memoir of, 180.
Seabury family epitaphs, 80.
Selden, Col. Samuel, mentioned,

229.
Setauket L. I., epitaphs of the

Seabury family at, 80.
Shaw, O. W., Col. Jackson of the

Continental army, 263.
Sharpless, Mrs. Elizabeth, the por-
trait of Washington, painted by,
5T3-
Shea, John Gilmary, Columbus and

the men of Palos, 461.
Sherman, Roger, letter to Gov.
Griswold, regarding the affairs of
the Colony of Conn., 220.
Sidwick, Alfred, Fallacies, noticed,

270.
Sill, Col., David Fithin, mentioned,

229.
Simsbury Mines, Conn., used as a

prison, 1781, described, 247.
Six Nations, troops of N. J. in the

expedition against the, 364.
Skull, G. D., Dorothea Scott,

noticed, 368.
Slavery, Gov. Griswold's views on,
230; in the Colony and State of
N. Y., Frederic G. Mather, 408;
slave, in the Colony and State of
New York, bill of sale of, 550;
case of Anthony Burns, 454.
Slocum, Giles Bryan, memoir of,

262.
Smith, Joshua Hett. furnishes in-
formation of the British army, to
Gov. Clinton, 60.
Smith, Thomas, one of the crew of
privateer Adventtwer, 1781, cap-

tured, account of his imprison-
ment, 247.

Smith, William Alexander, six
unpublished letters from Wash-
ington's family correspondence,
contributed by, 71, 258.

Smith, William, portrait, 523 ; his
connection with the introduction
of the milling machine for fire-
arms, 526.

Songs and song-writing, 179.

Stamp Act, opposed in Conn., 228;
royal salute fired at R. I. on the
repeal of the, 472.

Stamper's Hill, Providence, R. I.,
fort erected on, 1654, 465.

Stephens, John L., incident of, 29.

Stevens, Gen. Ebenezer, one of the
founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 35.

South Carolina, the Huguenots of,
553-

Springfield, Mass., manufacture of
fire-arms at, 516.

Stone, Charles P., A Dinner with
General Scott, in 1861,513.

Stoney Point, N. Y., beats for the
Continental army built at, 62;
number cf trcops at, 37^1, 436.

Stryktr, William S., N. J. troops in
the expedition against the Six
Nations, 364.

Stuart, David, appointed cemmis-
sioner for the location of the
National Capital, 48.

Stubblefield, Col. introduces the
interchangeable system of mus-
kets, 520.

Stuyvesant, Gov. Peter, sends
troops to Rensselaerswyck, 16;
orders the surrender of the latter,

Sullivan, Capt. Daniel, his visit to
Gen. Sullivan, at Phila., 1781, 156:
information from, 538 ; affidavit

„ °f- 539-

Sullivan, Maj.-Gen. John, nego-
ciates with the British, 1781, 156,
158; letter of Thomas C. Amory,
respecting the loyalty of, 353 ;
mentioned, 538.

Susquehanna, Early Indian History
on the, noticed, 87.

TALLMADGE, MAJ. BENJA-
MIN, secures secret intelli-
gence of the British army for
Gen. Washington, 58 • his plan to
attack Lloyd's Neck, L. L, 66.

Talmadge, James, mentioned, 30.

Taylor, Zachary, elected President
of the U. S., 188 ; portrait, 189.

Tennessee, contents of mound in,
404.

Ternay, Admiral de, arrives at
Newport, R. I., with French
troops, 479.

Thomas. Cyrus, the Houses of the
Mound-Builders, no ; Cherokees
probably mound-builders, 396.

Thwing, Charles F., American col-
leges, their students and work,
271.

Titcomb, Sarah Elizabeth, Early
New England People, noticed,
272.

Tousard, Maj. Louis, supervises the
repairs of the defenses of Narra-
ganset Bay, services of, 483.

Trubody, Jonathan, agent to pro-
cure secret intelligence for Gen.
Clinton, 67.

Trumbull, Col. John, one of the
founders of the New England So-
ciety of N. Y., 35.

Trumbull, Gov. Jonathan, letter to
Gov. Griswold regarding the ac-
tion of the convention held in
Boston, 1780, 224.

Tyler, John, portrait, 108 ■ succeeds
to the office of President of the
U. S., 109.

Tyler, Lyon Gardiner, letter on the
Oregon question, 167.

UNITED STATES, location of '
the capital, 46; list of the
signers of the petition to the
King, 1774, and the declaration,
77 ; the Presidents of, i., 89, ii.,
185, 261 ; table, showing the de-
preciation of the Continental
paper money, 1777-81, 165 ; se-
cures a loan of money from
France, 1781, 164 ; admittance of
Oregon into the, 168; origin of the
ensign, 176 ; estimate of debt due
from, 1781, 257 ; History of, re-
vised edition, vol. iv., noticed,
3^7; History of, in rhyme, noticed,
368 ; the manufacture of fire-arms
in, 516.

Upham, Lieut.-Ccl. Joshua, letter
to Gen. Riedesel, transmitting
movements of the French troops,
1 78 1, sketch of, 439.

Utah Expedition (the), John C.
Robinson, 335.

Utica, N. Y., address on ancient,
269.

VALENTINE, DAVID, the art
of weaving cloth, 263, 361.
Van Buren, Martin, portrait, elected

President of the U. S., 106.
Van Bylet, Hellegonde, first wife of
Kilian Van Rensselaer, the found-
er of the manor of Rensselaers-
wyck, 14.
Van Cortlandt, Maria (daughter of
Oloff Stevenson Van Cortlandt),
wife of Jeremias Van Rensselaer,
22.
Van Cortlandt, Maria (daughter of
Stephanus Van Cortlandt), wife of
Kilian Van Rensselaer, 24.
Van Cortlandt, Oloff Stevenson, first
of the family in New York, his
daughter Maria marries Jeremias
Van Rensselaer, 22.
Van Cortlandt, Stephanus, mayor
of New York City, marries Ger-
trude Schuyler, 21 ; his daughter
Maria marries Kilian Van Rens-
selaer, 24.
Van Curler, query as to the name,

360.
Van Dalen, Jonkheer Nicolaus,

portrait, 14.
Van Filen, Jacob, portrait, 14.
Van Hennckler, Wouter, portrait,

14.
Van Rensselaer, arms of the family,

21.
Van Rensselaer, Alexander (son of

Gen. Stephen), 31.
Van Rensselaer, Anna (daughter of
Jeremias, director of Rensselaers-
wyck), marries first her cousin
Kilian, second William Nicplls, 23.
Van Rensselaer, Rev. Cortlandt
(son of Gen. Stephen), 30 ; por-
trait, 31.

INDEX

569

Van Rensselaer, Harriet, wife of
Col. Solomon Van Rensselaer, 27.

Van Rensselaer, Henry (son of
Gen. Stephen), 30.

Van Rensselaer, Jan, one of the
founders of the Orphan Asylum
at Nykerk, Holland, 14.

Van Rensselaer, Jan baptist (son of
Kilian, the founder of the manor),
director of the colony of Rens-
selaerswyk, coat of arms, 21 ; re-
turns to Holland, 22.

Van Rensselaer, Jeremias (son of
Kilian, the founder of the manor),
director of Rensselaerswyck, mar-
ries Maria Van Cortlandt, 22 ;
portrait, 23.

Van Ransselaer, Jeremias (son of
Kilian, the first lord of the manor),
24.

Van Rensselaer, Kilian, merchant
of Amsterdam, founder of the
manor of Rensselaerswyck, mar-
ries first Hellegonde Van Bylet,
second Anna Van Wely, his
death, 14.

Van Rensselaer, Kilian (son of Jo-
hannes the second patroon), mar-
ries his cousin Anna Van Rensse-
laer, his death, 29.

Van Rensselaer, Kilian (son of Je-
remias, director of Rensselaers-
wyck), first lord of the manor of
Rensselaerswyck, marries his cou-
sin Maria Van Cortlandt, serves
in the Assembly of N. Y., 24.

Van Rensselaer, Johannes (son of
Kilian the founder of the manor),
second patroon of the manor of
Rensselaerswyck, 14.

Van Rensselaer, Jonkheer, portrait,
14.

Van Rensselaer Manor, Mrs. Mar-
tha J. Lamb, 1 ; view of the, 2, 11 ;
entrance hall, 3 ; drawing- room,
5 ; library, 7 ; portraits in the, 15.

Van Rensselaer, Maria (daughter
of Jeremias, director of Resselaers-
wyck), marries Peter Schuyler, 23.

Van Rensselaer, Rev. Nicolaus
(son of Kilian the founder of the
manor), marries Alida Schuyler,
appointed chaplain to the Dutch
embassy in England, his death,
22.

Van Rensselaer, Philip (son of Gen.
Stephen), 30.

Van Rensselaer, Richard, one of the
founders of the Orphan Asylum at
Nykerk, Holland, 14.

Van Rensselaer, Col. Solomon (son
of Gen. Henry), sketch of, 26 ;
marries his cousin Harriet Van
Rensselaer, 27.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen (son of
Kilian the first lord of the manor;,
24.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen (son of
the above), builder and first pro-
prietor of the manor house, mar-
ries Catharine Livingston, 6.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen (son of
Stephen, builder and first proprie-
tor of the manor bouse), portrait,
1 ; fifth and last patroon of the
manor, sketch of, 23 ; marries first
Margritta Schuyler, 25 ; second,
Cornelia Patterson, 29.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen (son of
Gen. Stephen), marries Harriet E.
Bayard, 29.

Van Rensselaer, Westerlo (son of
Gen Stephen), 31.

Van Rensselaer, William P. (son of
Gen. Stephen), 30.

Van Slechtenhorst, Brandt Arent,
appointed director of Rensselaers-
wyck, 14 ; threatened with ar-
rest ay Gov. Stuyvesant, 17 ;
made prisoner, 19.

Van Slechtenhorst, Margritta, wife
of Philip Petersen Scnuyler, ad-
vances money to pay troops at Al-
bany, 1689, 21.

Van Wely, Anna, second wife of
Kilian Van Rensselaer, the found-
er of Rensselaerswyck, 14.

Vedder, Rev. Dr., the Huguenots
of S. C, 553-

Van Twiller, Rykert. portrait, 14.

Verplanck's Point, N. Y., number
of troops at, 178 1, 436.

Virginia, Declaration of Indepen-
dence, J. Esten Cooke, 369 ; pro-
ceedings of the Convention of 1776,
370 ; views of the old Raleigh
tavern, 370, 372 • Berkeley, resi-
dence of Benjamin Harrison, 373 ;
the old Capitol, 374 ; the oldest
stove in America, 375 ; seat of
Patrick Henry, 381; Gunston Hall,
387 ; company seal, 431.

Virginia Historical Society, Febru-
ary meeting, additions to library,
364.

Visscher, Col. Frederick, military
record of, 462.

Vought, Mary, bill of sale of her
slave, 550.

WALKER, LIEUT.-COL. BEN-
JAMIN, letter to Baron Steu-
ben, describing the death of Col.
Barber, 84.

Wallace, William, letter to Rufus
King, in regard to the duel be-
tween Hamilton and Burr, 216.

Walworth, J. H., the Natchez In-
dians—a lost tribe, 300.

Warner, Thomas, his improvements
on the musket, portrait, 517.

Warner, J. J., president Historical

. Society, Southern California, 553.

Washington, D. C, History of the
location of our National Capital,
Davis BrodJiead, 46.

Washington, George, condition of
his army, 1781, 55 ; his plan for
obtaining secret intelligence, 58 ;
letter to Maj. Tallmadge, in re-
gard to obtaining secret intelli-
gence, 59 ; head-quarters at New
Windsor, N. Y., 61 ; assents to
the proposed attack on Lloyd's
Neck, 66 ; letters to his sister and
nephew, now for the first time
published, 71, 73 ; statue of, un-
veiled in N. Y., 78 ; incident of the
laughter of, 80; portrait of, 90:
President of the U. S. , 91 ; buttons,
176 ; his journey from Cambridge
to New York, 1776, 229 ; letter to
the New England governors, 1781,
254 ; holds a conference with
French officers, 255 ; mail and
despatches of, captured, 255 ; pro-
jected attack on N. Y., 255, 256 ;
letters to Col. Bassett, now for
the first time published, 258 ; inci-
dent of the excitement of. 260;
elected Commander-in-chief, 279 ;
recommends uniform for the
army, 286 ; contemplates the re-
moval of the army to the South,
342, 343 ; abandons the plan of
attack on N. Y., 343 ; extracts

from his private journal, 351 ; ode
to, 360 ; proposed celebration of
the centennial of the inauguration
of, as President, 3^3 ; calls for
troops, 435; head -quarters at Peeks-
kill, 437, 438 ; reception and ball
to, at Newport, R. I., 1781, 480 :
steel portrait of, 513 ; tribute to,
5*5-

Waterbury, Gen. David, Jr., en-
forces the laws in Conn., 67.

Watson, James, first president of
the New England Society of N.
Y., portrait, 33.

Watts, Robert, founder of • the
family in New York, marries
Mary Nicolls, 23.

Wayne, Gen. Antnony, Indian name
for, 359.

Weathersfield, Conn., Gen. Wash-
ington confers with French of-
ficers at, 1781, 255.

Webster chowder, 360, 458, 550.

Webster Historical Society, annual
meeting, address on John Adams,
by Judge Chamberlain, election
of officers, 269.

Weed, Thurlow, Memoir of, vol.
ii., noticed, 463.

Weenat-Shasitt, Newpor Harbor,
R. I., Indian name for Coaster's
Harbor Island, purchased from
the Indians, 467.

Wells, Col. Samuel, mentioned, 434.

Westerlo, Rev. Ellardus, marriage
of, 25.

West India Company, organized,
7 ; capital of the, 9 ; purchase
Manhattan Island, n.

West Point, N. Y., Continental
troops at, 1781, 55, 57; Gen.
Heath at, 61 ; French troops to
defend, 342.

Weymouth Historical Society, an-
nual meeting, election of officers,
268.

White, Eliza, presented with the
Sharpless portrait of Washington,

White, Alexander, speech on the
location of the National Capital,
51.

Whitney ville, Conn., manufacture
of fire-arms at, 516.

Wilhelm, L. W., The Poll Tax in
Maryland, 38 ; Sir George Calvert,
Baron of Baltimore, 553.

Willett, Thomas, first -mayor of New
York City, 461.

William III. of England, portrait,
369 ; his influence on America,
421.

Williamsburg, Va., convention on
the Va. Declaration of Inde-
pendence, meet at, 1776, 369 ;
proceedings of the convention,
370 ; views of the Raleigh tavern,
370, 372; the old Capitol, 374 ; the
Speaker's chair of the convention,
376.

Williamson, Joseph, the British oc-
cupation of Penobscot, Me., 180.

Williamson, Wynant, agent of Col.
Robinson to procure secret intel-
ligence, §7, 61.

Williams. James, purchases slave in
New York, 1818, bill of sale of the
same, 550.

Wilson, James Grant, memoir of
Eliza Susan Quincy, 261.

Winthrop, Francis Bayard, one of
the founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 35.

570

INDEX

Wisconsin Historical Society, an-
nual meeting, .election of officers,
180.

Wolcott, Oliver, one of the founders
of the New England Society of
N.Y.,35. •-

Wolfe, Theodore F., Washington
buttons, 176.

Woodruff, Uzal, agent to procure
secret intelligence for Gen.
Clinton, 60.

Woolsey, Sarah, wife of Moses
Rogers, 34.

Woolsey, William Walton, one of
the founders of the New England
Society of N. Y., 34.

Wright, Marcus J., the death of
Col. Crockett, 264.

Wyoming Historical and Geological
Society, Dec. meeting, paper on
the old Pittston Fort, by Steuben
Jenkins,, Bibliography of the
Wyoming Valley, announced,
267 ; annual meeting, parser on
the importance of Greek in scien-

tific nomenclature, election of
bibliography of,

officers, 364.
Wyoming Valley

announced, 267.

YANKEE DOODLE, origin of
the song, 176.
Yellowstone National Park, Dis-
covery of the, a chapter of early
exploration in the Rocky Mount-
ains, P. Koch, 497.

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